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A DICTIONARY 



OF 



American Politics 



COMPRISING ACCOUNTS OF 



Political Parties, Measures and Men, 



AND 



EXPLANATIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION, DIVISIONS AND PRAC 
TICAL WORKINGS OF THE GOVERNMENT, TOGETHER 
. WITH POLITICAL PHRASES, FAMILIAR NAMES 
OF PERSONS AND PLACES, NOTE- 
WORTHY SAYINGS, ETC., ETC. 



By EVERIT brown, 

Member of the New York Bar ; Author of " The National Standard History 
of the United States," etc.: 

AND 

ALBERT STRAUSS. 



NEW YORK: 

A. L. BURT. 



;^. SLI?)^^-^' 






•'^t'^ 



Copyright 1888, by A. L. BxniT. 
Copyright 1892, by A. L. Burt. 



PREFACE. 



A BRIEF examination of this volume will convey % 
clearer idea of its contents than any statement could do, 
yet a few words may be permitted concerning the aim of 
the authors. 

It is for those who are more or less interested in the 
politics of the United States, but who have neither time 
nor opportunity for seeking information in various and 
out-of-the-way places, that this book has been prepared. 
The main facts in the political history of the federal 
government from its foundation to the present moment 
are given under appropriate headings and in alphabetical 
order. The formation of the Constitution, its growth 
and interpretation, have been explained. The rise and 
fall of parties have been recounted. Famous measures, 
national movements and foreign relations have received 
full attention. Especial care has been exercised in de- 
scribing the practical workings of the government in its 
various branches, and numerous lists of the more prom- 
inent officials are furnished. There will also be found 
accounts of the origin and meaning of political slang 
expressions, familiar names of persons and localities, 
famous phrases, and the like. 

Most of these facts are scattered in volumes not genr 
erally accessible; many of them that circulate chiefly by 
word of mouth are hard to find explained in print; some 
are of such recent date that they have been recorded 



6 PREFACE, 

only in the daily press. To find these items gathered 
together in a single volume of moderate compass has 
hitherto been impossible. 

Liberal use has been made of every source of informa- 
tion in preparing this volume. The facts have been 
stated with as great accuracy as could be attained by 
unstinted care and in the briefest manner consistent 
with complete information. The authors have endeav- 
ored to write without bias or partiality in any direction. 

It will be noticed that cross-references have been freely 
used, without which much space would necessarily have 
been wasted, and the suggestion may be made that even 
in the absence of references the reader should turn to 
topics mentioned in the text for the full view of a 
subject. 

With the hope that this book may help to fill an exist- 
ing vacancy, it is submitted to the public. 

JuJTE, 1888. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Abolitionists. — The first society for the abolition of 
slavery was formed in Pennsylvania in 1774; I^ew York 
followed in 1785, Rhode Island in 1786, Maryland in 
1789, and Connecticut, Virginia and New Jersey before 
1792. Among the presidents of the JSTew York society 
were John Jay and Alexander Hamilton. These so- 
cieties did nothing except to petition Congress, and 
were seldom heard of after 1808. Colonization then 
became a favorite subject, until in 1829 The Genius of 
U^iiversal Emancipation, a newspaper advocating ^^im- 
mediate'"' abolition, was published in Baltimore by Will- 
iam Lloyd Garrison, of Massachusetts. Fined for one of 
his articles, and for non-payment of the fine imprisoned, 
he soon removed to Boston, where, January 1, 1831, he 
began the publication of The Liberator, He opposed 
colonization, refused to recognize the Constitution, 
which he proclaimed '^ a covenant with death and an 
agreement with hell,^" and declared for " no union 
with slave-holders/^ Public interest was aroused. In 
1832 the ''New England," and in 1833 the ''Ameri- 
can '* anti-slavery societies were formed on these prin- 
ciples. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, 
Benjamin Lundy and others agitated the subject and 
founded branches in the States, and it became a national 
topic. The feeling against the abolitionists ran high 
and riots were frequent. At Alton, Illinois, in 1837, 
Elijah P. Lovejoy (see that title), an abolition editor, was 
mobbed and killed, and in 1838, Pennsylvania Hall, in 
Philadelphia, was burned. In 1838 many of the party 
desiring to nominate candidates for office, a proceeding 
to which the " Garrisonians ''^ objected, withdrew. The 
seceders, who regarded "the Federal Constitution as 



8 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

essentially anti-slavery^ and swore with good consciences 
to uphold it/' formed the * ^American and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society/' It was principally of these that 
the Liberty party, organized in 1840, was formed. In 
1848, the Liberty party, having named no candidates, 
the abolitionists voted with the Free Soil party, and 
continued with them until 1856, when they supported 
the Eepublicans. Until the war was fairly under way 
the ^' Garrisonians " were in favoi of allowing the 
slave-holding States to withdraw peaceably, but when 
fighting had actually begun, they were among the most 
ardent supporters of the Union. i^See also Broion, John.) 

Adams and Clay Republicans. — In 1825, the 
Federalist party was of no influence' — the Democratic- 
Kepublican was the only real party. In it there were 
two factions, the supporters of President John Quincy 
Adams and his lieutenant, Henry Clay, known as above; 
and the followers of Andrew Jackson, known as Jackson 
Republicans, or Jackson Men (wliicli see). The Adams 
and Clay Republicans ultimately became Whigs. {See 
National Republican Party.) 

Adams, Charles Francis, was born in Boston, 
August 18, 1807. He spent much of his boyhood 
abroad, his father, John Quincy Adams, being at 
different times United States Minister to Great Britain 
and to Russia. He w^as graduated at Harvard and adopted 
the profession of law. He served in both Houses of 
the Massachusetts Legislature and was candidate for 
Vice-President with Van Buren. He served as Repre- 
sentative in the Thirty-sixth Congress, and was re- 
elected to the Thirty-seventh, but was appointed Min- 
ister to Great Britain in 1861. He held that position 
during the Civil War^ satisfactorily conducting the 
many delicate negotiations that arose, notably the Trent 
affair. He died November 21, 1886. He was a Repub- 
lican. 

Adams, John, was born in Braintree (now Quincy), 
Massachusetts, October 19, 1735; he died at the same 
place, July 4, 1826. Thomas Jefferson died within a 
few hours of him. He was graduated at Harvard College, 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, % 

and was soon afterward admitted to the bar. In 1770 
he was elected to the Massachusetts Legislature, and 
between 1774 and 1777 he served in the Continental 
Congress. He was a signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. In 1777 he went to France as Minister of 
the United States; he was one of the commissioners 
that negotiated the treaty that closed the Eevolution. 
In 1785 he went to England as representative of our 
countr}^ He returned to America in 1788, and was 
elected Vice-President under Washington." On Wash- 
ington's retirement in 1797, he was elected President by a 
majority of three electoral votes over Jefferson. During 
his administration trouble arose with Prance, and war was 
imminent, several naval engagements actually taking 
place. i^See X. Y. Z, Mission.\ The alien and sedition 
laws passed during his administration tended to make 
it unpopular, while his policy toward France, which 
averted the war, alienated a portion of his party, and 
the end of his administration saw his party thoroughly 
divided and defeated at the polls. He was the first and 
only Federalist President. His party in Congress had, 
just before the expiration of his term, created a number 
of new judgeships to be filled with Federalists, and 
Adams, after signing their commissions until late at 
night of the last day of his term, withdrew from Wash- 
ington early the next day without participating in 
Jefferson's inauguration. i^8ee Midnight Judges.) 

Adams, John Quincy, was born in Braintree (now 
Quincy), Massachusetts, July 11, 1767, and died in 
Washington, February 23, 1848. He was the eldest 
son of John Adams and a graduate of Harvard. He 
was admitted to the bar in 1791, and in 1794 he became 
Minister at The Hague. In 1803 he became a Federalist 
Senator. As Senator he supported the embargo, for 
which course the State Legislature censured him. He 
at once resigned and joined the Eepublican (Democratic- 
Republican) party, and by his new friends he was sent 
as Minister, first to Russia, and then to Great Britain. 
He became Secretary of State under Monroe in 1817, 
and in 1825 was elected to succeed him. His election 



10 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

was by the House of Eepresentatives. His election, liis 
enemies claimed, was the result of a corrupt bargain 
with Henry Clay, but this charge, although frequently 
repeated, has always been denied, and it has never been 
proved. He served but one term. During his adminis- 
tration the anti-Masonic feeling first arose. In 1831, 
Adams was elected to the House of Eepresentatives, in 
which he served until his death, seventeen years later. 
He was stricken with apoplexy in the House, and died 
two days thereafter. While a member of the Hou^e he 
was a law unto himself — no party claiming his allegiance 
— and he was^. the principal champion of free speech 
against the Gag Laws {loMch see). 

Administration, The, Should be Conducted 
Behind Glass Doors. — President Cleveland used this 
metaphor to express his views as to the publicity that 
should surround the acts of public servants. 

Administrations of the United States. — For the 
officers of the different administrations see under the 
heads of their respective functions, as follows: President; 
Vice-PresicTent; State, Department of; Treasury Depart- 
ment; War Department; Justice, Department of; Post- 
Office Department; Navy, Department of the; Interior, 
Department of the. 

Agriculture, Commissioner of. — The Department 
of Agriculture was established by Act of May 15, 1862. 
Its object is to disseminate useful information about 
agriculture to the classes interested therein and to dis- 
tribute among them seeds of rare or new plants. In 
February, 1889, this Bureau was made a Department, 
and the Commissioner of Agriculture, a Secretary and 
a member of the Cabinet. Norman J. Col man, who had 
been Commissioner from 1885, was made Secretary by 
President Cleveland, and held the position until the ad- 
vent of the new administration, when Jeremiah M.Rusk 
succeeded him. The salary is the same as that of the 
other Cabinet officers, 18,000. 

Admission of States to the Union. — The follow- 
ing table shows the dates on which the first thirteen 
States ratified the Constitution, the dates on which the 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



11 



remainder were admitted to the Union and the dates on 
which the Southern States were re-admitted after the 
Civil War: 



No. 



1.. 

2.. 
8.. 

4.. 

5.. 

6.. 

7.. 

8.. 

9.. 
10.. 
11.. 
12.. 
13., 
14., 
15., 
16., 
17., 
18. 
19.. 
20., 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 
26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 
33. 
34 
35. 
36. 
37. 
88. 
39. 
40. 
41. 
42. 
43. 



STATES. 



Delaware ". .. 

Pennsylvania — 

New Jersey 

Georg-ia 

Connecticut 

Massachusetts . . . 

Maryland 

South Carolina... 
New Hampshire. 

Virginia 

New York 

North Carolina. . 

Rhode Island 

Vermont 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

Louisiana 

Indiana 

Mississippi 

Illinois 

Alabama 

Maine 

Missouri 

Arkansas 

Michigan 

Florida 

Texas 

Iowa 

Wisconsin 

California 

Minnesota 

Oregon 

Kansas 

West Virginia. . . 

Nevada 

Nebraska 

Colorado 



DATE OF BATinCATION 
OR ADMISSION. 



December 7, 1787 , . 
December 12, 1787.. 
December 18, 1787.. 
January 2, 1788 — 
January 9, 1788 — 
February 6, 1788. . . 

April 28, 1788 

May 23, 1788 

June 21, 1788 

June 26, 1788 

July 26, 1788 

November 21, 1789. 

May 29, 1790 

March 4,1791 

June 1,1792 

June 1,1796 

November 29, 1802. 

April 30, 1812 

December 11, 1816.. 
December 10, 1817.. 
December 3, 1818 . . 
December 14, 1819.. 

March 15, 1820 

August 10, 1821 .... 

June 15, 1886 

January 26, 1837.... 

March 3, 1845 

December 29, 1845.. 
December 28, 1846.. 

May 29, 1848 

September 9, 1850.. 

May 11, 1858 

February 14, 1859.. 
January 29, 1861 . . . 

June 19, 1863 

October 31, 1864.... 

March 1,1867 

August 1,1876 

July 10, 1889 

November 2, 1889. . . 



Wyoming, 
North Dakota 

South Dakota [November 2, 1889 

Montana November 2, 1889 

Washington November 2, 1889 



DATE OF 
BE-ADMISSION. 



July 15, 1870. 



June 25, 1868... . 
January 26,* 1870. 
Jiine 25* 1868.' ."..". 



July 24, 1866. 
June 25, '1868*.' 



February 23, 1870. 
June 25* *1868.* .*.*.".'.* 



June 22, 1868. 



June 25, 1868... 
March 30, 1870. 



Alabama was separated from Mississippi Territory 
(see Territories) in 1817, and made into Alabama Terri- 
tory with the capital at St. Stephens. It was admitted 
to the Union on December 14, 1819. On January 11, 
1861, an ordinance of secession was adopted in a State 



12 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

convention and by Act of June 25, 1868, the State was re- 
admitted to the Union. The capital is Montgomery. 
The population in 1880 was 1,262,505, and in the last 
census (1890) 1,513,017. Alabama has eight representa- 
tives in Congress and ten electoral votes. It is a Demo- 
cratic State. The name is of Indian derivation, and 
was once supposed to mean " Here we rest,^^ though it 
is now said to have no known meaning. {^See Governors; 
Legislatures.) 

Alabama Claims. — During the Civil War several 
Confederate cruisers were built in England, and some 
were equipped in the ports of that nation and her col- 
onies. This was all in violation of Great Britain^s 
avowedly neutral position, of her own statutes and of 
international law, and in spite of the fact that our min- 
ister to England, Charles Francis Adams, repeatedly 
protested and called the attention of the English gov- 
ernment to what was being done. Moreover, while 
neutrality was strictly enforced against United States 
vessels in British ports, even to the extent of prohibiting 
their taking on board coal which had been deposited by 
our government. Confederate vessels found no difficulty, 
through the connivance of officials, in coaling and even 
arming in such ports. Chief among the cruisers which 
were built or equipped in England were the Florida, the 
Georgia, the Shenandoah and the Alabama; the last 
named because of her especially destructive career gave 
her name to the claims which arose from the depreda- 
tions of all such vessels on the commerce of the United 
States. As a result of Great Bri taints action in these 
matters the United States claimed damages from her for 
'^ direct losses in the capture and destruction of a large 
number of vessels, with their cargoes, and in the heavy 
national expenditures in the pursuit of the cruisers; and 
indirect injury in the transfer of a large part of the 
American commercial marine to the British flag, in the 
enhanced payment of insurance, in the prolongation of 
the war, and in the addition of a large sum to the cost 
of the war and the suppression of the rebellion.''^ The 
dispute between the two governments stood unsettled 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 13 

till after the war. In 1866 the United States offered to 
submit the question to arbitration, but would not agree 
to a proposition made by Great Britain to limit the dis- 
cussion to the damage done by the cruisers, since this 
would be an abandonment of our position that the 
granting of the rights of belligerents to the Confederate 
States (by the Queen's proclamation of May 13, 1861) 
was unjustified by necessity, morals, treaties or interna- 
tional law. In 1871, however, England proposed a 
joint commission to settle various disputes which existed 
between the two governments; the United States con- 
sented with the proviso that the Alabama claims should 
be corlsidered and disposed of by the commission; Eng- 
land agreed and the result was the Treaty of Washing- 
ton {which see). By this treaty the Alabama claims 
were referred to arbitrators who afterward met at 
Geneva, Switzerland, and on September 14, 1872, 
awarded to the United States $15,500,000 to be paid by 
Great Britain in satisfaction of all the Alabama claims. 
This was duly paid within the year. The United States 
Court of Claims has jurisdiction of cases brought by 
those who claim a share in this indemnity. [8ee 
Geneva Award.) 
Alabama Territory. {8ee Territories.) 
Alaska was purchased from Eussia in 1867 {see An- 
nexations VI). It is an unorganized territory of the 
United States and remained without the forms of civil 
government till 1884, when the Act of May 17th pro- 
vided for the appointment of a governor and other offi- 
cers, and also a district court. Sitka is the capital. The 
population in 1880 was estimated at 30,178, and in the 
last census (1890) 30,329. {8ee Governers.) 

Albany Regency. — A name applied to the combina- 
tion of politicians that from 1820 to 1855 managed the 
Democratic party in the State of New York. The name 
arose from the fact that most of them lived in Albany, 
N. Y. Prominent among them were Martin Van 
Buren, Wm. L. Marcy, John A. Dix and Silas Wright. 
Their success was due mainly to their thorough organi- 
zation. 



14 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Alexander the Coppersmith. — A nickname ap- 
plied to Hamilton by those that were dissatisfied with 
the copper cents coined in 1793 at his suggestion as 
Secretary of the Treasury. 
Algerine War. — (/See Barlary Pirates.) 
Alien and Sedition Laws. — During the troubles of 
this country with France in 1798 there was a consider- 
able portion of the community in sympathy with France, 
and attacks of the most scurrilous nature were continu- 
ally made against the President and Congress. This 
state of things was the occasion for the passage of the 
above-named bills. The first Alien bill lengthened the 
period of residence for the purpose of naturalization to 
fourteeen years. All aliens thereafter to come into the 
country were to be registered, and the certificate of 
registration was to be the only proof of residence. 
Alien enemies could never become citizens. A third 
bill gave the President power in case of war with a 
foreign nation or danger of invasion by it, to seize or 
expel all resident alien citizens of that nation. Another 
bill, signed by the President June 25th, gave him power 
to send away any alien whom he might think dangerous 
to the country; if after being ordered away he were 
found here he might be imprisoned for three years and 
could never become a citizen; aliens so imprisoned could 
be removed from the country by the President's order, 
and on voluntarily returning be imprisoned at the Presi- 
dent's discretion; the act provided for various details 
concerning the carrying out of its intention, and gave 
the United States courts cognizance of cases arising 
thereunder. The action of the law was limited to two 
years. The Sedition bill was passed in July and de- 
clared any one that in any way hindered any officer of 
the United States in the discharge of his duty, or op- 
posed any of its laws, to be guilty of a high crime and 
misdemeanor, punishable by a maximum fine of five 
thousand dollars and maximum imprisonment of five 
years; further, writing, printing or publishing any false, 
scandalous and malicious writing against Congress or the 
President cr aiding therein, was made punishable by a 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 15 

maximum fine of two thousand dollars and maximum 
imprisonment of two years; but the truth of the matter, 
if proved, was to be a good defense. This act was to 
expire March, 1801. The opposition aroused by these 
bills was enormous, and though the prosecutions under 
them were very few, they made Adams' administration 
and the Federal party very unpopular. Hamilton had 
in vain tried to prevent the party from committing this 
blunder. 

Allegiance. — Every citizen of the United States 
owes paramount allegiance to the national government. 
The opinion that he owed allegiance to his State first 
and to the Union only secondarily, which was bound up 
in the doctrine of state sovereignty, may be considered 
as finally negatived by the results of the Civil War. As 
to foreign states, no one can become a citizen of the 
United States by naturalization without first renouncing 
all allegiance to his former government. i^Bee Expatria- 
tion; Naturalization. ) 

All Men are Created Equal. — The second para- 
graph of the Declaration of Independence begins: ^'^We 
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are 
created equal,'' etc. {see Declaration of Independence), 
This phrase, either as given above or slightly different, 
was used in the Declarations of Eight contained in many 
of the State constitutions adopted about 1776. It is 
sometimes quoted, ^'^ All men are born free and equal." 
That form was used in the constitution adopted by 
Massachusetts in 1780. 

All Quiet Along the Potomac. — This phrase be- 
came proverbial during the fall of 1861 and the begin- 
ning of 1862. The weather at that time seemed favor- 
able to a campaign, and McClellan's army of about 
two hundred thousand men was in excellent condition, 
and yet no advance was undertaken. McOlellan's 
policy, at that period, is sometimes referred to as a policy 
of *^ masterly inactivity." 

All We Ask is to Be Let Alone.— This phrase 
occurred in the message of Jefferson Davis to the Con- 
federate Congress in March, 1861. He referred to 
Northern preparations to oppose secession. 



16 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Amendment-Mongers. — A name applied to tlie 
Anti-Federalists. 

Amendments to the Constitution. — Article 5 of 
the Constitution prescribes the means to be employed in 
amending that instrument. By the same article the 
Constitution was made unamendable prior to 1808 on 
certain points, as follows: So as to prohibit immigration 
as existing in 1787, or so as to permit the levying of capi- 
tation or other direct taxes by Congress except in pro- 
portion to the census. The only point remaining to-day 
which is incapable of amendment is that ^^no State, 
without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suf- 
frage in the Senate.^'' In the manner prescribed in 
Article 5, fifteen amendments in all have been adopted 
from time to time. The first Congress, on September 
25, 1789, passed twelve amendments, two of which were 
not ratified. The remaining ten, having been ratified 
by all the States except Massachusetts, Connecticut and 
Georgia, were proclaimed in force December 15, 1791. 
The first six of these comprise what is sometimes known 
as our Bill of Eights. The eleventh amendment was 
passed by Congress March 5, 1794, was duly ratified, 
and was proclaimed in force January 8, 1798. It pro- 
vided that the federal courts should not entertain suits 
brought against a State by individuals. The presidential 
election of 1800 which was thrown into the House (see 
Disputed Presidential and Vice- Presidential Elections^, 
disclosed some defects in the electoral system as estab- 
lished by Article 2, section 1, clause 3 of the Constitu- 
tion. To remedy these defects the twelfth amendment 
was passed by Congress December 12, 1803, and declared 
in force September 25, 1804. It had failed to pass in 
one Congress and was only carried finally in the House 
by the Speaker's vote. The vote of the States also was 
only just suflicient, thirteen ratifying and four — New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Delaware 
— rejecting it. For sixty years the Constitution re- 
mained unaltered, but the condition of things brought 
about by the Civil War rendered three more amend- 
ments necessary. The thirteenth ai^iendment was pro- 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 17 

posed for the purpose of making emancipation universal 
in the nation and 2)rohibiting slavery for the future. It 
passed the Senate in April, 1864, by a vote of thirty- 
eight to six, but failed to pass the House. The House 
reconsidered its vote at the next session and passed the 
amendment by a vote of one hundred and nineteen to 
fifty-six; it was proposed to the legislatures of the States 
February 1, 1865. It was declared in force December 
18, 1865, having been ratified by twenty-seven States out 
of thirty-six; it was subsequently ratified by four more. 
Only two states, Delaware and Kentucky, absolutely re- 
jected it. Texas took no action in regard to it and 
Alabama and Mississippi ratified it conditionally. The 
fourteenth amendment was intended to aid the work of 
Reconstruction, It passed Congress in June, 1866, by 
a vote of thirty-three to eleven in the Senate and one 
hundred and thirty-eight to thirty-six in the House. It 
was ratified by thirty out of the thirty-seven States and 
was proclaimed in force July 28, 1868. Three others 
subsequently ratified it. Delaware, Maryland and. 
Kentucky rejected it and California failed to act. 
All the once Confederate States, except Tennessee, re- 
jected it but afterward ratified it in consequence of 
an act of Congress providing as one condition of their 
re-admission as States that they should do so. New Jer- 
sey and Ohio rescinded their first ratifications, but Con- 
gress declared that this did not affect their previous 
action, and in the end there were enough ratifications 
without these. The fifteenth amendment was designed 
to supplement the previous one in relation to the suf- 
frage of negro citizens and make their right to vote un- 
questionable. It passed Congress February 2%, 1869, by 
a vote of thirty-nine to thirteen in the Senate and one 
hundred and forty-four to forty-four in the House. It 
was ratified by twenty-nine of the thirty-seven States 
and proclaimed in force March 30, 1870; G-eorgiaat first 
rejected, but afterward ratified it. New Jersey, Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Kentucky, California and Oregon re- 
jected it, and Tennessee took no action. Ohio, which 
had at first rejected it, afterward ratified it, and New 



18 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

York rescinded lier ratification. Among proposed 
amendments to the Constitution which have never been 
adopted may be mentioned a few of the most important. 
Jefferson suggested an amendment to assure the consti- 
tutionality of the Louisiana purchase, but his bargain 
was universally accepted as valid without such amend- 
ment. The same President, and after him Madison, 
Monroe, Jackson and Polk, urged an amendment 
authorizing Congress to vote money for internal im- 
provements, the power to do which, not being men- 
tioned in the Constitution, they considered open to 
question. This right, however, has come to be admitted 
without an amendment. Just previous to the war vari- 
ous amendments dealing with the question of slavery 
were proposed. i^See Crittenden Compromise,) Amend- 
ments have also been urged, some extending the right 
of sulf rage to females and one inserting in the preamble 
to the Constitution the following words: ^^Acknowl- 
edging Almighty Cod as the source of all authority and 
power in civil government, the Lord Jesus Christ as the 
ruler among the nations, and His will, revealed in the 
Holy Scriptures, as of supreme authority, in order to 
constitute a Christian government.''^ For the text of 
the amendments that have been adopted see Constitution 
of the United States. 

America for Americans. — One of the cries of the 
American party. 

American Cato. — Samuel Adams was so called 
from supposed resemblance of his character to that of 
the Eoman. Adams was born in Boston 1722 and died 
in 1802. He was a signer of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. 

American Fabius. — A name applied to Washington 
because his generalship during the Kevolution resembled 
that of Fabius, a commander of ancient Eome, who, 
having troops inferior to the enemy in discipline and 
equipment, pursued a policy of avoiding pitched battles, 
of wearying the enemy by long marches and of harassing 
him at every opportunity. 

American Knights. — An organization known as 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 19 

the Knights of the G-olden Circle had existed at the 
South before the Civil War. It was composed of men 
opposed to the North and anxious for separation. About 
1862 this organization took root in the AVest, its prin- 
cipal object being to hinder the draft of soldiers. It 
was variously known as Mutual Protection Society, as 
Circle of Honor, as the Circle, and as Knights of the 
Mighty Host. The exposure of some of its signs and 
secrets led the Confederate General Sterling Price to 
organize in Missouri a new society known as the Corps 
de Belgique, in honor of the Belgian consul at St. Louis, 
Charles L. Hunt, who was Price^s principal assistant. 
This organization finally became part of the Order of 
American Knights, organized by C. L. Vallandingham, 
of Ohio, and P. C. Wright, of New York. The object 
of this society was to resist the draft and to encourage 
desertion among Union soldiers, to aid the Confederates 
by giving them information and by recruiting for their 
ranks, and to establish a Northwestern Confederacy. 
Some of the secrets of the order having been learned by 
the Federal authorities, it was reorganized in 1864 ; its 
new name was Order of the Sons of Liberty, or Knights 
of the Order of the Sons of Liberty. Its organization 
was of a military nature ; in 1864 the number of its 
members was estimated at from 350,000 to 800,000, 
among whom, it is said, was Jefferson Davis ; among its 
Supreme Commanders were Wright and Vallandingham. 
H. H. Dodd, one of its highest officers, was arrested for 
conspiracy againsi the government, but he ultimately 
escaped punishment. Locally the order was known by 
different names ; in Illinois branches were known as 
mini. Peace Organization, Democratic Invincible Club; 
in Kentucky, as Star Organization, Democratic Eead- 
ing-room ; in Missouri, as American Organization ; in 
New York, as McClellan Minute Men. With the war, 
of course, its reason for beicg came to an end. 
American Organization. {See American Knights.) 
American Party. — I. From the beginning of the 
government, movements against aliens have been com- 
mon. In New York City, a center of foreign population. 



20 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

this subject had, from time to time, been agitated, and 
after a period of success in 1844, it had again sunk out 
of view. About 1852, when the Whig party was break- 
ing asunder, a secret, oath-bound organization, said to 
have been called ^^The 8ons of '76,^' or ^'The Order of 
the Star-Spangled Banner/" was formed. Those of its 
members that had not been admitted to the higher de- 
grees were kept in ignorance of the aims and name of 
the organization, and their constant answer of ^^ I don't 
know '' to questions regarding the society gave them the 
title of ^'Know-Nothings." All meetings of the party 
were secret. It carefully avoided the subject of slavery, 
and attempted to draw the voters that were tired of 
agitation on that subject, by confining itself to vigorous 
opposition to Catholics and aliens. Its principle was 
''Americans must rule America."" The first national 
convention of the party met in February, 1856. The 
day previous a secret convention of the order had 
adopted sixteen resolutions abolishing much of the 
secrecy, demanding the lengthening of the residence 
necessary to naturalization and condemning Pierce's 
administration for "reopening sectional agitation by 
the repeal of the Missouri compromise."" The refusal to 
consider, a resolution regarding the restriction of slavery 
led to the withdrawal of about fifty "Anti-Nebraska"' 
or "North"" American delegates. Millard Fillmore, of 
New York, was then nominated for President and 
Andre vv Jackson Donelson for Vice-President. These 
nominations were endorsed by a Whig convention in 
September. Fillmore carried but one State, Maryland, 
while his total popular vote was about 850,000. In 1860 
Presidential candidates were again nominated, but under 
another party name. {^See Constitidional Union Party. ^ 
After Fillmore"s defeat, the party in 1857 carried the 
State elections in Rhode Island and Maryland, and in 
1859 it was still represented by a few members in Con- 
gress. The party never had any foothold in the West, 
its strength lying in the Middle and Southern States. 
{^See Anti-Masonic Parties.) 
II. The second party of this name was founded on 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 21 

opposition to secret societies, unlike the first, which had 
itself been such a society. The name was adopted by 
the members of the National Christian Association when 
that body began to iningle in politics Its platform de- 
manded prohibition of the sale of liquor, recognition of 
the Sabbath, the withdrawal of the charters of secret 
societies and legislative prohibition of their oaths, arbi- 
tration of international disputes, the introduction of 
the Bible into schools, the restriction of land mon- 
opolies, resumption of specie payments, justice to the 
Indians and a direct popular vote for President and 
Vice-President. The origin of the party is as follows: 
The meeting in 1872 in Oberlin, Ohio, of the National 
Christian Association was adjourned in order to allow a 

Eolitical m'ass meeting in sympathy with its views to be 
eld. This meeting nominated Charles Francis Adams 
for President. This organization for political purposes 
was completed at a convention in Syracuse, New York, 
in 1874, and the name American party was adopted. A 
convention at Pittsburgh, June 9, 1875, adopted a plat- 
form of the principles above set forth and nominated 
James B. Walker, of Illinois, for President. In 1880 
nominations were again made; in 1884 the nominee, S. 
C. Pomeroy, withdrew in favor of St. John, the Prohi- 
bition candidate, on his assurance that he '^'^ stood on 
every plank of the American platform. ■'^ The party is 
inclined to endorse the Prohibition candidates if these 
are satisfactory, on the score of the secret society plank. 
III. This party was organized by a convention held 
in Philadelphia September 16-17, 1887. Its platform 
declares the ^'^ present system of immigration and natural- 
ization of foreigners . . . detrimental to the welfare 
of the United States;" it demands its restriction and 
regulation so as to make fourteen years^ residence a pre- 
requisite of naturalization, and excludes from the 
benefits of citizenship all anarchists, socialists and other 
dangerous characters; it demands free schools; con- 
demns alien proprietorship in the soil and grants of 
land to corporations ; demands the establishment of a 
navy and the construction of fortifications and a judi- 



22 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

cious system of internal improvements ; it reasserts the 
'^American principles of absolute freedom of religious 
worship and belief/^ and ^^the permanent separation of 
Church and State/^ and declares in favor of the enforce- 
ment of the Monroe Doctrine. The completion of the 
organization of the party is going forward rapidly. 

American System. — In the debates which resulted 
in the tariff law of 1824, Henry Clay called his plan of 
protective duties and internal improvements the ^' Amer- 
ican system.^' The term is usually restricted, however, 
to denote the policy of protection to home industries by 
means of duties on imports. {See Tariffs of the United 
States. ) 

American Whigs. — In England, before the Ameri- 
can Eevolution and after it, too, the Whigs* were the 
party that struggled against the extension of the royal 
prerogative; the Tories upheld it. So it naturally fol- 
lowed that Americans opposing the oppression of G-reat 
Britain likewise took the name of Whigs. They were 
known as American Whi^s. The name was first used 
in New York in 1768. The name Tory was by contrast 
employed to designate partisans of Great Britain. After 
the revolution there was thus but one party, the Whigs. 
The estates of some of the Tories had been confiscated, 
others had left the country and those that remained were 
left without a cause. The Whigs soon broke up into fac- 
tions, the Strong-Grovernment Whigs and the Particular- 
ists, and these respectively gave rise to the Federalists 
and Republicans. 

Americans Must Rule America, — One of the 
mottoes of the ^"^ Know-Nothings. ^"^ 

Americans, The, Must Light the Lamps of 
Industry and Economy. — This occurs in a letter of 
Benjamin Franklin to Charles Thomson, Secretary of 
Congress for fifteen years. It was written by him in 
1765 from London immediately after the passage of the 
Stamp Act. He was at that time the London agent of 
Pennsylvania. 

Ames, Fisher, was born m Dedham, Massachusetts, 
April 9, 1758, and died July 4, 1808. He was a lawyer. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 23 

graduating at Harvard. In politics a Federalist, he 
served in the House of Kepresentatives from 1789 to 1797, 
where he held foremost rank as an orator, his best known 
speech being the one in favor of Jay's treaty. 

Amistad Case, The. — In June, 1839, the schooner 
L^Amistad sailed from Havana for Principe with a num- 
ber of slaves that had been kidnaped in Africa. The 
slaves overpowered the whites, and killed all but two. 
These white men steered the vessel northward instead 
of to x\frica as directed, and soon the vessel was seized 
and taken into New London, Conn., by Lieutenant 
Gedney of the United States brig Washington. The 
Spanish Minister requested the delivery of the slaves to 
be taken to Cuba for trial. President Van Buren was 
desirous of granting this request as a matter of comity, 
but the Anti-Slavery Society procured counsel, and the 
District Court of the United States decided that even 
by the Spanish laws the slave trade was illegal, and the 
negroes were free men. The Circuit Court affirmed 
this decision, and so, in March, 1841, did the Supreme 
Court, where John Quincy Adams devoted himself to the 
cause of the negroes without remuneration. The 
negroes were sent back to Africa in an American vessel. 

Amnesty, Proclamation of. {See Proclamation of 
Amnesty. ) 

Anarchy Poles. — A derisive name for Liberty Poles. 

Ancient Mariner of the Wabash. — A name ap- 
plied to Eiohard W. Thompson, of Indiana, who was 
Secretary of the Navy under President Hayes. 

Annapolis Academy. {See United States Naval 
A cademy. ) 

Annexations. — The territory of the United States 
at the commencement of our existence as a nation com- 
prised all our present territory between the Atlantic on 
the east, the Mississippi on the west, British America 
on the north and the thirty-first degree of north lati- 
tude on the south, with a few slight differences owing 
to subsequent re-arrangements of boun(^ary lines. There 
have since been six different additions made to our ter- 
ritory, which have brought it to its present extent, 



24 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

I. Louisiana. — Before the year 1763, France owned 
what was known as the Province of Louisiana, a vast region 
which comprised, east of the Mississippi, the territory 
south of the thirty-first degree of north latitude and as 
far east as the Perdido River, and, west of the Missis- 
sippi, the whole of the present Louisiana, Arkansas, 
Missouri, Iowa, JSebraska, Dakota, Montana, Idaho, 
Oregon and Washington, that part of Minnesota west 
of the Mississippi, Wyoming and Colorado east of the 
Rocky Mountains and north of the Arkansas River, 
and all but a small southwestern section of Kansas and 
the narrow northwestern strip of Indian Territory. By 
the Treaty of Paris of 1763, which closed our French 
and Indian War, the French territory east of the Mis- 
sissippi passed to England, and that west of the Missis- 
sippi to Spain. By the Treaty of Paris of 1783, which 
ended the Revolution, England gave Florida back to 
Spain. During the first years of our national history, 
therefore, Spain owned the western shore of the Missis- 
sippi and both shores at its mouth. It was soon seen 
that our citizens who were settling along the Mississippi 
would have their commerce threatened and hampered 
by Spain, especially as that country at first refused us 
the free navigation of the river. It was not until 1795 
that a treaty was negotiated by Thomas Pinckney, 
whereby Spain granted us free navigation of the river 
and the right to use New Orleans, or some other place 
which would be provided, as a place of deposit for 
merchandise. In 1800 a secret treaty was negotiated 
between France and Spain by which the latter ^^ retro- 
ceded^^ to France the Province of Louisiana. Napo- 
leon, then First Consul of France, threatened to send 
an army and fleet to New Orleans. It was feared that 
French ambition in Louisiana and Spanish designs in 
Florida would ultimately prove hurtful to us. In 1802 
the right of deposit in New Orleans was taken away, 
and no other place was designated. The western por- 
tion of the Unitjed States clamored for some govern- 
mental action. Congress appropriated $2,000,000 for 
the purchase of New Orleans, and President Jefferson, 



DlCTiO]^ARY OF AMERICAN POLtriCS. ^5 

in January, 1803, sent James Monroe as minister extra- 
ordinary with discretionary powers, to act with our 
Minister to France, Robert R. Livingston, in the pur- 
chase. Napoleon at this time found himself burdened 
with debt and threatened with an English war, and 
proposed to sell the whole Province of Louisiana. A 
convention to that effect was speedily arranged and 
signed on April 30, 1803, by Livingston and Monroe for 
the United States, and Barbe-Marbois for France. The 
price agreed upon to be paid was $15,000,000, of which 
$3,750,000 were claims of our citizens against France, 
which the United States agreed to assume. The people 
of the United States as a whole rejoiced, though the 
Federalists claimed that the measure was unwarranted 
by the Constitution, and even Jefferson thought a con- 
stitutional amendment would be necessary. The pur- 
chase, however, was finally accepted without an amend- 
ment, and was generally acquiesced in. An early session 
of Congress was called for October 17, 1803. Two days 
later the treaty was ratified by the Senate, and on 
October 25th the House passed a resolution to carry it 
into effect by a vote of ninety to twenty-five, the Fed- 
eralists voting in the minority. Napoleon accepted six 
per cent, bonds, payable in fifteen years, for this terri- 
tory, which more than doubled the area of the United 
States. Concerning this purchase Livingston is said to 
have exclaimed: *^'We have lived long, but this is the 
noblest work of our whole lives." And Napoleon is 
said to have remarked: ^'I have just given to England 
a maritime rival that will, sooner or later, humble her 
pride."'' Portions of the boundary line of this pur- 
chased territory were in dispute for a long time, but so 
far as Spain was concerned, the differences of opinion 
were settled by the treaty of 1819 (see next section of 
this article), and the treaty of 1846 with Great Britain 
settled the remainder. [See NortMuest Boundary. ) The 
region acquired by this purchase was divided into the 
Territory of Orleans and the Territory of Louisiana. 
IL Flokida. — When Great Britain in 1763 acquired 
that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi from 



^6 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

France, and Florida from Spain [see preceding section 
of this article), she joined her portion of Lonisiana to 
Florida and divided by the Apalachicola Eiver West 
from East Florida. Both of these passed to Spain in 
1783. Spain claimed that when, in 1800, she " retro- 
ceded " Louisiana to France, she only gave back what 
she had obtained from that country, and that "West 
Florida, which she obtained from England, still re- 
mained hers. The United States maintained that Spain 
had given to France the whole original extent of 
Louisiana, and that Florida west of the Perdids was a 
part of our purchase from France in 1803. Our govern- 
ment did not press this claim till 1810, but then, under 
direction of the President, Governor Claiborne, of the 
Territory of Orleans, took possession of all West Florida 
except Mobile, and in 1813 General Wilkinson obtained 
possession of Mobile also. There was a growing desire 
m the United States to seize East Florida. Congress as 
early fv? 1811 passed secret acts authorizing the Presi- 
dent to take ^^ temporary possession^' of it, though 
nothing came of this. In 1814 and 1818 Jackson made 
raids into the coveted territory [see Indian Wars), 
which seemed to show to Spain the danger her territory 
was in. She did not think it wortli defending, and on 
February 22, 1819, the Spanish Minister at Washington 
signed a treaty by which Florida was ceded to the 
United States. Our government in return assumed 
claims of its .citizens against Spain to the amount of 
15,000,000, and accepted the Sabine Eiver as the easte-rn 
boundary of Mexico. By the same treaty Spain ac- 
cepted the forty-second degree of north latitude as the 
northern limit to her claims of territory west of the 
Eocky Mountains. The United States Senate at once 
ratified this treaty, but Spain delayed till early in 1821, 
and in July of that year possession was surrendered. 

III. Texas. — Previous to 1819 the United States had 
claimed as part of the Louisiana purchase the region 
known as Texas as far as the Eio Grande Eiver, but by 
the Spanish treaty of that year yielded its claim. Soon 
afterward, inhabitants of the United States began to 



DJCTIONARV OP AMERICAN POLITICS. 21 

remove to Texas^ where they obtained grants of land 
and settled. It thus grew into a State which was closely 
allied to the United States. This emigration to Texas 
and the subsequent annexation were part of the political 
scheme of the South to maintain its power in Congress 
by the addition of slave-territory, to offset the creation 
of free States in the N"orth. In 1827 and 1829, Clay 
and Calhoun, as Secretaries of State, tried to obtain 
Texas by purchase, offering $1,000,000 and $5,000,000, 
but without success. In March, 1836, Texas, dissatis- 
fied with the government of Mexico, declared its inde- 
pendence. A short war followed. The Mexicans 
committed massacres at Goliad and the Alamo {see 
ThermopylcB of Texas), but on April 10th, at the San 
Jacinto, Santa Anna, the Mexican President, with 
5,000 men, was badly defeated by 700 men under 
General Sam. Houston, the commander of the Texan 
forces. Santa Anna agreed to a treaty which rec- 
ognized the independence of Texas. This was not 
ratified by Mexico, but in March, 1837, the United 
States recognized the independence of the Republic of 
Texas, and soon England, France and Belgium did 
likewise. In 1837 Texas made application to Congress 
for annexation, but with no immediate result. The 
presidential campaign of 1844 turned largely on this 
question. The Democratic convention nominated Polk, 
who favored annexation, instead of Yan Buren, who 
opposed it. Clay, the Whig candidate, was also sup- 
posed to be against the project. In the meantime, 
Calhoun, Secretary of State, had negotiated a treaty of 
annexation with Texas in April, 1844, including the 
territory between the Nueces and Eio Grande Rivers, 
disputes as to which finally led to the Mexican War 
{which see). This treaty failed of ratification at the 
hands of the Senate. Polii was elected, partly by reason 
of the votes thrown away on Birney {see Liberty Party), 
but his election was taken as a sign of popular approval 
of annexation, and Congress and Tyler's administration 
now became attached to the project. Early in 1845 
Congress authorized the President to negotiate a treaty 



28 biCriONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

of annexation. Tyler hastened to accomplish the object, 
though without a treaty, and on the last day of his term 
sent a special messenger to Texas. This emissary on 
June 18th secured the consent of the Congress of Texas, 
which was ratified by a popular vote on July 4th. A 
resolution for the admission of Texas as a State was 
passed in the House of Eepresentatives by a vote of 
one hundred and forty-one to fifth-six on December 16, 
1845, and in the Senate by a vote of thirty-one to thir- 
teen on December 22d, and Texas was declared a State 
of the Union on December 29, 1845. 

IV. New Mexico and Upper California. — The 
name New Mexico was originally applied to the territory 
now known as Utah, Nevada and , large portions of 
Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico. Upper California 
comprised what is now the State of California. Those 
regions, which belonged to Mexico, were conquered 
during the Mexican War, and by the treaty of 1848, 
which ended that contest, passed to the United States. 
i^See Treaty of Guadalujje Hidalgo.) Our government 
paid to Mexico for this cession $15,000,000, and assumed 
debts due from Mexico to our citizens amounting to 
$3,250,000. A portion of this acquisition (that part of 
New Mexico east of the Rio Crande) was claimed by 
Texas, and one of the provisions of Henry Clay's Om- 
nibus Bill, passed in 1850, provided for the payment of 
$10,000,000 to Texas in satisfaction of her claim. 

V. Gadsden Purchase. — Disputes still remained 
with reference to those portions of Arizona and New 
Mexico south of the G-ila River, and Mexican troops 
were sent thither. Trouble was averted, however, by 
the Gadsden Treaty, December 30, 1853, so called be- 
cause it was negotiated by our Minister to Mexico, 
'General James Gadsden. By this treaty the United 
States obtained the disputed territory, for which we 
paid $10,000,000. 

VI. Alaska.— By a treaty of March 30, 1867, ratified 
by the Senate June 20th of the same year, Russia ceded 
to the United States what is now the Territory of 
Alaska. The price paid was $7,200,000. The following 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 29 

table shows the original area of the United States and 
the areas of the various annexed regions: 

SQUARE MILKS. 

United States in 1783 827,844 

Louisiana (1803) , 1,171,931 

Florida (1819) 59,268 

Texas (1845) 376,133 

Mexican Cession (1848) 545,783 

Gadsden Purchase (1853) 45,535 

Alaska (1867) 577,390 



Present area 3,603,884 

Subsequent measurements and changes in boundaries 
have somewhat changed these figures. {See Area of the 
United States.) For jDropositions concerning the an- 
nexation of Cuba and Santo Domingo^ see ■ Cuba, An- 
nexation of; Santo Domingo, Annexation of. {See also 
Territories. ) 

Annual Message of the President to Congress. 
{See President's Message.) 

Another County Heard From. — During the ex- 
citement incident to the Presidential campaign of 1876, 
this phrase gained currency. The returns were very 
slowly received from some of the doubtful States, espe- 
cially in Florida, and each addition to the uncompleted 
vote was hailed as above. 

Anti-Federal Junto. — When it was proposed in the 
Pennsylvania Legislature to issue a call for a convention 
to ratify the United States Constitution, nineteen of the 
members withdrew, leaving the House without a quorum. 
Enough of these were, however, dragged to the House 
to allow business to be transacted. September, 1787, 
sixteen of these same members signed an address against 
the Constitution; this address contained so many mis- 
statements that it soon became an object of ridicule. 
To the signers and their followers the name of Anti- 
Federal Junto was given. 

Anti-Federalists. — Those that were in favor of the 
adoption of the Constitution when that instrument, was 
before the people for ratification were called Feder- 
alists; those opposed, Anti-Federalists. The objections 
of these latter may be stated as follows: It was feared 



30 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

that contests between the States and the Federal gov- 
ernment would follow^ with the result either that the 
Union would go down or that the central government 
would usurp the sovereign powers of the States; further 
objections were that it contained no bill of rights, no 
safeguards of liberty, but was just such an instrument 
as ambitious men would desire for the purpose of 
furthering their plans. The party was composed prin- 
cipally of local politicians who were jealous of enlarged 
political relations and. of farmers who were fearful of ad- 
ditional taxes. In two States their efforts were of avail, 
in Ehode Island and North Carolina. In Pennsylvania 
they offered considerable opposition but were overborne. 
{See Anti-Federal Junto.) In New York a deadlock 
between them and the Federalists was the cause of that 
Staters failure to choose electors for the first President. 
After the adoption of the Constitution the same fears 
that had made them oppose it, now made them insist on 
strict construction of its provisions. In Congress they 
opposed Hamilton's financial measures, but they were 
without organization, and the issue that had called them 
into life being dead, the party had little existence ex- 
cept in name. By the year 1793 it had become a part 
of the Republican party. 

Anti-Ku-Klux Act. {See Ku-Klux Act.) 
Anti-Lecompton Democrats. — A name applied to 
those Northern Democrats, among them Stephen A. 
Douglas, that opposed the admission of Kansas under 
the Lecompto7i Constitution {wliicli see). 

Anti-Masonic Party. — In 1826 William Morgan of 
Batavia, Genesee County, New York, who had declared 
his intention of publishing a book containing the secrets 
of the Society of the Free Masons, was arrested for debt. 
On his release he was at once hurried to a close carriage 
and taken to Niagara; he was never again heard from. 
Some time afterward a body, asserted by some to be his, 
was found in the river below the falls. The affair 
created enormous excitement and raised insuperable 
prejudices against all Free Masons in a large part of the 
community; the prejudice was carried even into politics 



DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 31 

and many citizens refused to vote for Masons, men, as 
they declared, who considered the edicts of their fra- 
ternity as above the laws of the country. This feeling 
led the National Republican party in New York to name 
a State ticket containing no Masons, but an Anti-Mason 
convention was, notwithstanding, held, and a ticket 
pledged to oppose Free Masonry was nominated. The 
vote polled by the Anti-Masons was comparatively small, 
but the party increased so rapidly that by 1830 it was^ 
in New York, the great opponent of the Democrats, 
whose head, Andrew Jackson, was a Mason. In 1831 
the party held a national convention and nominated 
William Wirt of Maryland and Amos Ellmaker of Penn- 
sylvania. This ticket received the electoral vote of only 
Vermont. The party was swallowed up in the Whig 
party, of which it remained a powerful faction. It 
maintained a separate existence only in Pennsylvania 
where in 1835 its nominee for governor was elected. 
(See A^nerican Party II.) 

Anti-Monopoly Party. — The Anti-Monopoly Or- 
ganization of the United States met at Chicago May 14, 
1884, and nominated Benjamin F. Butler of Massachu- 
setts for the Presidency. It adopted a platform de- 
manding economical government and the enactment 
and enforcement of equitable laws, including an Inter- 
State Commerce Law (one has since been enacted), 
establishing Labor Bureaus, providing Industrial Arbi- 
tration, a direct vote for Senators, a graduated income 
tax, payment of the national debt as it matures, and 
** fostering care^^ for agriculture; while it denounced 
the tariff and the grant of land to corporations. Their 
nominee was also selected by the Greenback Labor 
party, the joint ticket being known as the People's 
party. It polled 130,000 votes. 

Anti-Nebraska Men. — A name applied to the 
Northern Whigs that opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill 
in 1854. These were joined by Democrats of similar 
views, and together they controlled the House in the 
Thirty-fourth Congress. The Republican party sprang 
from them. 



3^ DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Anti-Prohibitionists are those who oppose the 
adoption of laws prohibiting the sale of liquor for a bev- 
erage. 

Anti-Renters, The. — Portions of the land in 
Albany, Eensselaer, Columbia, Greene, Delaware, Scho- 
harie and Otsego counties in New York State were origi- 
nally part of large estates belonging to the old Dutch 
patroons, as they were called. The tenants held the 
farms by perpetual leases on rents payable in produce. 
These estates were owned by several of the old families 
of the State, the Livingstons, the Van Rensselaers, and 
others. The tenants had long been dissatisfied with 
this arrangement, and the death, in 1839, of Stephen 
Van Rensselaer brought matters to a head. Stephen 
Van Rensselaer had allowed the rents to fall largely in 
arrears; his son now attempted to collect these rents and 
was met by organized opposition. Men disguised as 
Indians terrorized the region. Attempts of the sheriff 
to collect the rents were likewise unsuccessful; the 
militia that accompanied him was largely outnumbered 
and the attempt failed. This was known as the '^ Held- 
erberg War.^' For a time the '^ Anti-Renters ^^ were a 
political factor in the State, holding the balance of 
power and using it to serve their own ends. In 1850 
the difficulty was compromised, the owners of the 
manors selling the land to the tenants. 

Anti-Slavery. {^See Abolitionists.) 

Anti-War Democrats. — The Democratic National 
Convention met August 29, 1864, and among other 
resolutions censuring the war acts of the government, 
a resolution was passed declaring it to be 'Hhe sense of 
the American people that after four years of failure to 
restore the Union by the experiment of war . . . 
immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, 
with a view to an ultimate convention of the States 
. to the end that . . . peace may be restored 
on the basis of the Federal union of the States. '' Such 
Democrats as favored these views were known as ' 'Anti- 
War Democrats.^' The same term was applied to those 
members of the early Democratic party that opposed the 



DICriONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 33 

war of 1812. They sided on this point with the Federal- 
ists against the majority of their own party. Those who 
opposed the war and wished for peace at any price were 
called ^^ submission men.^^ 

Articles of Confederation. — On June 11, 1776, the 
Colonial Congress, assembled in Philadelphia, resolved 
to appoint a committee, consisting of one member from 
each colony, to prepare a form of confederation to be 
entered into between the colonies. The committee re- 
ported, a few changes were made in the wording of the 
document that they submitted, and on November 15, 
1777, it was agreed to by Congress. It was submitted 
to the States for ratification, and it was provided that it 
should be conclusive when signed by the delegates of all 
the States, as these should authorize the ratification. On 
the 9th of July, 1778, it was signed on behalf of New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Ehode Island and 
Providence plantations, Connecticut, New York, Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina. It was signed 
for North Carolina on July 21st, for G-eorgia on July 
24th, and for New Jersey on November 26th. One 
delegate of Delaware signed on Febnrary 12, 1779, and 
the other two on May 5th. On March 1, 1781, the 
delegates of Maryland signed, and on the next day, 
March 2, 1781, Congress assembled under its new 
powers. By this instrument, known as the "■ Articles of 
Confederation," the United States were governed before 
the adoption of the Constitution. While these articles 
gave to Congress power to perform many of the acts of 
a sovereign government, they gave to it no power to 
enforce its own commands, and as a consequence it was 
impossible in spite of strenuous efforts to raise revenue. 
The debt, principal and interest, fell into arrears, the 
soldiers of the Eevolution remained unpaid and Con- 
gress could not even induce the States to give it power 
to retaliate on nations bent on ruining our trade. The 
attendance of members in Congress grew smaller and 
smaller, and it required an especial appeal to have the 
quorum necessary for the ratification of the treaty of 
peace with Great Britain, July 14, 1788, the ratifi- 



34 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

cation by nine States of the present Constitution (pre^ 
pared by the Convention of 1787) was announced by 
Congress. After January, 1789, the attendance of a few 
members, who met and adjourned from day to day, gave 
a nominal existence to Congress, and on March 2, two 
days before the time fixed for the beginning of the new 
government, even this pretence of existence was dropped 
and the old Congress was dead. The following is the 
text of these articles: 

AKTICLES OF C0NFEDEEATI0:N^ AND PEE- 
PETUAL UNION 

Between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, 
New YorU, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary- 
land, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and 
Georgia. 

AETiciiE I. The style of this confederacy shall he, "The 
United States of America." 

Article TI. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom 
and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, 
which is not, by this confederation, expressly delegated to the 
United States in Congress assembled. 

Article III. The said States hereby severally enter into a 
firm league of friendship with each other, for their common 
defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and 
general welfare ; binding themselves to assist each other against 
all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, 
on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pre- 
tense whatever. 

Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual 
friendship and intercourse among the people of the different 
States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these 
States, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, 
shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citi- 
zens in the several States ; and the people of each State shall 
have free ingress and egress to a-nd from any other State, and 
shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, 
subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the 
inhabitants thereof respectively ; provided, that such restric- 
tions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of prop- 
erty imported into any State to any other State of which the 
owner is an inhabitant; provided, also, that no imposition, 
duties or restriction shall be laid by any State on the property 
of the United States, or either of them. 

If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felonj^ or 
other high misdemeanor in any State, shall tlee from justice, 
and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon de- 
mand of the governor or executive power of the StO'te from 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 35 

which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the State having 
jurisdiction of his offense. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each cf these States 
to the records, acts and judicial proceedings, of the courts and 
magistrates of every other State. 

Article V. For the more convenient management of the 
general interests of the United States, delegates shall be an- 
nually appointed in such manner as the Legislature of each 
State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in 
November, in every year, with a power reserved to each State 
to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the 
year, and send others in their stead for the remainder of the 
year. 

No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, 
nor by more than seven members, and no person shall be capa- 
ble of being a delegate for more than three years in any term 
of six years, nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable 
of holding any office under the United States for which he, or 
another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees or emolument 
of any kind. 

Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of 
the States, and while they act as members of the committee of 
the States. 

In determining questions in the United States in Congress 
assembled, each State shall have one vote. 

Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be im- 
peached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress ; 
and the members of Congress shall be protected in their per- 
sons from arrest and imprisonment during the time of their 
going to and from, and attendance on Congress, except for 
treason, felony, or breach of the peace. 

ARTiciiE VI. No State, without the consent of the United 
States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or re- 
ceive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agree- 
ment, alliance or treaty with any king, prince or State; nor 
shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the 
United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolu- 
ment, office or title of any kind whatever, from any king, 
prince or foreign State; nor shall the United States in Congress 
assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. 

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confeder- 
ation or alliance whatever, between them, without the consent 
of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accu- 
rately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and 
how long it shall continue. 

No State shall lay any imposts or duties which may inter- 
fere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United 
States in Congress assembled, with any king, prince or State, 
in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to 
the courts of France and Spain. 

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any 
State, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary 
by the United States in Congress assembled, for the defense of 
such State or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept 
up by any State, in time of peace, except such number only as 
in the judgment of the United States in Congress assembled, 



36 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for 
the defense of such State ; but every State shall always keep 
up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed 
and accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready 
for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, 
and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equip- 
age. 

No State shall engage in any war, without the consent of 
the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be 
actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain 
advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians 
to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to 
admit of a delay till the United States in Congress assembled 
can be consulted; nor shall any State grant commissions to 
any ship or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, 
except it be after a declaration of war \>j the United States in 
Congress assembled, and then only against the Kingdom or 
State, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so 
declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by 
the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be 
infested by pirates, in which vessels of war may be fitted out 
for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall con- 
tinue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall 
determine otherwise. 

Article VII. When land forces are raised by any State for 
the common defense, all officers of, or under the rank of colonel, 
shall be appointed by the Legislature of each State, respect- 
ively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner 
as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be fille ' up 
by the State which first made the appointment. 

Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses 
that shall be incurred for the common defense, or general wel- 
fare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, 
shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be 
supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all 
land within each State, granted to or surveyed for, any person, 
as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall 
be estimated, according to such mode as the United States in 
Congress assembled shall from time to time direct and appoint. 
The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied 
by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several 
States within the time agreed upon by the United States in 
Congress assembled. 

Article IX. The United States in Congress assembled shall 
have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on 
peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth arti- 
cle: Of sending and receiving embassadors: Entering into 
treaties and alliances ; provided that no treaty of commerce 
shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective 
States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and 
duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or 
from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species 
of goods or commodities whatever. Of establishing rules for 
deciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall 
be legal ; and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval 
forces in the service of the United States shall be dirided or 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 37 

appropriated : Of granting letters of marque or reprisal in 
times of peace : Appointing courts for the trial of piracies and 
felonies committed on the high seas ; and establishing courts, 
for receiving and determining, finally, appeals in all cases of 
captures; provided, that no member of Congress shall be 
appointed a judge of any of the said courts. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the 
last resort, on appeal, in all disputes and differences now sub- 
sisting, or that hereafter may arise, between two or more 
States, concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause 
whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the 
manner following: Whenever the legislative or executive 
authority, or lawful agent, of any State, in controversy with 
another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the mat- 
ter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall 
be given, by order of Congress, to the legislative or executive 
authority of the other State in controversy ; and a day assigned 
for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who 
shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commis- 
sioners or judges, to constitute a court for hearing and deter- 
mining the matter in question ; but if they cannot agree. Con- 
gress shall name three persons, out of each of the United States, 
and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately 
strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number 
shall be reduced to thirteen ; and from that number, not less 
than seven, nor more than nine, names, as Congress shall direct, 
shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out, by lot; and 
the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, 
shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine 
the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who 
shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination. And if 
either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, with- 
out showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or 
being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed 
to nominate three persons out of each State; and the secretary 
of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refus- 
ing; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be ap- 
pointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and 
conclusive. And if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to 
the authority of such court, or to appear, or defend their claim 
or cause, the court shall, nevertheless, proceed to pronounce 
sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and 
decisive; the judgment, or sentence, and other proceedings, 
being in either case, transmitted to Congress, and, lodged 
among the acts of Congress, for the security of the parties 
concerned: Provided that every commissioner, before he sits 
in judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of 
the judges of the Supreme or Superior Courts of the State where 
the cause shall be tried, " Well and truly to hear and deterpiine 
the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, 
without favor, affection, or hope of reward : " Provided, also, 
that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of 
the United States. 

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed 
under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdic- 
tion, as they may respect such lands, and the States which 



38 DiCTlON^AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of 
them being at the same time claimed to have originated ante- 
cedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition 
of either party to the Congress of the United States, he finally 
determined, as near as may he, in the same manner as is before 
prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial juris- 
diction between different States. 

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the 
sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and 
value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the 
respective States : Fixing the standard of weights and meas- 
ures throughout the United States : Regulating the trade and 
managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of 
the States; provided that the legislative right of any State, 
within its own limits, be not infringed or violated : Establish- 
ing and regulating post-offices from one State to another, 
throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage 
on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to 
defray the expenses of the said office : Appointing all officers 
of the land forces in the service of the United States, except- 
ing regimental officers: Appointing all the officers of the 
naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the 
service of the United States: Making rules for the govern- 
ment and regulation of the land and naval forces, and directing 
their operations. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority 
to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be 
denominated A Committef of the States, and to consist of 
one delegate from each State ; and to appoint such other com- 
mittees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the 
general affairs of the United States under their direction : To 
appoint one of their number to preside; provided, that no 
person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than 
one year in any term of three years: To ascertain the neces- 
sary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United 
States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying 
the public expenses : To borrow money, or emit bills on the 
credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the 
respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed 
or emitted : To build and equip a navy : To agree upon the 
number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each 
State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white in- 
habitants in such State, which requisition shall be binding ; 
and thereupon the Legislature of each State shall appoint the 
regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm and equip 
them, in a soldier-like manner, at *the expense of the United 
States; and the officers and men so clothed, armed and 
equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the 
time agreed on. by the United States m Congress assembled ; 
but if the United States in Congress assembled shall, on con- 
sideration of circumstances, judge proper that any State should 
not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, 
and that any other State should raise a greater number of men 
than its quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, 
officered, clothed, armed and equipped, in the same manner as 
the quota of such State * ualess the Legislature of such State 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 39 

shall judge that such extra nuniber cannot be safely spared 
out of the same; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, 
arm and equip, as many of such extra number as they judge 
can be safely spared; and the officers and men so clothed, 
armed and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and 
within the time agreed on, by the United States in Congress 
assembled. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage 
in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of 
peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, 
nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sum and 
expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United 
States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on 
the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor 
agree upon the numbers of vessels of war to be built or pur- 
chased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor 
appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine 
States assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any other 
point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, 
unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Con- 
gress assembled. 

The Congress of the United States shall have power to 
adjourn at any time within the year, and to any pUice within 
the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a 
longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish 
the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts 
thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations as 
in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of 
the delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered 
on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate ; and the 
delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, 
shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except 
such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures 
of the several States. 

Article X. The committee of the States, or any nine of 
them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, 
such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Con- 
gress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall, from time 
to time, think expedient to vest them with ; provided that no 
power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of 
which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine 
States, in the Congress of the United States assembled, is 
requisite. 

Article XI. Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and 
joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted 
into and entitled to all the advantages of this Union ; but no 
other colony shall be admitted into the same unless such 
admission be agreed to by nine States 

Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, 
and debts contracted by or under the authority of Congress, 
before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of 
the present Confederation, shall be deemed and considered as 
a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfac- 
tion whereof the said United States and the public faith are 
hereby solemnly pledged. 



40 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Article XIII. Every State ghall abide by the determina- 
tions of the United States in Congress assembled, on all ques- 
tions which, by this Confederation, are submitted to them. 
And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably 
observed by every State ; and the Union shall be perpetual. 
JSTor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any 
of them, unless such alteration be agreed to, m a Congress of 
the United States, and be afterward confirmed by the legis- 
latures of every State. 

And whereas, it hath pleased the great Governor of the 
world to incline the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively 
represent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to 
ratify, the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual 
Union : 

Know Ye, That we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of 
the power and authority to us given for this purpose, do, by 
these presents, in the name, and in behalf, of our respective 
constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and 
every of the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual 
Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein 
contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage 
the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide 
by the determinations of the United States in Congress 
assembled, on all questions, which, by the said Confederation, 
are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be 
inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent; 
and that the Union shall be perpetual. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands in 
Congress. 

Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the 
ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the Inde- 
pendence of America. 

[Here follow the signatures of the delegates from New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, Connecticut,* New York, JSTew Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, and Georgia. Forty-eight in alL] 

Appointments to Office. {See Term and Tenure 
of Office.) 

Apportionment is the allotment to any portion of 
the people of the right of selection of a member in a 
legislative body, or the allotment to them of the duty of 
providing a certain proportion of a tax. It may be based 
on status, geographical divisions, or on numbers. The 
United States Constitution, Article 1, section 3, appor- 
tions two Senators to every State, a geographical appor- 
tionment; in Article 1, section 2, the apportionment of 
representatives is based on the number of free persons 
(excluding Indians), plus three-fifths of all slaves, being 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 41 

thus dependent partly on number and partly on status. 
The Fourteenth Amendment does away with the limita- 
tion as to status and bases the apportionment on num- 
bers merely, excluding Indians and persons without 
cause deprived of their right to vote. The Constitution 
provisionally apportioned the representatives according 
to the best information obtainable, assigning to each 
State a specified number and provided for subsequent 
periodical enumerations, establishing a minimum of 
30,000 persons to one representative. In 1792 an ap- 
portionment based on the census of 1790, assigned one 
hundred and five members, one to every 33,000 inhabit- 
ants, all fractions being disregarded, and in 1802 an 
apportionment on the same terms was made based on 
the census of 1800, the total of members being one hun- 
dred and forty-one. The censuis of 1810 caused in 1811 
one hundred and eighty-one members to be distributed 
among the States, one member being assigned to 35,000 
persons. The census of 1820 increased the number of 
members to two hundred and twelve, and the number of 
persons to whom one representative was assigned to 
40,000. The census of 1830 resulted in a law giving 
one member to every 47,000 people, a total of two hun- 
dred and forty members. In all these apportionments 
fractions had been disregarded, but the discussion fol- 
lowing the census of 1840 ended in the adoption of the 
principle of representation to fractions larger than one- 
half. In this debate a proposition to force States to 
elect by districts was voted down. By the act of 1842 
there were two hundred and twenty-three members, 
being one in 70,680 persons; six members being assigned 
to States having fractions larger than one-half. In 1850 
S. F. V^inton, of Ohio, amended the bill providing for 
the taking of the census, so as to leave the apportion- 
ment on the following basis in the hands of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior. This law came to be known as the 
Vinton Bill. As subsequently passed it provided for 
two hundred and thirty-three members. The total 
population of the country was to be divided by two hun- 
dred and thirty-three, thus obtaining the number of 



42 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

constituents of each member, then by dividing the total 
population of each State by the basis thus obtained, the 
number of representatives assigned to each State for full 
constituencies would be obtained; the number of mem- 
bers remaining was then to be apportioned among the 
fractions until exhausted. One member was subse- 
quently added to California. The ratio was one to 
93,420. The principle of the Vinton Bill has since pre- 
vailed in all of the apportionments. Based on the cen- 
sus of 1860, two hundred and forty-one members were 
apportioned, being one to every 126, 840 persons. The thir- 
teenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments abolished 
the slaves as a basis for representation, but the provision 
in the fourteenth amendment ordering a reduction in the 
number on which the apportionment is to be based, in 
cases of causeless deprivation of persons of the right to 
vote, has been deemed impracticable and is now dis- 
regarded. In 1872, four members were assigned to 
States not having the full number required for one 
representative, two hundred and seventy-nine were ap- 
portioned among the remaining States on the principle 
of the Vinton Bill, and nine additional were subsequently 
added to certain States, making a total of two hundred 
and ninety-two, or one in 131,425 persons. The latest 
apportionment took effect March 4, 1883. By it three 
hundred and twenty-five members sit in Congress, being 
one to every 151,912 persons. 

Appropriations. — Article 1, section 7, clause 1 of 
the Constitution provides that '^All bills for raising 
revenue shall originate in the House of Representa- 
tives;" a similar privilege has been claimed by the House 
in the case of appropriations of public money, but in 
this case the claim has not been insisted on. Previous 
to 1865 the appropriation bills were in the House con- 
sidered by the Committee of Ways and Means, but in 
that year the Committee on Appropriations was formed. 
By a rule of the House and Senate, appropriation bills 
must include only items authorized by existing laws, and 
they cannot contain provisions changing existing laws. 
But this rule is frequently disregarded. These bills 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 43 

must be reported to tlie Committee of the Whole, and 
may be reported at any time, taking precedence of any 
other measures. This rule puts vast power into the 
hands of the chairman of the committee, and of late 
years this power has been used to choke discussion on 
the subject of the tariff, by withholding the report of 
the appropriation bills until the end of the session and 
then introducing them at a time when the most urgent 
duties of Congress having been performed, that topic is 
most likely to come up for discussion. In the House 
the yeas and nays on the passage of these bills must be 
recorded. But bills are frequently passed under a sus- 
pension of this rule. In the Senate this is not neces- 
sary. The Appropriation Committee in that body was 
organized in 1867, the Finance Committee having previ- 
ously had that matter in charge. The appropriation 
bills are made up from estimates furnished by the heads 
of the executive departments; these are usually much 
reduced in the House, and these estimates are again 
usually raised by the Senate (which body has less politi- 
cal capital to make out of a claim of economy); a com- 
promise between the two usually results in appropri- 
ations considerably lower than the amount asked for by 
the department officers. This necessitates the passage, 
at the beginning of every session, of a bill to supply the 
deficiency of the previous appropriations; this bill is 
known as the Deficiency Bill. 

The annual appropriation made by the United States 
Congress for the expenses of the Grovernment for the 
fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, was 1323,783,079, of 
this amount over $135,000,000 was for pei.sioiis. 

Besides these appropriations there are ^'^ permanent 
annual appropriations,^' or money expended by the 
treasury by virtue of laws whose operation involves the 
expenditure without a specific appropriation renewed 
each year, as interest on the public debt. For the ex- 
penditures of the government, see Exjpenditiires and 
Receipts of the United States. 

Arbitration, International. — The earliest method 
of settling international disputes was by war. This 



44 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

method has not yet entirely ceased, but the growth of 
the industrial spirit among nations, whereby the prop- 
erty subject to destruction in war has been vastly aug- 
mented and peaceful habits have been cultivated, and 
the growth of a spirit of equity in dealing with other 
nations has ceased the settlement of many disputes in 
modern times by arbitration instead of by war. The 
contesting nations select some arbitrator, or arbitrators, 
to whom the disputed point is referred and whose deci- 
sion is to be final, or subject to the approval of each, 
according to the terms of the submission. The sub- 
mission is sometimes the result of a treaty, and some- 
times it merely grows out of state correspondence, and 
is intended to clear the atmosphere in international dis- 
cussions by the aid of an impartial opinion. The situa- 
tion of the United States, remote from most foreign 
nations, her lack of a large navy and standing army, 
the peaceful habits of her people and the conciliatory 
policy of her government from the outset, have inclined 
her frequently in the history of her foreign relations to 
submit disputes to arbitration. The Treaty of Wash- 
ington was from this point of view a remarkable one, 
both because of the importance of its subjects and the 
success attending the reference of them to arbitration, 
and its example has not been without its effect in in- 
creasing respect both for the United States and the 
method of arbitration among other nations. 

Arctic Expeditions, American. — The first Ameri- 
can expedition to the Arctic regions was made in 1850, 
when the ships Advance and Kescue started in search 
of the lost explorer Sir John Franklin and his party. 
In October of the following year, after an absence of 
nineteen months, they returned, having discovered only 
supposed traces of the objects of their search, and leav- 
ing their actual fate in entire uncertainty. The second 
American expedition, having for its object the same 
humane purpose, was due in a great measure to Dr. 
Kane, and was made under the auspices of the Navy 
Department, the Smithsonian Institute, the Geographi- 
cal Society of New York, the American Philosophical 



DICTION A RY OF A ME RICA AT POLITICS. 45 

Society, and other scientific associations. This expedi- 
tion was also unsuccessful so far as discovering any infor- 
mation regarding the fate of Franklin. During 1864-^69, 
the Monticello, Commander Charles F. Hall, reached 
King William^s Land, and in 1871, the Polaris reached 
latitude 82 degrees 16 minutes north. The next expedi- 
tion of particular importance was that of the Jeannette, 
Commander Lieutenant De Long, 1879-^81. This un- 
fortunate vessel was crushed June 13, 1881, in latitude 
77 degrees 14 minutes 57 seconds north. In 1880 the 
Corwin, Commander Captain C. L. Hooper, who had 
sailed for the relief of the Jeannette, reached Wrangell 
Land; and in the same year the Eodgers, Commander 
Lieutenant R. M. Berry, reached latitude 73 degrees 28 
minutes north. The Greely expedition of 1881 reached 
the highest latitude yet attained — 83 degrees 24 1-2 
minutes north. 

Arbor Day. — The first suggestion of tree planting 
under the direction of state authority was made hy B. Gr. 
Northrop, then Secretary of the Connecticut Board of 
Education, about 1865, in an official state report. In 
1876 this same gentleman endeavored to stimulate " cen- 
tennial tree planting '^ by the offer of prizes to the 
children of Connecticut. But the idea of setting apart a 
day for the work had originated with ex-Grovernor J. Ster- 
ling Morton, of Kebraska, who about 1872 induced the 
Governor of that state to issue a proclamation appointing 
a day for the planting of trees throughout the state. A 
year or two later the day was made a legal holiday by 
enactment of the Legislature, and provision was made 
for awarding premiums to those who put out the most 
trees in it. It is said that nearly 700,000,000 Arbor 
Day trees are now in thriving condition on the prairie 
tracts of the state. 

The example of Nebraska was soon followed by Kan- 
sas, and with grand results. Arbor Day in Minnesota, 
first observed in 1876, resulted, it is said, in planting 
over a million and a half of trees. In Michigan the Arbor 
Day law was passed in 1881, and in Ohio in 1882. Since 



46 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

then Arbor day has been observed in Colorado, Wiscon- 
sin, West Virginia, Indiana, Vermont, New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Florida, 
Alabama, Missouri, California, Kentucky, Maine and 
Georgia. In several other states its observance has been 
secured by the recommendation of the Grange, the 
Grand Army of the Eepublic, or by State agricultural 
societies. While at the outset economic tree-planting 
was the primary aim, the adornment of home and 
school grounds soon followed. On the first Ohio Arbor 
Day, the children of Cincinnati joined in an attractive 
celebration, in the form of planting memorial trees 
and dedicating them to authors, statesmen, and other 
distinguished citizens. B. G. Northrop says, concern- 
ing the value of the observance of Arbor Day: "While 
forests should not be planted on our rich arable lands, 
there are in New England and all the Atlantic states 
large areas of barrens worthless for field crops, that may 
be profitably devoted to wood-growing. The feasibility 
of reclaiming our most sterile wastes is proved by many 
facts both at home and abroad. Our Atlantic sand 
plains were once covered with forests and can be re- 
forested. Over 10,000 acres on Cape Cod, which thirty 
years ago were barren, sandy plains, are now covered 
with thriving planted forests." 

Aristocrats. — A name applied by the Republicans 
to a section of the Federalists in 1796. Also called the 
British Party. 

Arizona is a Territory of the United States. It 
originally formed parts of the Mexican cession and the 
Gadsden purchase. {^See Annexations IV and F.) It 
was separated from New Mexico and organized by Act of 
February 24, 1863. Phoenix is the capital. The popu- 
lation in 1880 was 40,440 and in the last census (1890) 
59,602. {^8ee Governors; Legislatures.) 

Area of the United States. — The area of the 
various territories which have been acquired by the 
United States from time to time is given under Annexa- 
tions. The areas of the various States and Territories 
and of the United States are given in the following 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 47 

table, the figures including the gross land and water 
areas as given in the census of 1890, except as to 
Alaska, the extent of which is given as estimated by 
the special agent for that census: 

GROSS AREA IN 
STATES AND TERRITORIES. SQUARE MILKS. 

Alabama..... „ 52,250 

Alaska Territory , 577, 390 

Arizona 113,020 

Arkansas » • - • ^3,850 

California 158,360 

Colorado -^^'oart 

Connecticut • «f'„„9 

Dakota, North 70,775 

Dakota, South 7< ,650 

Delaware = • • • • *'"r^ 

District of Columbia » 70 

Florida = - • •• 58,680 

Georgia 59,475 

Idaho^ 84,800 

Illinois 56,650 

Indiana - Vrf^ 

Indian Territory 31,400 

Iowa 56,025 

Kansas 82,080 

Kentucky 40,^ 

Louisiana „„'!':" 

Maine 33,040 

Maryland 12,210 

Massachusetts ■> o,315 

Michigan 58,915 

Minnesota Ic q?X 

Mississippi • 2n'?19 

Missouri = .V^'^iR 

Montana ^fJ^Sl 

Nebraska o JI'5i^ 

Nevada 110,700 

New Hampshire 9,305 

New Jersey loi'Sn 

New Mexico -^f^'^^X 

New York = • 49,170 

North Carohna = 52,250 

Ohio 41,060 

Oregon 96,030 

Pennsylvania 45,^15 

Rhode Island ^1,250 

South Carolina 30,570 

\f^^ ::::::;;::::::::::::::::::::::;::;::::2S;?I§ 

|S:::::::::::::::;:;::::::: ^■m 

Vermont - ^^'^22 

Virginia • • • • 42,450 

Washington „?'„SS 

West Virginia xl'n^ 

Wisconsin o^'^ 

Wyoming - 97,890 

Oklahama Territory ^^'2^ 

Delaware Bay o^ 

Rariton Bay and Lower New York Bay 100 

Total United States 3,603,710 



48 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Arkansas. — The State of Arkansas was originally a 
portion of the Louisiana purchase. i^See Annexations I. ) 
It was separated as Arkansaw Territory from Missouri in 
1819, and was admitted to the Union on June 15, 1836. 
On May 6, 1861, a convention passed an ordinance of 
secession, and the State was re-admitted to the Union 
June 22, 1868. The capital is Little Eock. The popula- 
tion in 1880 was 802,525, and in the last 1890, census 
1,128,179. Arkansas sends five members to the House 
of Kepresentatives and has seven electoral votes; it is a 
Democratic State. In 1881 the Legislature declared the 
pronunciation of its name to be Ar-kan-saw. The name 
is of Indian origin and has no known meaning. Arkansas 
is popularly known as the Bear State, in allusion to the 
figures on the coat of arms of Missouri, of which it was 
once a part. {^See Governors; Legislatures.^ 

Army of the United States. — On January 1, 
1892, the armv contained: 

OFFICERS. 

10 Cavalry regiments 432 

5 Artillery regiments 282 

25 Infantry regiments 877 

Miscellaneous 579 

Total , 2,170 25,220 27,388 

The last division includes the engineer service, re- 
cruiting parties, ordnance department, hospital service, 
Indian scouts. West Point, signal detachments and gen- 
eral service. 

The army is commanded by three major-generals, 
and six brigadier-generals. The pay of the o3&cers is as 
follows: 

PAY DURING FIRST 5 YEARS Maximiun 

of Service. Pay. 

Major-General : $7,500 10,500 

Brigadier-General 5,500 7,700 

Colonel 3,500 4,500 

Lieutenant-Colonel 3,000 4,000 

Major 2,500 3,500 

Captain, mounted 2,000 2.800 

Captain, not mounted 1,800 2,520 

First Lieutenant, mounted 1,600 2,240 

First Lieutenant,not mounted 1,500 2,100 

Second Lieutenant 1,400 1,960 



ENLISTED MEN. 


TOTAL 


6,050 


6,480 


3,675 


3,957 


12,125 


13,002 


3,370 


3,949 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 49 

The pay is graded, acccording to years of active service, 
being increased at the rate of ten per cent, for every five 
years of service until after twenty years^ service the max- 
imum is reached; in the case of colonels and lieutenant- 
colonels the maximum is fixed somewhat lower. Officers 
are allowed mileage at the rate of eight cents a mile for 
every mile traveled under orders. The pay of the men 
is graded from $13 a month and rations^ for the first 
two years, to $21 a month and rations after twenty 
years^ service. The retired list of the army is limited to 
400 officers. Any commissioned oflicer that has served 
thirty years may be retired on his own request at the dis- 
cretion of the President, or having served forty years on 
his own request absolutely; or having served forty-five 
years, or having attained the age of sixty-two years, at the 
discretion of the President, without any act of his own. 
The pay is seventy-five per cent, of the pay allotted to 
officers of his rank in active service at the time of retire- 
ment. There are at present thirty-one general officers 
on the list, being one general, four major-generals and 
twenty-six brigader-generals. The general officers of the 
army are at present (1892) as follows: 

RANK. NAME. COMMAND. 

Major-General John M. Schofield United States Army. 

Major-General Oliver O. Howard Depart, of the East. 

Major-General Nelson A. Miles Depart, of Missouri. 

Brigadier-General. . . . .Thomas H. Ruger Depart, of California. 

Brigadier-General Wesley Merritt Depart, of Dakota. 

Brigadier-General David S. Stanley Depart, of Texas. 

Brigadier-General John R. Brooke Depart, of the Platte. 

Brigadier-Greneral A .Mc D.McCook Depart, of Arizona. 

Brigadier-Gknaral A. V. Kautz Depart, of the Colvunbia. 

The commanaers of the army have been as follows: 

Major-General George Washington, June 15, 1775, to December 23, 1783. 

Major-General Henry Knox, December 23, 1783, to June 20, 1784. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Josiah Harmar, General-in-Chief by brevet, Sep- 
tember, 1788, to March, 1791. 

Major-General Arthur St. Clair, March 4, 1791, to March, 1792. 

Major-General Anthony Wayne, April 11, 1792, to December 15, 1796. 

Major-General James Wilkinson, December 15, 1796, to July, 1798. 

Lieutenant-General George Washington, July 3, 1798, to his death, 
December 14, 1799. 

Major-General James. Wilkinson, June, 1800, to January, 1812. 

Major-General Henry Dearborn, January 27, 181*, to June. 1815. 

Major-General Jacob Brown, June, 1815, to February 21, 1838. 



50 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Major-General Alexander Macomb, May 24, 1828, to June, 1841. 
Major-General Winfield Scott (brevet Lieutenant-General), June, 1841, 

to November 1, 1861. 
Major-General George B. McClellan, November 1, 1861, to March 11, 186S. 
Major-General H. W. Halleck, July 11, 1862, to March 12, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant, March 12, 1864, to July 25, 1866, and as 

General to March 4, 1869. 
General W. T. Sherman, March 4, 1869, to November 1, 1883. 
Lieutenant-General P. H. Sheridan, November 1, 1883, to August 5, 1888. 
Major-General J. M. Schofleld, August 5, 1888, to 

Tlie maximum strength of the army, including officers 
ftnd men, as authorized by Congress at various times, 
Bsras as follows: 

1789 1 regiment of Infantry, 1 battery of Artillery. . 840 

1792 . . . .Indian War 5,120 

1794 Peace organization 3,629 

1801 Peace organization 5,144 

1807 . . .Peace organization 3,278 

1810 Peace organization 7,154 

1812 , . . .War of 1812 11,831 

1815 ....Warof 1812 9,413 

1817— 21. . . .Peace organization 9,980 

1822—32. . . .Peace organization 6,184 

1833—37 Peace organization 7,198 

1838-42 .... Florida War 12,539 

1843—46. . . .Peace organization 8,613 

1847 . . . .Mexican War 17,812 

1848 . . . .Mexican War 30,890 

1849—55 Peace organization 10,320 

1856—61 ... Peace organization 12,931 

1862 ....Civil War 39,273 

1863—66. . . .Civil War 43,332 

1867 Peace organization 54,641 

1868— 69. . . .Peace organization 52,922 

1870 — Peace oi'ganization 37,313 

1871 — Peace organization 35,353 

1872—74 . . . Peace organization 32,264 

1875-92 .... Peace organization 27,489 

The President of the United States is commander-in- 
chief of the army (Constitution, Article 2, section 2), 
and under him is the Secretary of War. i^See War Be- 
partment. ) 

Arm-in-Arm Convention. — A name given to a con- 
vention of Eepublicans that supported President John- 
son's policy on reconstruction; it met in Philadelphia in 
August, 1866. Its name arose from the fact that the 
members from Massachusetts and from South Carolina 
entered the convention together at the head of the 
delegates. 

Aroostook Disturbance. {See Northeast Bound- 
ary. ) 

Arthur, Chester A. — Was born at Fairfield, Frank- 
lin County, Vermont, October 5, 1830. During his 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 51 

early youth his father moved to New York. He was a 
graduate of Union College. He taught school for a time. 
and from 1860 to 1863 he was engineer-in-chief on Got- 
ernor Morgan^s staff and after 1862 inspector-general as 
well. From 1871 to 1878 he was Collector of the Port of 
New York. In 1880 he was elected Vice-President of 
the United States under Garfield, and on the death of the 
latter in September, 1881, he became President. He was 
a Eepublican. During his administration the famous 
Star Koute Trials took place. Although mistrusted by a 
portion of the country on first assuming the office, he 
disappointed his enemies, by acquitting himself credita- 
bly. He was a member of the Stalwart faction of the 
Republican party before his accession to the Presidency. 
He died in New York City on November 18, 1886. 

Ashburton Treaty, The, was drawn up by Lord 
Ashburton, Commissioner from Great Britain, and Daniel 
Webster, Secretary of State under Tyler. It was signed 
at Washington, August 9, 1842, ratified by the Senate 
on the 20th of the same month, and proclaimed by th^ 
President on the 10th of the following November. Be- 
sides settling the northeast boundary [luhicli see), it pro- 
yided that the United States should make common cause 
with Great Britain in suppressing the slave trade, and 
also provided for the extradition of persons charged with 
certain crimes. 

Ask Nothing but What is Right, Submit to 
Nothing Wrong. — This was Andrew Jackson's con- 
ception of what our foreign policy should be, as embodied 
in instructions to our ministers abroad. 

Assay Offices are establishments maintained by the 
Government in which gold and silver bullion may be 
deposited by citizens, they receiving its value, less charges 
in return. There are five, namely: at New York City, 
Boise City, Idaho; Helena, Montana; Charlotte, North 
Carolina; St. Louis, Missouri. The total of their opera- 
tions for the year ending July 1, 1887, was 4,483,651,897 
standard ounces of gold, and 45,921,882,657 standard 
ounces of silver. 

Assembly. {See Legislature,) 



S2 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Assembly, Right of. — The right of the people peace- 
ably to assemble for discussion and mutual support in 
lawful actions is implied in the republican form of Gov- 
ernment. The first amendment to the Constitution 
protects the right of assembly and petition for a redress 
of grievances, so far as the National Government is con- 
cerned. The State constitutions generally, if not always, 
protect the right, so far as it comes within their scope. 
But the right of the people to assemble to discuss mat- 
ters of a public or private nature is to be distinguished 
from the assembly with intent to commit violence on 
persons or property, to resist the execution of the laws, 
to disturb the public order or for the perpetration of 
acts creating public terror or alarm. Such unlawful 
assemblies are not protected by State or National Con- 
stitutions. 
Assessments, Political. {See Civil Service Reform. ) 
Associated Youth was a name given in 1798 to as- 
sociations of young Federalists, who drew up addresses 
in favor of the Federalist party and its principles, and 
in other ways supported and aided it. They were largely 
instrumental in spreading the custom of wearing black 
cockades. 

Asylum of the Oppressed of Every Nation. — 
This phrase is used in the Democratic National Plat- 
form of 1856, referring to the United States. 

Athens of America, or Modern Athens. — A name 
by which Boston, Massachusetts, is sometimes known in. 
recognition of its intellectual character. 
Atherton Gag" Laws. {See Gag Laws.) 
Atherton Resolutions. {See Gag Laws.) 
Attainder is the extinction of civil rights and privi- 
leges in an individual, and the forfeiture of his property 
to the government. In England, under the common 
law, it followed as a matter of course on a conviction 
and sentence to death for treason, and to some extent 
on sentence for other crimes. A Bill of Attainder is a 
legislative conviction of crime, with. a sentence of death. 
The accused may or may not be given a trial. Foreign 
governments have employed this method of disposing of 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 53 

political offenders without giving them, the opportunity of 
a regular judicial trial. The crime against which Bills of 
Attainder are usually directed is treason. Attainder fol- 
lowing on sentence of death for treason formerly worked 
forfeiture of the condemned person^s estate to the govern- 
ment, and by corruption of blood, as it is called, pre- 
vented his heirs from inheriting. Legislative convictions 
which impose punishments less than death are called Bills 
of Pains and Penalties; they are included in the meaning 
of the words, ^' Bill of Attainder,'*" used in the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. That document prohibits the 
passage of Bills of Attainder by Congress or any State 
(Article 1, section 9, clause 3), and further provides, 
concerning judicial convictions of treason (Article 3, 
section 3, clause 2), that '''^no attainder of treason shall 
work corruption of blood or forfeiture except during the 
life of the person attainted."" The Supreme Court has 
decided unconstitutional, as coming within the pro- 
hibitions of the Constitution, an act of Congress aimed 
at those who had engaged on the Confederate side in the 
Civil War, requiring all persons to take an oath negativ- 
ing any such disloyal action before they should be allowed 
to practice in the United States Courts. i^See Treason,) 

Attorney General of the United States. {See 
Justice, Departmeiit of .) 

Bachelor President.— James Buchanan was the only 
unmarried President of the United States, and was con- 
sequently called as above. President Cleveland was at 
the time of his inauguration unmarried, but he married 
during his term of office, June 2, 1886. 

Balance of Trade of a country is the difference in 
value between its exports and its imports. The notion 
long prevailed that an excess of ex|)orts over imports 
was desirable, and this led to such a balance being 
termed a balance in favor of the country, while a bal- 
ance of imports over exports was considered unfavorable 
or against it. This notion was based on tlie mistaken 
idea that the balance of trade must be settled by imports or 
exports of specie, the importation of which was regarded 
as desirable. This view has, however, been entirely dis- 



54 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

carded by political economists. It is now known that 
in healthy and profitable trade imports must of necessity 
exceed exports. A given quantity of merchandise ex- 
ported from a country must^ in order to yield a profit, 
be sold in a foreign market at a price which includes 
cost^ insurance and freight to the foreign market and 
reasonable profit to the merchants; if this increased sum 
be invested in merchandise to be returned to the original 
country its value there must of necessity be greater than 
that of the exported articles. Not that transactions can 
be thus traced except in isolated cases; we may indeed 
assume a case of exports exclusively to England and of 
imports exclusively from Erance, the trade between 
these countries equalizing the transaction; for bills of 
exchange and the other instruments of commerce render 
very simple in practice even the cases most difiicult to 
trace in theory; the desire for gain leads every article to 
find the market in which it is most valuable; in this 
sense gold and silver are articles of commerce, and they 
will not be exported unless their value in the other 
country is greater than at home. 

Ballot is any vote taken in such manner as to keep 
secret the choice of each individual voting; it is distin- 
guished from the viva voce or open vote. In most of the 
States vote by ballot is an old custom in popular elec- 
tions. In many States it was made obligatory by consti- 
tutions adopted in 1776. In New York it came into 
partial use in 1778, and after 1787 it was universally- 
adopted there. Many of the Southern States voted 
openly, but in all States except Kentucky this has been 
superseded by the ballot; but even in that State the vote 
for members of the House of Eepresentatives must be by 
ballot in accordance with Federal laws. In eleven of the 
States provisions in the constitution prescribe the open 
vote for all proceedings of the Legislature. Where there 
is no such provision the House may determine for itself 
its method of voting. 

Ballot-Box Stuffing" is a method of election fraud 
and consists in arranging several ballots so as to appear 
as but one, thus enabling an individual to cast several 
votes. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 55 

Bank Notes are obligations issued by a bank^ by 
which it binds itself to pay a certain specified sum to 
the bearer on demand. These notes will be taken wher- 
ever the standing of the bank is known. Our National 
bank notes are taken everywhere because protected by 
government bonds deposited with the Treasurer of the 
United States. Long experience has shown banks what 
percentage of the amount of bank notes issued must be 
kept on hand in actual specie to meet all demands likely 
to be made on that score. 

Bank of North America was the name of the first 
bank of a national character incorporated in this coun- 
try. It had a charter for ten years from 1781 from the 
Confederation, but doubts as to its legality lead the bank 
to seek and obtain a charter from the State of Pennsyl- 
vania in 1783. In 1785 this latter charter was revoked, 
but in 1787 it was renewed. It was located at Phila- 
delphia. 

Bank of the United States. — There have, in the 
history of this country, been two such banks, the first 
from 1791 to 1811, the second from 1816 to 1836. The 
incorporation of the first of these was a part of Hamil- 
ton's financial scheme, and it aroused great opposition. 
Jefi'erson, Madison and others that subsequently formed 
and became the leaders of the Republican party were 
foremost in the opposition, which was based on the 
lack of power on the part of Congress to charter any 
such institution. The attitude of public men on this 
measure was among the first indications of the direction 
in which party lines would tend. Jefferson and the 
future Republicans demanded a strict construction of 
the Constitution, and denied the grant of any such 
power to Congress in that instrument. Hamilton main- 
tained that the right to charter a corporation was one 
of the inherent privileges of a sovereign power, that the 
Federal government was a sovereign power, and need 
not therefore have such authority specifically granted, 
and that the step was "within the sphere of the speci- 
fied powers''"' of the government enumerated by the 
Constitution. The bill incorporating the bank became 



56 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

law in 1791. The bank was to continue for twenty 
years, its capital was to be 110,000,000, of which. 
$2,000,000 was to be subscribed by the government. In 
return the government was to receive a loan of 12,000,- 
000, repayable in yearly installments of $200,000. Con- 
gress agreed to charter no other bank within twenty 
years. The public subscriptions were to be payable 
one-quarter in coin and three-quarters in three or six 
per cent, national debt certificates. The bank was 
authorized to establish branches, and its notes were to 
be received in payments to the United States. Although 
Jefferson had originally opposed the bank on the ground 
of the unconstitutionality of its charter, he neverthe- 
less while President recognized its constitutionality by 
signing various acts affecting it, and in the courts the 
legitimacy of its existence was never questioned. Its 
efforts to obtain a renewal of its charter from the 
United States at the expiration of its existence in 1811 
were unsuccessful, as were the efforts to prolong its life 
by a Pennsylvania State charter, and so it went out of 
existence. The head office of the bank was at Phila- 
delphia. The government stock in the bank was sold to 
English bankers in 1802 at a premium of fifty-seven 
per cent. The bank had paid dividends averaging over 
eight per cent, per annum; while in liquidation it was 
bought out by Stephen Girard, of Philadelphia, one of 
the stockholders, and continued by him as a private 
institution. 

In 1816 the second Bank of the United States was 
incorporated. Public sentiment had been inclined in 
favor of such a renewal by the financial difficulties 
attending the war of 1812, but although the subject 
was broached as early as 1814, it was two years later 
before the act passed. This time it was the Federalists 
that were opposed to it, and by in turn supporting and 
opposing each of two rival plans, they had compassed the 
defeat of both. The powers of the bank were much 
the same ,as those of the first. Its capital stock was 
$35,000,000, payable one-fifth in cash and four-fifths in 
government stock. It was to have the custody of public 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 57 

funds, and five of the twenty-five directors were to be 
appointed by the government. Mismanagement brought 
the bank into a precarious position, and the new bank 
presidejit was obliged, as a matter of necessity, largely to 
curtail its loans. The stringency thus created awakened 
considerable feeling against the bank. The first inti- 
mation of any connection of the bank with politics was 
the demand of certain of President Jackson^s political 
friends for the removal of the president of a New Eng- 
land branch who was politically obnoxious to them. 
The president of the bank, Nicholas Biddle, refused, 
denying any connection of his institution with politics. 
President Jackson was opposed to the bank, and his 
messages to Congress in 1829, 1830 and 1831 expressed 
strong dislike of the institution. In 1832 a bill to re- 
charter passed both Houses, but was vetoed by the 
President and failed to pass over the veto. The elec- 
tions of that year produced a House, the majority of 
which, supporte.^. the President. On the plea that the 
bank was not safe, the President now removed the 
government deposits and placed them with State banks, 
which were called Banks of Deposit, and nicknamed 
'^Fet Banks," la this he was supported by the House, 
which decided against a renewal of the charter and 
ordered an investigation of the bank. Of this nothing 
came. The bank was chartered by the State of Penn- 
sylvania, and was thereafter known as the Nicholas Bid- 
diet's United States Bank. Only one more attempt to 
establish such a bank was made. This was in 1844, while 
Tyler was President. Two bills having that end in view 
passed Congress, but they were both vetoed. 

Bankruptcy is a state of inability to pay all debts; it 
is also the process by which an individual may secure a 
discharge of his indebtedness by surrendering his prop- 
erty and complying with the law. The Constitution of 
the United States (Article 1, section 8, clause 4) gives 
Congress power '^to establish . . . uniform laws 
on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United 
States. ''' As the States also have the right to pass sim- 
ilar laws affecting their own citizens whenever there is 



58 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN P Oil TICS. 

no national law on the subject in force, it is customary 
to distinguish between National and State laws by calling 
the former bankrupt, and the latter insolvent laws. 
Three times only in the history of the government has 
there existed a bankrupt law. The first was passed in 
1800 and was repealed in 1803; the second became law 
in 1841, and was taken from the statute books in 1843; 
the third had the longest life: it became law March 2, 
1867, and was repealed on June 7, 1878, the repeal to 
take effect September 1st of that year. There is at 
present a considerable demand for another bankrupt law 
to secure uniformity throughout the country. 
Banks of Deposit. {Bee Deposit Banks.) 
Barbary Pirates. — The countries on the Mediter- 
ranean coast of Africa from Egypt to the Atlantic, 
namely, Morocco, Algeria, Tunis and Tripoli (which are 
known collectively as the Barbary Powers) had been in 
the habit of preying on the commerce of nations that 
refused to pay a tribute to them. Shortly after the 
Revolution the operations of these pirates were directed 
against our commerce, to protect which treaties were 
negotiated with the Barbary States, in 1786-7 with Mor- 
occo, in 1795 with Algiers, in 1796 with Tripoli, and in 
1799 with Tunis. By these treaties the United States 
purchased immunity for its commerce by gross sums or 
yearly tributes. This shameful course was made neces- 
sary by our lack of an effective navy, which was due to 
the action of the Republican party of those days. But 
the government was now forced to organize a small navy, 
which was found useful against Tripoli. That country, 
becoming dissatisfied with the tribute, declared war in 
1801. In 1803 some half a dozen American vessels were 
dispatched to the Mediterranean. In October the frigate 
Philadelphia ran aground in the harbor of Tripoli and 
was captured. Decatur in the following February sailed 
into the port at night, boarded the Philadelphia under 
the guns of the enemy, killed or forced overboard every 
one of her defei2ders, set fire to the vessel, and escaped 
without losing a man and with only four wounded. A 
land expedition conducted by General Eaton, American 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 59 

Consul at Tunis, terminated the war and forced Tripoli 
to make peace in June, 1805. In 1812 Algiers declared 
war against the United States. As soon as the war then 
commencing against England had been brought to an 
end, our government turned its attention to Algiers. 
The Algerian war was short and decisive. In the spring 
of 1815 Commodore Decatur was sent with nine or ten 
vessels to chastise the pirates. In June he captured the 
largest of their frigates, and soon after took another ves- 
sel. He then dictated a treaty to the Dey of Algiers, 
which was signed June 30, 1815, relinquishing all claims 
to tribute in the future. Tunis and Tripoli were next 
forced to pay an indemnity for permitting British men- 
of-war to seize American vessels in their harbors during 
the war of 1812. Thenceforth there was no more tribute 
paid to the Barbary States, and their depredations on 
American commerce ceased. The troubles with these 
countries had forced the formation of a navy on the 
country, despite the wishes of the Eepublicans, and thus 
prepared us for the war with England. They also led 
to a slight increase in customs duties in 1804 and follow- 
ing years for the purpose of forming the Mediterranean 
Fund, as it was called, to protect American commerce. 

Bargain. {^See Political Bargain?) 

Bar'l. — A slangy abbreviation for the word barrel, 
used in politics to denote that which the "barrel^' is 
supposed to contain, namely, money. Any rich politi- 
cian who opens his coffers for the benefit of his party is 
said to '^tap his barl." 

Barnburners. — A name applied to the followers of 
Van Buren, when in 1844 the Democratic party in New 
York split into two factions. The story of a farmer that 
burned his barn in order to free it from rats, was often 
told and the case of the party likened to it. Hence the 
name. Later they were known as the Softs or Soft- 
Shells. Their opponents, while known as Barnburners, 
were the Hunkers; while known as Softs, the Hards or 
Hard-Shells. i^See Free Soil party.) 

Battle Above the Clouds, The. — The capture of 
Lookout Mountain by General Joseph Hooker during 
the Civil War, is known as the battle above the clouds. 



60 DICTIONARY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Bayard, James Asheton, was born in Pennsylvania, 
in 1767. He was graduated at Princeton and then prac- 
ticed law in Delaware. From 1797 to 1801 he represented 
that State in Congress. He served in the Senate from 
1804 to 1813. The posts of Minister to France and also 
to Eussia were at different times offered to him, but 
declined. He aided in negotiating the Treaty of G-hent. 
He died August 6, 1815. He was a Federalist. 

Bayard, James A., was born in Wilmington, Dela- 
ware, November 15, 1799, and died June 13, 1880. He 
served in the United States Senate from 1851 to 1864. 
In 1867 he was returned to the Senate. He was the son 
of James Asheton Bayard and the father of Thomas F. 
Bayard. He was a Democrat. 

Bayard, Thomas F., was born at Wilmington, Del- 
aware, October 29, 1828. He is a lawyer by profession. 
In 1853 he was appointed United States District Attorney 
for Delaware, but resigned in the next year. He was 
elected to the United States Senate for the term com- 
mencing 1869, his father, James A. Bayard, being at 
the same time re-elected to the other senatorship. He 
continued in the Senate until appointed Secretary of 
State by President Cleveland. 

Beecher, Henry Ward, was born at Litchfield, 
Connecticut, June 24, 1813; he died in Brooklyn March 
8, 1887. After acting as pastor in two different Presby- 
terian churches in Indiana, he was called to Plymouth 
Church, Brooklyn, a Congregationalist organization. 
Over this he presided until his death. He was a man of 
independent and outspoken views, singularly eloquent, 
and a leader in the Anti-Slavery agitation. He was a 
liberal-minded man, active in politics and one of the 
leaders of the revolt in the Eepublican party in 1884. 

Bell, John, was born near Nashville, Tennessee, 
February 15, 1797, and died September 10, 1869. He 
was a lawyer, a graduate of the University of Nashville. 
He was a Congressman from 1829 to 1841, as a Whig; 
also Secretary of War under Harrison and Tyler. He 
became the presidential candidate of the Constitutional 
Union party in 1860, 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 61 

Benton, Thomas Hart, was born near Hillsborough, 
North Carolina, March 14, 1784; he died in Washing- 
ton April 10, 1858. He was a lawyer in Nashville but 
left the place after a street fight with Jackson. He 
moved to Missouri, which State he subsequently repre- 
sented. He was United States Senator from 1821 to 
1851. From 1853 to 1855 he was in the House. He was 
a Democrat, but opposed to secession and to slavery agi- 
tation; this caused his defeat in several elections late in 
life. 

Berlin Decree. {^See Emhargo Act.) 

Biddle's, Nicholas, United States Bank. (/See 
Nicholas Biddle's United States Banh. ) 

Big Ditch. — The Erie Canal was spoken of derisively 
as ^^ Clinton^s Big Ditch '' before its success and import- 
ance were made apparent. 

Big" Head is a political phrase to indicate an exalted 
opinion of his own abilities on the part of a public man. 

Big Knife. — A name applied to General Andrew 
Jackson by the Southern Indians in recognition of his 
military successes against them. 

Bill of l8oo. — A law introduced in that year by Sen- 
ator James Eoss, of Pennsylvania, to regulate the elec- 
toral count. It provided for a ^^ grand committee ^^ of 
six Senators, six Representative and the Chief Justice. 
These, sitting in secret, were to settle all disputes con- 
cerning electoral votes. The bill was amended in the 
House so as to give to the committee the power merely 
to take testimony, doubtful returns to be rejected only 
by a concurrent vote of both Houses; this was amended 
by the Senate so as to cause returns to be rejected unless 
accepted by a concurrent vote. The bill was lost. The 
bill is memorable as the first open attempt on the part 
of Congress to arrogate to itself the duty assigned by the 
Constitution to the President of the Senate of counting 
the electoral votes. 

Bill of Rights. — A bill of rights is the summary of 
rights and privileges claimed by the people of a nation 
against the tyrannous exercise of power by their rulers. 
The Bill of Rights in England is an Act of Parliament 



62 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

passed in 1689 by which the privileges claimed in the 
petition of right that was presented to William and 
Mary and acceded to by them on accepting the call to 
the British throne, were enacted as fundamental princi- 
ples of English liberty. The chief of these principles 
had previously been asserted in the Magna Oharta in 
1215, and the Petition of Eight presented to Charles I 
in 1628 {see those titles). The first six amendments to 
the Constitution of the United States are sometimes 
called our Bill of Rights. They are designed to prevent 
tyrannous acts by the Federal government and to protect, 
among other things, the freedom of religion, speech and 
the press, the rights of assembly, petition, bearing arms, 
and trial by jury, and the right to compensation for 
private property taken for public uses. {See Eminent 
Domain, Jury and Right of AssemMy, <&c.) Most of 
the State constitutions in a similar way secure these 
rights to the people under their control. 

Bills of Attainder. {8ee Attainder.) 

Bi-metallism is the doctrine that two metals can and 
ought, at the same time, in the same country, to be 
adopted as standards of value, and to bear to each other 
a fixed ratio established and recognized by the govern- 
ment. The term is almost exclusively used in reference 
to the metals gold and silver. Monometallism is the 
doctrine that only one metal ought so to be used. It is 
a proposition generally admitted by bi-metallists that at- 
tempts to realize their object must fail unless the most 
important commercial countries unite in fixing the ratio 
between the metals. If diiferent countries adopt a 
double standard, selecting different ratios, the gold or the 
silver, as the case may be, of every country, will leave it 
to go to a country in which it happens to be rendered 
more valuable, and thus bhe two metals will be separated 
and the object fail. If any one country alone adopt a 
double standard, its gold or silver will be exported accord- 
ing as the market value of silver (in other countries a 
mere commodity and not a standard of value) is lower or 
higher than the value fixed by the government ratio. 
[See Coinage.) Our country is monometallic^ notwith" 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 63 

standing the fact that there is silver in circulation; silver 
is here coined only for the purposes of the government, 
and an individual presenting silver bullion at our mints 
and assay offices cannot have the same coined into dol- 
lars, as he can with gold. The coinage of bullion, as 
instanced in the case of gold, is called free coinage. Bi- 
metallists regard the use of both metals as necessary, and 
claim that the co-operation of the principal commercial 
nations will suffice to establish it. Monometailists 
maintain that practical business has brought all nations 
to single standards, and that any change would be an 
uncalled for interference with natural laws, the untram- 
meled operation of which invariably conduces to the best 
results. 

Birney, James G., was born in Danville, Kentucky, 
February 4, 1792, and died at Perth Amboy, New Jersey, 
November 25, 1857. He was originally a slave-holder, 
and at one time agent for a colonization society. In 
1834 he freed his slaves and established an Abolition 
newspaper. Fear of violence compelled him to leave 
Danville, and subsequently Cincinnati, whither he had 
moved. He came to New York, where he was secretary 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society. In 1840 and 1844 
he was the candidate for President of the Liberty party. 
In 1842 he moved to Michigan, and a fall from his horse 
disabled him from further political activity. 

Black Cockade. — A black cockade worn on the hat 
was an emblem adopted by the Pederalists during the 
troubles with France in 1797, when war seemed im- 
minent. Its meaning lay in the fact that it had been a 
part of the Continental uniform during the Eevolution, 
and moreover it served as a contrast to the tri-color 
cockade of France which the Kepublicans had affected. 
" Black Cockade Federalist^' was a term of reproachap- 
plied to Federalists during the days of the party's decline. 

Black Codes. {^See Black Laius.) 

Black Eagle. — In the National Eepublican Conven- 
tion of 1884 General John A. Logan, who had been 
proposed as the Eepublican candidate for President, wac 
referred to by Judge West, the blind orator of Ohio, m 
'^that^rand, old Black Eagle of Illinois/^ 



64 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Black Friday.— On Friday, September 24, 1869, gold 
sold as high as 162^. It had been quoted at 143:^ in the 
Gold Board in New York the previous evening. The 
rise was in consequence of an attempt by ''^ Jim"" Fisk, 
Jay Gould and others to corner the gold market. It was 
intended to force gold to 180. This plan was thwarted 
by the offer of the Secretary of the Treasury late on 
Friday to sell $4,000,000 of gold to the highest bidder 
on the next day, and an offer to purchase government 
bonds to the same amount. The effect of this corner 
was a violent panic in the stock market; business was 
upset, for merchants needed gold to pay at the Custom 
House, and the general aspect was so threatening that the 
day has been named as above. The Gold Board was so 
convulsed that its officers deemed it best to suspend 
business, and the Board, remained closed until the Wed- 
nesday following. 

Black Hawk War. {8ee Indian Wars.) 

Black Horse Cavalry is a name given to those legis- 
lators (more or less numerous in every legislative body) 
that act together for the purpose of exacting money from 
friends of any measure under consideration and threaten 
its defeat in case of non-compliance. Their number is 
frequently great enough to be of considerable influence. 

Black Jack. — A name by which Major General John 
A. Logan was known on account of his swarthy com- 
plexion, black hair and moustache. 

Black Laws. — Laws passed in many of the Northern 
States before the abolition of slavery requiring certain 
acts to be performed by free negroes, as a condition to 
their residing in those States, or prescribing disabilities 
under which they labored. Such were laws requiring 
them to file certificates of their freedom; forbidding 
them to testify in cases in which a white man was inter- 
ested; excluding them from the militia and from the 
public schools, and requiring them to give bonds for 
their good behavior. 

Black Republicans. — The Eepublicans were so- 
called by their opponents. The term was especially 
applied by Southerners to anti-slavery members of that 
party. 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 65 

Blaine, James Gillespie, was born in Washington 
County, Pennsylvania, January 31, 1830. He was in 
early life a journalist. From 1863 to 1875 he was in 
Congress, being Speaker during the last six years; from 
1876 to 1881 he was United States Senator; m 1881 he 
became Secretary of State under Garfield; soon after 
Garfield's death he resigned his position. He is a Ee- 
publican. In 1876 and 1880 he was a prominent candi- 
date for the presidential nomination of his party; in 1884 
he was nominated but defeated by a small majority, 
owing to the defection of a part of the Eepublican party. 
i^See Independents,^ In 1888 he wrote a letter saying 
that his name would not be presented to the convention, 
and in 1889 became Secretary of State, under Harrison. 

Blockade is the prevention of neutral commerce with 
an enemy^'s coasts or ports. It is a measure well recog- 
nized in international law as justified by the necessities 
of war. Certain ports or portions of coast may be block- 
aded, or the blockade may extend to all parts of the ene- 
my's dominions bordering on the sea. One side of a 
river may be blockaded while the other remains free. It 
is now well settled that in order to render a neutral ves- 
sel liable to the penalty for trying to evade or '^ run'" a 
blockade the latter must be effective and due notice must 
be given of it, A cabinet or paper blockade is one that 
is merely announced or ordered, but which is not or can- 
not be enforced. Such are not recognized as effective. 
The blockading nation must maintain a sufficient num- 
ber of vessels to at least render an attempt to run the 
blockade hazardous. The notice may be actual, by in- 
forming vessels individually as they approach a block- 
aded coast or by calling on them to leave blockaded 
waters, or it may be constructive, by giving diplomatic 
notice to neutral governments. A neutral vessel is 
equally liable to seizure whether seeking access to or de- 
parture from a blockaded region. The penalty is con- 
fiscation of the vessel and of the cargo also, if it appears 
that the latter was the object of the attempted evasion 
of the blockade. Neutral war ships are sometimes per- 
mitted to ei^ter a blockaded port as a matter of comity;, 



66 J^iC TIONA RY OF A ME RICA N P OLI TICS. 

and vessels in danger from stress of weather may seek 
shelter in such harbor if there be no other refuge. A 
blockade, when terminated, is said to be raised, and due 
notice of this fact should be given to neutral govern- 
ments. 

Blockade-Runner. — A term applied to a vessel that 
endeavors to evade the blockade of a coast or harbor. 
During the Civil War many vessels succeeded in running 
the Union blockade of the Southern harbors and coasts, 
carrying cotton from the Confederates and bringing 
food supplies and munitions of war to them. 
. Bloody Bill. {See Force Bill) 

Bloody Shirt. — Since the Civil War, politicians of 
the Eepublican party have from time to time attempted 
to draw votes and gain partisan advantages by appeals 
to the passions raised by that struggle. The phrase, 
"bloody shirt, ^^ is employed in reference to the now 
dead issues involved in that struggle, and a politician 
reviving them for partisan purposes is said to " wave 
the bloody shirt. ^^ 

Bluebacks. — A name popularly applied to the Con- 
federate currency by reason of its appearance, and to 
distinguish it from the greenbacks of the JSTorth. 

Blue Hen. — A name sometimes applied to the State 
of Delaware, originating, it is said, in a remark of Cap- 
tain Caldwell, of the First Delaware regiment, that no 
fighting cock could be truly game whose mother was not 
a blue hen. The State was once proud of its famous 
blue hen breed of fighting cocks. 

Blue Laws are such as relate to matters that are at 
present usually left to the private conscience of indi- 
viduals. Before the Eevolution the statute books of 
the Colonies were full of laws enforcing attendance on 
church worship, forbidding smoking in the public 
streets, prohibiting theatres, and the like. Some of 
the States, the older ones especially, still retain laws 
forbidding blasphemy and regulating work and travel 
on Sundays. Connecticut has acquired unpleasant 
notoriety in this respect. Such Blue Laws as still 
remain unrepealed in the various States are seldom en- 
forced at the present time. 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 67 

Blue-Light Federalists. — This term was applied 
to the Federalist opponents of the war of 1812. The 
harbor of New London was at that time blockaded by 
the British. Two frigates, with Decatur in command, 
were in the harbor, and several attempts on their part 
to get to sea at night failed. Decatur maintained that 
on each occasion blue lights had been burned at the 
mouth of the harbor as signals to the British fleet. It 
was charged that these signals had been given by 
Federalists opposed to the war — hence the name. 

Blue Lodges. — A name applied to societies organ- 
ized in Missouri, after the passage of the Kansas-^N^e- 
braska Bill, for the purpose of taking ^^ possession of 
Kansas on beiialf of slavery. ^^ 

Blue Nose. — A name colloquially given to an in- 
habitant of Nova Scotia, and sometimes extended to 
apply to any Canadian. 

Bolters. — To bolt means to spring out suddenly, and 
in political parlance it means to leave a political party 
when it is no longer deemed safe or to one^s interest to 
remain with it. Those that leave a party under these 
circumstances are called bolters. A bolt is usually only 
a temporary defection, the bolters generally being the 
adherents of some man who aspires to nomination for 
office, and whose desire is not gratified. It is quite com- 
mon for a determined minority to threaten to bolt a con- 
vention unless its desires are humored. 

Boodle was originally a vulgarism for money, and 
more particularly for booty; a phrase used in bar-rooms 
and at the street corners. Gradually some of the more 
vulgar and sensational newspapers begun to make use of 
it in their articles dealing with the classes that were them- 
selves in the habit of employing the term. Among these, 
the majority of the Aldermen of New York City were at 
that time numbered, and the bribes that these were sup- 
posed to be in the habit of receiving were referred to 
under that name. The charges of bribery were brought 
prominently forward by the investigation in 1886 by a 
committee of the Assembly into the circumstances at- 
tending the grant by the Aldermen in the previous year 



68 DICTIONARY 02^ AMERICAN POLITICS, 

of a charter for a street railroad on Broadway .n that 
city. Jacob Sharp, a man largely interested in New 
York street railroads, was popularly thought to have 
bribed the Aldermen to grant the franchise. Much in- 
terest in the investigation was manifested by the public, 
and the terms boodle and boodlers were continually used 
by the newspapers. The general use into which the 
term was thus brought added to the fact that it is a con- 
cise term, tended to purge it of its vulgar associations 
and to give it standing in the vocabulary of the day. 
The- term boodler is now universally applied to bribe- 
takers, more particularly to those connected with muni- 
cipal governments, and most accurately to bribed Alder- 
men. The New York boodlers were indicted on the 
strength of the revelations made by the Assembly Com- 
mittee. Of twenty-four members of the Board of Alder- 
men two were not bribed, as is proved by their voting 
against the franchise; two are dead; four have fled to 
foreign countries; three have turned informers; one is 
insane; three were convicted and sentenced to Sing Sing 
Prison; in the case of one the jury disagreed on the first 
trial and he was finally discharged; the procedings 
against the others were ultimately dropped. Jacob 
Sharp was indicted for bribing the Aldermen; he was 
tried, convicted and imprisoned in the County Jail pend- 
ing an appeal. The Court of Appeals granted a new 
trial on the strength of errors in the former, but Sharp 
died pending the re-hearing. 

Border Ruffians. — A name applied to Missourians 
that (about 1854) made a practice of crossing into Kansas 
to drive out the Free-State settlers, or to carry the elec- 
tions. They took no trouble to conceal their illegal 
voting; in one case 604 votes were cast, of which but 
twenty were legal. This is but a sample. Encounters 
between them and the Free-State settlers were frequent. 

Border States. — Those of the Slave-States, adjoin- 
ing the Free-States, were so called; namely: Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, although 
North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas were sometimes 
included uiider that name. Their nearness to the Freer 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 69 

States caused frequent attempts on the part of slaves to 
escape and from them came the most bitter complaints 
about the non-execution of fugitive slave laws. They 
objected to making slavery an issue, and political parties 
that strove to remain neutral on that subject, as the 
American and Constitutional Union parties, had their 
support. During the Eebellion, Virginia was the only 
one of the Border States proper that seceded. 

Border War. — A name applied to the hostilities that 
took place between the Free-State emigrants to Kansas 
and the slave-holders from Missouri, when, in 1854, the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill left the question of slavery in that 
Territory to be settled by the inhabitants. Bloody en- 
counters were frequent and several pitched battles were 
fought. 

Boss. {See Political Boss.) 

Boss Rule is the absolute control of a political 
organization by one leader or a small set of leaders. 

Bounties. {See Subsidies.) 

Bounty Jumping. — During the Civil War sums of 
money were at times offered by the authorities as an in- 
ducement to volunteers for the army and navy. A per- 
son who received this money and then failed to serve as 
he had promised, was said to be a ''^bounty- jumper.^' 

Bourbons. — The house of Bourbon is the family of 
kings that ruled France for over two hundred years, 
from 1589 to the time of French revolution, 1791. One 
of their characteristics was an obstinate refusal to keep 
pace with events. Experience taught them nothing. 
This trait in their character has caused their name to be 
applied (in American political parlance) to any states- 
man or politician that clings to dead issues and refuses 
to accommodate himself to changes. 

Boys, The. — This name is applied to the profes- 
sional politicians peculiarly common in cities, to whom 
politics is a business out of which (though 'ieldom holding 
office themselves) they make a living. By them principally 
is the politics of cities prostituted, and their efforts to 
retain control of political matters are frequently suc- 
cessful even in the face of organized «^pposition, princi- 



70 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

pally because tliey rally in defense of their livelihood, 
while honest citizens, though vitally affected, do not 
have their own interest in the matter brought home to 
them with the same force, and are consequently less 
active and less energetic. Moreover, the local organiza- 
tion is almost exclusively in the hajids of these political 
^^ workers, ^^ as they are called, and even reputable party 
members, though knowing its corruption, recognize its 
efficiency in gaining votes, and while they would not per- 
sonally resort to the means employed, they will yet in- 
directly give it their support. The organization when 
in the hands of professional politicians of the above 
type is known as ^' the Machine/'' 

Brave. i^See Tamamny). 

Breckenridge, John Cabell, was born at Lexing- 
ton, Kentucky, January 21, 1825, and died May 17, 
1875. He was Vice-President of the United States 
from 1857 to 1861. He was the presidential candidate 
of the southern wing of the Democratic party in 1860. 
He was defeated , but was chosen to the United States 
Senate. During the extra session of 1861 he was active 
in the Senate. Then he went over to the Confederacy, 
and became a Major-General in its service. He was 
expelled from the Senate, December, 1861. 

Brigadiers, Rebel. {See Relet Brigadiers,) 

Broad Construction. {See Construction of the 
Constitution. ) 

Broad Seal War was a controversy as to the election 
in 1838 of representatives to Congress from New Jersey. 
In that State up to 1846 all the representatives of the 
State, six in number, were elected on a general ticket. 
In 1838 there was a Democratic majority of about one 
hundred votes in 57, 000. Owing to certain irregularities, 
the State Board of Canvassers gave the certificates under 
the broad seal of the State to the Whig candidates. As 
the House without New Jersey^s members stood one 
hundred and eighteen Whigs to one hundred and nine- 
teen Democrats, success in this controversy meant control 
of the House. After considerable confusion a com- 
promise Speaker was elected and the Democratic mem- 
bers were finally seated. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN P Oil TICS. 71 

Brooks, Preston, of South Carolina, is known only 
for his brutal attack on Senator Charles Sumner on 
May %%, 1856. Sumner had in debate criticised Senator 
Butler, Brooks' uncle, whereupon Brooks, backed by 
two other Eepresentatives, attacked him in the Senate 
Chamber after adjournment. He used a heavy cane, 
knocking him senseless, and then brutally beating him; 
it was several years before Sumner recovered his health. 
Brooks was censured by the House and resigned, but he 
was at once unanimously re-elected. Massachusetts re- 
fused to elect any one in Sumner^'s place and the post 
remained vacant for several years. 

Brother Jonathan. — A general name applied to the 
people of the United States. Its origin is said to be as 
follows: Greneral Washington found soon after having 
taken command of the Continental army that it was 
sadly in need of many articles. Jonathan Trumbull, 
the elder, at that time Grovernor of Connecticut, was a 
friend of Washington and one in whose judgment Wash- 
ington had great confidence. During a consultation on 
the state of the army, Washington suggested that they 
consult '^'^ Brother Jonathan/' meaning Trumbull. This 
advice was followed, and Trumbull devised the means 
of procuring what was desired. The story was told in 
the army, and the reply to a demand for any article was 
invariably advice to ask ^''Brother Jonathan.'" The 
phrase became proverbial and has lived to the present 
time. 

Brown, John, was born in Torrington, Connecticut, 
May 9, 1800. On his father's side he was descended 
from Peter Brown who had come over in the Mayflower; 
his ancestors on his mother's side were Dutch. While 
John was still young, his father moved to Ohio. John 
returned to New England and began to study for the 
ministry, but his eyes failing, he was obliged to desist. 
He then returned to Ohio where he married; he was not 
yet twenty-one years of age. His first wife, by whom 
he had seven children, died in 1832. His second wife, 
who bore him thirteen children, survived him. He did 
not remain long in Ohio; after various changes of resi- 



72 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

dence lie moved to Massachusetts where he engaged in 
the wool business. This venture ended in bankruptcy. 
Gerrit Smith gave him some land at North Elba, Essex 
County, New York, and in 1849 Brown moved thither 
with his family. He took with him some freed negroes, 
but they, losing heart at the sterility of soil, gave up in 
despair. In 1851 he returned to Ohio. Four of his 
sons had moved to Kansas, which was then the seat of 
hot slavery contention, and finding it impossible to get 
on without arms, they wrote to their father to send such 
as they needed. John Brown, moving his family back 
to North Elba, set out for Kansas. His purpose was to 
free slaves. He belonged to no political party, *'he 
followed neither Garrison nor Seward; .... but 
the Golden Eule and the Declaration of Independence.^^ 
He plunged into the fight between the Free-State and 
the Slavery men, and on several occasions defeated forces 
much larger than his own. Among his notable achieve- 
ments was his defense of Ossawatomie against a force 
numbering fifteen times his own, until failing ammuni- 
tion compelled him to retreat. During this period he 
freed many slaves, one of his exploits arousing such ex- 
citement that the Governor of Missouri offered three 
thousand dollars for his arrest; to this the President 
added two hundred and fifty dollars. In January, 1859, 
he started East, going to Canada, where he and his 
followers eUected a sort of organization. For the next 
few months he was first East and then West, and the 
30th of June found him in Maryland, near Harper^s 
Ferry. Here he and his companions hired a farm to 
which, without attracting attention, men and arms were 
smuggled. It was his design to seize the National 
armory at Harper^'s Ferry in which over 100,000 stand of 
arms were stored, and after freeing and arming what 
negroes he could, to take to the mountains, with which 
as a base he hoped to repeat his Kansas successes in 
freeing slaves. Fears of treachery compelled him to 
hasten his plans, and on Sunday evening, October 17th, 
the armory was seized by Brown, his force consisting of 
twenty-two men. Telegraph wjres were cut, trains 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 73 

stopped and over sixty prisoners taken. Instead of flee- 
ing to the mountains, as planned. Brown stood his 
ground, expecting, it is said, the negroes to rise in his 
favor. Be that as it may, he was surrounded by over 
1,500 militia, besides some marines and artillery, and 
captured after a desperate fight in which he was severely 
wounded. His trial, which Brown himself pronounced 
fair, resulted in his being condemned to death, and on 
the 2d of December he was hung. The whole incident 
created enormous excitement and intensified the bitter- 
ness between North and South. 

Brown's Raid on Harper^s Perry. i^See Brown, 
John. ) 

Buchanan, James, was born in Franklin County, 
Pennsylvania, April 23, 1791, and died at Wheatland, 
Pennsylvania, June 1, 1868. He graduated at Dickin- 
son College, and was admitted to the bar. His earliest 
political career was as a Federalist, but about 1826 he 
joined the Democratic party. In 1814 he was a member 
of the Pennsylvania Legislature, and from 1820 to 1830 
he was in Congress. In 1830 he went to Eussia as Min- 
ister, returning in 1834, when he entered the Senate, 
where he remained until 1845. From 1845 to 1849 he 
was Secretary of State under Polk, and from 1852 to 
1854 he was Minister to Great Britain. He was the 
Democratic candidate for President in 1856, and he was 
elected. The Dred Scott decision, John Brown^s raid 
and other events connected with slavery and leading up 
to the Civil War marked his administration, and it was 
due to his lack of energy, and his opinion that the federal 
government could not interfere to keep any State in the 
Union by force, that the nation was in no condition to 
meet the crisis. He retired to j)rivate life immediately 
on leaving the presidency. 

Buck and Breck. — A popular name for the Demo- 
cratic presidential nominees in 1856, James Buchanan 
and John C. Breckenridge. 

Buckeyes. — The buckeye tree (a species of horse 
chestnut) which abounds in Ohio, gave its name to th^t 
State and its inhabitants. 



74 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Buckshot War. — In 1838 the defeated Democratic 
candidate of a congressional district in Pennsylvania 
claimed Whig frauds in the North Liberties district as 
the cause of his defeat. Thereupon the ten Democratic 
return judges threw out the vote of that district, thus 
electing their member. The seven Whig judges met 
apart from the Democrats and gave certificates to the 
Whig candidates for Congress, and also to the Whig can- 
didates for the Legislature, although these latter had 
considered themselves fairly defeated. This proceeding 
was part of a scheme to elect a Whig senator. The 
Whig certificates reached the Secretary of State first, 
and he, also a Whig, declared his intention of recogniz- 
ing them until discredited by investigation. The House 
met December 4th at Harrisburg; armed partisans of 
both sides were in town; two separate organizations of 
the House took place, side by side, amid great con- 
fusion. Governor Eitner, a Whig, declared the city in 
the hands of a mob, and sought the aid of United States 
troops from their commander, and then from President 
Van Buren. In both cases he met with refusal. After 
a time, several Whigs seceded to the Democratic House, 
which had succeeded in keeping possession of the cham- 
ber and records, and the latter was recognized by the 
State Senate, when the other Whigs joined them; all 
but Thaddeus Stevens, who did not attempt to join 
until May, 1839. The House then declared his seat 
vacant, and he was obliged to be again elected before he 
was finally admitted. The remark of a Whig member 
that the mob '^ should feel ball and buckshot before the 
day is over,^^ is said to have given rise to the name. 

Bucktails. {^8ee Clintonians.) 

Bull Run Russell. — A name applied to William H. 
Russell, war correspondent of the London Times in this 
country in 1861-62, in consequence of his overdrawn 
description of the battle of Bull Run, and his predic- 
tions, based on the result of that battle, that the South 
would be successful in her attempt at secession. 

Bulwer- Clayton Treaty. {See Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty,) 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 75 

Buncombe, To Speak For, is to talk for effect, 
political or otherwise. The phrase originated in the de- 
Dates on the Missouri Compromise, when Felix Walker, 
the representative in Congress from the Kortli Carolina 
district that included the county of Buncombe, insisted 
on speaking, and when begged to desist by other mem- 
bers of the House, asserted that he had to '^make a 
speech for Buncombe/^ 

Bureaucracy. (See Civil Service Reform.) 

Burlingame, Anson, was born in New York in 
1820. He studied at the University of Michigan, and 
after graduating from the Harvard Law School, entered 
the bar. He joined the American party, and was elected 
to Congress, soon afterwards attaching himself to the 
Eepublican party. He was representative in Congress 
from 1855 to 1861. In 1861 he was appointed Minister 
to China, where he remained till 1867. He was then 
appointed by China as a special ambassador to negotiate 
treaties for that nation. He performed his duties ad- 
mirably, and concluded treaties with the United States, 
England, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden and Holland. He 
died at St. Petersburg in 1870. 

Burlingame Treaty, The, was concluded at Wash- 
ington, July 28, 1868, between the United States and 
China. It was negotiated for the latter nation by Anson 
Burlingame in his capacity of special ambassador. By 
it, China first gave her adherence to principles of inter- 
national law. Moreover, joint efforts were to be made 
against the cooley trade; liberty of conscience and wor- 
ship, and rights of residence and travel, as accorded to 
the most favored nation, were guaranteed to Chinese in 
America and Americans in China. The United States 
disclaimed the right of interference with internal im- 
provements in China. 

Burn This Letter. — This was the concluding sen- 
tence in one of the Mulligan letters (which see). It waa 
a campaign cry of the opponents of James C Blaine in 
the campaign of 1884. 

Burr, Aaron, was born at Newark, New Jersey, 
February 6, 1756;, and died at New York^ September 14, 



76 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

1836. He graduated at the College of New Jersey, 
and served in the Continental army in the Revolution, 
reaching the rank of colonel. He was subsequently ad- 
mitted to the bar and moved to New York City. In 
1791 he was elected to the United States Senate. He 
had a genius for political organization, and soon brought 
his party, the anti-Federalists, into a state of efficient 
discipline. The Federalists called him, with a small 
number of young men of his party that gathered about 
him, the Little Band. It was to his efforts that the 
success of his party in the presidential contest of 1800 
was due. Burr was elected Vice-President, serving 
from 1801 to 1805. In 1804 a coalition was arranged 
between the New England Federalists, who were hope- 
less of victory in the South, and Burrs followers. As a 
part of this scheme. Burr was first nominated for Gov- 
ernor against the candidate of the Clintons, the Living- 
stons and the Schuylers, the great New York families 
that had been supreme in that State. Alexander Hamil- 
ton's personal efforts did much to defeat Burr; the cele- 
brated duel between the two followed, ending, as is well 
known, in Hamilton's death. This is the last of Burr 
in politics. He was subsequently arrested on a charge 
of treason, based on an expedition to the West, the de- 
sign of which was said to be the establishment of another 
republic west of the Rocky Mountains. He was ac- 
quitted. After several years sjjent abroad, he settled 
down to the practice of law in New York City. 

Burr Conspiracy. — In consequence of Burr's duel 
with Hamilton, in which the latter met his death. Burr 
was indicted in New York and Ne«v Jersey for murder. 
He went "West and made an extensive tour, in the course 
of which he made preparations for a gigantic but myste- 
rious scheme. The real object of this is unknown. It 
was either to separate the Mississippi Valley from the 
rest of the Union and erect it into a new nation, or to 
conquer Mexico. In 1806 he gathered a number of 
reckless persons about him and started for the region of 
Texas, ostensibly on a colonizing expedition. President 
Jefferson issued a proclamation warning citizens against 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 77 

joining the expedition. Burr was arrested by Jefferson's 
orders, brought back to Virginia, and indicted there by 
a United States Grand Jury for treason and for a mis- 
demeanor, based on his course in levying war within this 
country on a friendly nation, but it was hoped that Burr 
could also be shown to have had treasonable designs 
against the unity of this country. He was acquitted of 
treason for want of jurisdiction, on the failure of the 
evidence required by Article 3, section 3, clause 1 of the 
Constitution; he was also acquitted of misdemeanor. 
He was bound over to present himself for trial in Ohio, 
but the matter was pressed no further. One of Burros 
dupes in this scheme was Harman Blennerhasset, who 
was also arrested, but who was discharged after Burr's 
acquittal. 

Burrites. (See Clmtonians.) 

Butler, Benjamin F., was born at Deerfield, New 
Hampshire, November 5, 1818. He graduated at Wa- 
terville College and was admitted to the bar. In 1853 
he was elected to the State Legislature, and in 1859 to 
the State Senate. Before 1860 he was a Democrat. He 
served in the Civil War as brigadier and major-general. 
He then figured in Congress as a Eepublican from 1867 
to 1875 and from 1877 to 1879, representing Massa- 
chusetts. In 1878 and 1879 he ran for Governor as the 
candidate of the Greenback party. In 188^ he was 
elected Governor as the Democratic nominee. In 1884 
he was the presidential candidate of both the G'feenback- 
Labor and Anti-Monopoly parties. He received about 
133,000 popular and no electoral votes. He was one 
of the managers on the part of the House of Eepresenta- 
tives of the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson. 

By the Eternal. — This, the favorite oath of Andrew 
Jackson, has become historic. 

Cabinet. — This name is applied to the heads of the 
seven executive departments in their capacity of advisers 
of the President. The term itself is not mentioned in 
the Constitution, nor was the Cabinet, as at present con- 
stituted, contemplated by that instrument. The Con- 
stitution, Article 2, section 2, authorizes the President 



'J'8 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

to '^ require the opinion in writing of the principal 
officer in each of the executive departments upon any 
subject relating to the duties of their respective offices/' 
and Washington on several occasions called for such 
opinions. But the nature of the Cabinet underwent a 
gradual change, and it is now an advisory board with 
which the President has consultations at regular inter- 
vals on the affairs of the nation. Washington inaugu- 
rated this change, consulting the members on matters 
foreign to their immediate departments on several occa- 
sions. Moreover, from being merely the heads of the 
executive departments its members have come to be 
recognized as an essential part of the executive branch 
and in certain contingencies the office of President de- 
volves upon one of their number. i^See Presidential Suc- 
cession.) The plan has frequently been broached of 
giving to the members of the Cabinet seats in one of the 
Houses of Congress, either with or without a vote, in 
order that the demands for legislation or appropriations 
on the part of the Executive may be more easily ex- 
plained and urged, and that information demanded by 
Congress may be more easily obtained. In the Consti- 
tution of the Confederate States authority was granted 
to Congress to give a seat in either House, with the right 
of debate in any measure relating to his department, to 
the members of the Cabinet. The Cabinet as origin- 
ally constituted consisted of but four members, the 
Secretary of State, Secretary of War, Secretary of the 
Treasury and the Attorney-General. Since then there 
have been added the Secretary of the Navy and of the 
Interior and the Postmaster-General and the Secretary 
of Agriculture, who are only by custom members of the 
Cabinet. The salary of every Cabinet officer is $8,000 
per annum. 

Caesar had his Brutus^ Charles I. his Crom- 
well, and George III. — may profit by their 
examples. If that be treason, make the most 
of it. — Patrick Henry introduced into the Assembly of 
Virginia a resolution denying the right of the King of 
England to tax the American Colonies. This resolution 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 79 

was called forth by the Stamp Act of 1765. In the 
course of debate he spoke as above. At the words, 
^'^and G-eorge III./' he was interrupted by cries of 
"Treason! Treason !'' and,, waiting for the cries to sub- 
side, he finished as above. 

Calhoun, John Caldwell, was born in the Abbe- 
ville District^ South Carolina, March 18, 1782, and died 
in Washington, March 31, 1850. He was a lawyer and 
a graduate of Yale. He was a representative in Con- 
gress from 1811 to 1817; then he became Secretary of 
War. From 1825 to 1831 he was Vice-President. In 
1831 he resigned for the purpose of becoming Senator 
from South Carolina in order to take part in the debate 
then raging in the Senate. {^See Foofs Eesolutioti.) 
The intensity of the excitement in South Carolina is 
exemplified by the fact that medals were struck in his 
honor bearing the inscription, '^ First President of the 
Southern Confederacy. ''^ From 1843 to 1845 he was 
Secretary of State. In the latter year he again became 
Senator. In politics he was a Democrat, although for a 
short time allied with the AVhigs at the time of their 
first organization, but above all party ties he was a firm 
and consistent upholder of the doctrine of State Sov- 
ereignty. He believed the Union to be merely a number 
of sovereign and separate States joined by an alliance 
under a single government. He considered slavery a 
righteous and beneficent institution, and considered it 
the duty of Congress to protect and uphold it in the 
Territories. 

Calico Foster. — A name given to Charles Foster, 
of Ohio (Grovernor 1880 to 1884), in allusion to his 
having kept a dry-goods store in earlier life 

California. — During the Mexican War, California 
was conquered by our troops {see Annexations IV.) and 
a provisional military government formed, which con- 
tinued in existence after the peace of 1848 till the 
admission of the State into the Union, September 9, 
1850. The capital is Sacramento. The population in 
1880 was 864,694, and in the last census (1890) 1,208,130. 
Californiii sends six members to the House of Eepre- 



80 biCTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Bentatives and has eight electoral votes. In national 
politics California is generally considered a Eepublican 
State. Its electoral vote was cast for the Eepublican 
candidate for President between 1860 and 1884, except 
in 1880, when all but one of the Democratic electors 
were chosen by a small majority. The derivation of its 
name is uncertain, but is supposed by some to come 
from the Spanish and to mean ^^lot furnace.^' Popu- 
larly it is known as the Golden State, in allusion to the 
large deposits of gold found in its soil. i^See Governors; 
Legislatures. ) 

Canadian Rebellion. — In 1837 an insurrection took 
place in Canada, many of the inhabitants being dis- 
satisfied with governmental methods. The rebellion 
was completely crushed in about a j^ear. It is of in- 
terest in our history because it threatened to cause 
international complications between Great Britain and 
the United States. Many inhabitants of this country, 
largely those of Irish extraction, sympathized with the 
Canadians and sought to aid them. In spite of the fact 
that our government declared its strict neutrality, about 
700 men, chiefly from New York State, under the lead 
of Mackenzie, one of the leaders of the Canadian re- 
volt, seized and fortified Navy Island, situated in the 
Niagara River and within British jurisiiction. They 
made this a base of operations for raids on the Canadian 
shore until they were forced to evacuate by a battery of 
guns on the Canadian side. The steamer Caroline, 
which they had made use of, was seized by the Canadian 
militia at a wharf on the American side of the river, 
and sent, on fire, over Niagara Falls. {Bee McLeod Case.) 
Our government sent General Scott with a force of 
soldiers to prevent infractions of our neutral position. 

Canal Ring". — In 1874 Samuel J. Tilden was elected 
Governor of the State of New York. He had been 
prominent in the overthrow of the Tweed Ring in New 
York City, and his suspicions had been directed against 
the management of the State canals. His first annual 
message to the Legislature called attention to the sys- 
tem of canal repairs. This subject had been under in- 



DICTION-ARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 81 

vestigatiou come five years earlier, but nothing had come 
of it. Tilden had made extensive inquiries and was able 
to present facts to the Legislature showing that vast 
Bums had been fraudulently expended and wasted on the 
work of repairs. Ostensibly, contracts for this work were 
given out to the lowest bidder; but these lowest bidders 
so arranged their bids that while some ma+,erials were 
contracted for at ridiculously low figures, others were 
put in at monstrously high prices; the contracts were 
then, by collusion with the authorities, altered so as to 
require much of the expensive and little or none of the 
cheap material, this altered contract being by the con- 
spirators not regarded as a new one (which it was, in 
fact), and, therefore, not again offered subject to com- 
petition. In his message the Governor showed that on 
ten contracts, ostensibly let for about $425,000, there 
had been paid about $1,560,000. He pointed out that 
while the books had shown an apparent surplus of canal 
revenues over expenditures of about $5,800,000 for a 
period of five years, there had actually been a deficiency 
of $5,100,000. His vigorous measures succeeded in 
breaking up the Eing and lead to the passage of laws 
securing the State from that quarter in the future. 

Canal Scrip Fraud. — In 1839 the Canal Trustees 
of the State of Illinois issued about $390,000 of Canal 
Scrip, payable in ninety days. This had practically all 
been presented for redemption before 1843, but, as sub- 
sequently appeared, the certificates had simply been laid 
away and not canceled. In 1859 some of the scrip ap- 
peared in circulation, and a legislative inquiry revealed 
the fact that $223,182.66 of these redeemed but uncan- 
celed certificates had been re-issued by Governor Joel A. 
Matteson. As soon as his name was connected with the 
matter, Matteson offered to make good any loss to the 
State, while at the same time maintaining that he had 
acquired the scrip by investment. The legislative com- 
mittee was not disposed to press the matter, and although 
the Grand Jury of Sangamon County had voted to indict 
him, the vote was reconsidered and the matter dropped. 
The State was reimbursed for all but a small part of its 
loss. 



82 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Capital of the United States. — The first national 
capital was New York City. The agricultural members 
of Congress desired a change, because they feared the 
influence of surrounding commercial interests on legis- 
tion. Philadelphia was ob j ect ed to by the Southern mem - 
bers, because the Quakers were urging the abolition of 
slavery. A compromise was finally made by which the 
capital was to be Philadelphia for ten years, and after 
that, a district ceded by Maryland and Virginia to the 
National Government. Accordingly the seat of govern- 
ment was removed to Philadelphia in 1790. In the 
meantime Maryland, in 1788, and Virginia, in 1789, had 
ceded a district ten miles square lying on both sides of 
the Potomac, which was first known as the Federal City 
and afterward, in 1791, obtained the name of the Terri- 
tory of Columbia, the city being known as the City of 
Washington. On November 17, 1800, the Grovernment 
was removed to Washington, where it has since remained. 
The city at that time was a curious combination of huts 
and half -finished buildings of greater pretension, with a 
small population. i^See District of Columbia.) 

Carlisle, John Griffin, was born in Kentucky, Sep- 
tember 5, 1835. He is a lawyer by profession. He 
served in the State Legislature, both in the House and 
the Senate, from 1859 to 1861, and from 1869 to 1871. 
In the latter year he was elected Lieutenant-Governor. 
He was elected to the Forty-fifth, Forty-sixth, Forty- 
seventh, Forty-eighth, Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Con- 
gresses, the last time after a contest. In 1883 he was 
elected Speaker, and was re-elected to that office in the 
Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Congresses. He is a Democrat. 

Carpet- Baggers. — A name given by the Southern 
whites to .the Northern whites that, after the Civil War, 
came South and took an active part in politics. Many 
held Federal offices and others came for the purpose of 
qualifying for elective offices by means of a short resi- 
dence. The name arose from the fact that few of them 
intended to settle permanently, but carried (it was said) 
their effects in a carpet-bag. It was they that organized 
and largely controlled the negro vote. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 83 

Cartel is an agreement between belligerent States 
relating to the methods of carrying on the war, as for 
the exchange of prisoners, declaring certain ground 
neutral, repressing marauders, carrying on postal com- 
munication, or the like. A cartel-ship (sometimes 
simply called a cartel) is one used in exchanging pris- 
oners or carrying communications to the enemy. Cartels 
for the exchange of prisoners are perhaps the most 
common. These are usually concluded by the two 
governments, but generals may treat with each other 
directly. An exchange of prisoners is beneficial to each 
side, which thereby recovers its own men and is saved 
the trouble and expense of guarding and feeding its 
captives. In an exchange, the rank of the prisoners is 
taken into account, and so far as possible, man is ex- 
changed for man of equal rank. 

Cass, Lewis, was born at Exeter, New Hampshire, 
October 9, 1782, and died at Detroit, June 17, 1866. 
He was a lawyer. During the War of 1812 he rose to 
the rank of Brigadier- General; from 1813 to 1831 he 
was Grovernor of Michigan Territory; under Jackson he 
was Secretary of War; under Buchanan, Secretary of 
State; from 1845 to 1857 he was United States Senator 
from Michigan. In 1848 he was a candidate for Presi- 
dent. In politics he was a Democrat. 

Cast an Anchor to the Windward. — This phrase 
occurs in one of the Mulligan Letters {which see). 

Casus Belli is a Latin phrase meaning a reason for 
war. Nations usually seek to justify a war by announc- 
ing a cause for it, but the pretexts are various, and 
international law has not yet decided which shall be 
considered as sufficient justifications. 

Caucus. — This word is variously derived, but it is 
most probably a corruption of the word caulkers, a term 
derisively applied to those that attended political meet- 
ings in Boston at the time of ill-feeling between the 
citizens and the British troops before the Revolution. 
Laborers in ship-yards and seafaring men are said to 
have been numerous at these meetings, hence the term. 
The term has now come to be applied to any political 



84 ■ DICTIONAR V OP AMERICAN POLITICS. 

meeting held for the purpose of determining the will of 
the majority of the party for the purpose of united 
action in the face of opponents. In the earlier years 
of the government, presidential nominations were made 
by a caucus of the Congressmen of a party. (/See Con- 
gressional Caucus.) In 1824 this system came to an 
end. In 1828 nominations were made by the Legis- 
latures of the States, and thereafter by the present 
system of nominating conventions. A legislative Cau- 
cus is the meeting of the members of a party 
(usually the party in the majority) for the purpose 
of united action in the legislative chamber. Divis- 
ions in the party while in the latter might cause the 
adoption of a measure advocated by the minority of 
the dominant party with whom the minority party 
might join. The legislative caucus began to make its 
appearance in national politics about the year 1805. It 
has transferred the contest of important matters from the 
legislative hall to the caucus meeting, and has perverted 
the intention of the Constitution by practically placing 
the control of the legislative branch into the hands of 
the majority of the majority, which may, in fact, be a 
minority. All elections held by legislative bodies, as of 
the Speaker in the House of Kepresentatives, or of a 
United States Senator in a State Legislature, are deter- 
mined in that manner, the election in the legislative 
chamber being merely the formal registering of the 
caucus decisions. 

The local meetings held by the members of a party 
for the purpose of naming local candidates, or delegates 
to larger political assemblies, were formerly called cau- 
cuses, and are still so called in some portions of the 
country. The name of Primary Elections is, however, 
more generally applied to them, and under that head 
they are treated. 

Caucus, The Congressional. — In the fil-st three 
presidential elections the electors were untrammeled by 
pledges, except such as may have been given by indi- 
vidual members. In the election for the fourth term 
in 1800 and thereafter through the election of 1824^ the 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 85 

electors were the mere puppets of the Congressional 
Caucus. The Congressional Caucus was a caucus of the 
members of Congress of either political party, and by it 
were determined the candidates for whom the electors 
of that party should vote. To clear themselves of the 
charge of arrogating to themselves powers not intended 
to be exercised by them, the caucus on several occasions 
declared that the members acted ^^ only in their indi- 
vidual character as citizens.*'" In 1820 the Kepublican 
caucus met but took no action; the Federal party was 
all but dead. In 1824 less than one-fourth of the mem- 
bers attended the Eepublican caucus, and in this year 
the system came to an end. At the next election the 
State Legislatures nominated the candidates, and in 
1832 the present system of nominating conventions 
composed of members more or less directly selected by 
the people came into use. 

Censures of the President by Congress. — Two 
resolutions of censure on the President have been 
passed, once by the Senate and once by the House, on 
occasions where the majority passing these resolutions 
was not sufficiently large either to pass measures over 
the President's veto or to impeach him. The first was 
passed by the Senate March 28, 1834, censuring Presi- 
dent Jackson for a violation of the Constitution and 
laws in the removal of government deposits from the 
United States Bank. (^See Removal of Government De- 
posits, Sc.) The President protested against this 
resolution as a charge to answer which no opportunity 
could be afforded him. The Senate refused to receive 
the protest. Finally, January 16, 1837, after unsuc- 
cessful attempts for three years the resolution of censure 
was expunged from the journal of the Senate. The 
second occasion was in a report from the committee to 
which President Tyler's message vetoing the Tariff Bill 
of 1842 had been referred. The report censuied the 
President for improper use of the veto. Tyler protested 
against this as Jackson had done before him, but he had 
as a member of the Senate voted against the reception 
of Jackson's protest, and in answer to his protest the 



86 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

House sent him a copy of the Senate resolution on the 
former occasion. 

Census. {See Population.) 

Centralization. {See Construction of the Consti- 
' tution. ) 

Center of Population. — The following table gives 
approximately the center of population of the United 
States at each census^, showing the westward tendency 
of our national developmei^t, which has been due partly 
to annexations of territory and partly to fresh settlers: 

WESTWARD 
YEARS. APPROXIMATE LOCATION. MOVEMENT. 

1790. . . .23 miles East of Baltimore 

1800 18 miles West of Baltimore 41 miles. 

1810 40 miles West Northwest of Washington 36 miles. 

1820.... 16 miles North of Woodstock 50 miles. 

1830 19 miles West Southwest of Moorefield 39 miles. 

1840 ... 16 miles South of Clai-ksbur^ 55 miles. 

1850 23 miles Southeast of Parkersburg- 55 miles. 

1860. . . .20 miles South of Chillicothe 81 miles. 

1870 — 48 miles East by North of Cincinnati 42 miles. 

1880. ... 8 miles West by South of Cincinnati 56 miles. 

1890. . . .20 miles East of Columbus, Ind 46 miles. 

Channels, Various, In Which I know I Can be 
Useful. {See I Do JVot Feel that I Shall Prove a Dead- 
head^ etc.) 

Chase, Salmon Portland, was born at Cornish, 
New Hampshire, January 13, 1808, and died May 7, 
1873. He graduated at Dartmouth, and was admitted 
to the bar in Ohio. Although a Democrat, he acted 
with the Liberty party and the Free-Soil party. From 
1849 to 1855 he was IJnited States Senator from Ohio, 
being elected by a coalition of Democrats and Free- 
Soilers. From 1856 to 1860 he was Governor of Ohio, 
being elected as a Eepublican. From 1861 to 1864 he 
was Secretary of the Treasury during the most trying 
time in our history. From 1864 to 1873 he was Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court. In 1868 his refusal to 
mould the expression of his views on questions connected 
with the suffrage cost him the presidential nomination 
at the hands of the Democratic party. 

Checks and Balances. — This phrase refers to those 
features of our system of national government whereby 
each branch of the government acts as a check or bal- 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, Si 

ance on the others in securing laws desired by the people 
and in accordance with the Consfcitution, and in securing 
their proper enforcement. Thus the Senate which, by 
reason of the longer terms of its members, and their 
election by the State Legislatures and not by the people 
directly, is not so likely to be influenced by the popular 
whims and prejudices of the moment as the House of 
Kepresentatives, acts as a check on attempts at hasty or 
demagogic action by the latter. The House, reflecting 
more immediately the popular will, is a check on legisla- 
tion which might be proposed by the Senate in defiance 
of the principles of a government according to the wishes 
of a majority of the people. The veto power of the 
President is a check on hasty or improper action by 
Congress, but cannot prevent the passage of laws for 
which there is an overwhelming demand, as shown by a 
two-thirds majority of both houses; and should the 
President fail to execute the laws or otherwise miscon- 
duct the duties of his office, he is liable to impeachment. 
Lastly, the Supreme Court of the United States is the 
final arbiter of the constitutionality of enacted laws, 
which cannot be enforced should it decide that these 
violate the Constitution. 

Cheeseparing is a word used to characterize the kind 
of national economy advocated by some public men who 
would effect a saving in places where justice and fore- 
sight demand liberality, while, moreover, the amount so 
saved would be insignificant. Examples of this are 
opposition to steps for increasing the salaries of judges in 
cities, or reductions of the salaries of foreign ministers 
who must in their persons represent the government. 

Cherokee Case. — The Indian tribes known as the 
'^ Creeks''^ and the '^^ Cherokees^" possessed large tracts 
of land in -what are now the States of Ceorgia and North 
Carolina, and the territory to the west of them. From 
time to time treaties had been made with these Indians 
by which much of this land had been ceded to the 
United States. Among these were the Hopewell treaty 
of 1785, and the Holston treaty of 1791; the first of 
these instruments had, among other things?, recognized 



88 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

the Cherokees as a nation possessing its own laws and all 
the other attributes of nationality; the second had guar- 
anteed to them all lands not thereby ceded. When 
Georgia in 1802 ceded her western territory to the 
United States, the latter agreed to extinguish Indian 
titles to lands in the State proper as soon as it could 
peaceably and reasonably be done, but the Cherokees 
could not be induced to surrender their lands. The 
State therefore claimed the right to extend its own laws 
over all its territory, and passed acts depriving the 
Cherokees of their courts and other machinery of govern- 
ment; these were followed by acts dividing the Cherokee 
land into counties, and after allotting 160 acres to each 
head of a Cherokee family, providing for the distribution 
of the remainder by lot among the people of the State. 
Notwithstanding the treaties. President Jackson took the 
ground that as the State was sovereign the United States 
could not interfere. The question now came up before 
the United States Supreme Court in the following way. 
A Cherokee named Tassels was sentenced to be hanged, 
under the laws of Georgia, for killing another Indian on 
the Cherokee lands. The United States Supreme Court 
granted a writ of error requiring the State to show cause 
why the case should not go to the Cherokee courts. 
This writ was disregarded, and the Indian was hung. 
There the matter was dropped. Again, two missionaries 
were convicted of entering the Cherokee territory with- 
out having complied with certain requirements demanded 
by Georgia enactments regarding. these lands. Their 
case was carried to the United States Supreme Court on 
a writ of error, and the judgment of the court held the 
provisions of our Indian treaties as paramount to the 
State laws. But the decision was never enforced. Jack- 
son is reported to have said : " Well, John Marshall (the 
Chief Justice) has made his decision; now let him en- 
force it."*' The Cherokee case is important as the first 
instance of successful nullification of United States laws 
by a State. The Indians were finally persuaded to move 
to the Indian Territory, and by 1838 the last had left 
the State. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 89 

Chief Justice is the title of the presiding Justice of 
the Supreme Court of the United States. {See Ju- 
diciary.) His salary is |10;,500 per annum. The fol- 
lowing is a list of the persons appointed as Chief -Justices 
from the establishment of the court, some of whom, 
however, being rejected by the Senate, or, declining the 
position, never served in the office: 

John Jay, of New York, appointed by Washington, September 26, 1789 ; 

resigned, 1791. 
John Butledge, of South Carolina, appointed by Washington, July 1, 

1795 ; rejected by the Senate, December 15, 1795. 
William Gushing, of Massachusetts, appointed by Washington, January 

26. 1796 ; declined promotion from his associate justiceship. 
Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, appointed by Washington, March 4, 

1796 ; resigned, 1800. 
John Jay, of New York, appointed by John Adams, December 19, 1800 ; 

declined. 
John Marshall, of Virginia, appointed by John Adams, January 31, 

1801 ; died, July 6, 1835. 
Roger Brooke Taney, of Maryland, appointed by Jackson, March 15, 

1836 ; died, October 13, 1864. 
Salmon Portland Chase, of Ohio, appointed by Lincoln, December 6, 

1864 ; died. May 7, 1873. 
George H. Williams, of Oregon, appointed by Grant, 1873 ; rejected. 
Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts, appointed by Grant, 1873 ; rejected. 
Morrison R. Waite, of Ohio, appointed by Grant, January 21, 1874 ; died 

March 23, 1888. 
Melville W. Fuller, of Illinois, appointed by Cleveland, July 20, 1888. 

Chilian and Peruvian Difficulties. {See Peru- 
vian Guano Trouhles.) 

Chinese Must Go. — A cry raised by the inhabitants 
of the Pacific Slope, especially the laboring men, during 
the discussion of the Chinese question {which see). 

Chinese Question. — The development of our Pa- 
cific Coast after the discovery of gold in California 
created a demand for labor which exceeded the supply. 
Soon Qhinamen began to cross the ocean and settle on 
our western coast. The means necessary to enable them 
to live in a state comfortable to themselves being small, 
they soon underbid white laborers and supplanted them 
in many kinds of work. An outcry was raised by the 
white population against permitting this competition, 
which they claimed was unfair. Local legislation at- 
tempted to impede the coming of the Chinese, but the 
United States Courts decided such laws invalid. Then 
Congress was applied to. It was argued that the 
Chinese laborers — coolies, as they were called — would 



90 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

drive out white laborers because they could underbid 
white labor; that they could do this because they could 
live and be happy on a pittance that would not enable 
white workmen to live in decency. It was said that the 
Chinese were an inferior race in morals and physique; 
that so far from being desirous of assimilating them- 
selves to our institutions, they were inseparably attached 
to their own civilization and regarded us as barbarians; 
that they did not inter-marry, and did not come here 
with the intention of becoming citizens and residing 
permanently in this country. Those who insisted that 
^^the Chinese must go/^ asserted that the Chinese came 
here under the guidance of what were known as the 
Six Companies; that these organizations controlled them 
absolutely in trade, in labor, and politically; that they 
thus formed a government within our government, and 
not in unison with it. As a consequence of these argu- 
ments, it was urged that the governmen'- should restrict 
Chinese immigration in justice to white laborers, for its 
own safety and for the welfare of the people at large. 
On the other hand, it was argued that the Chinese were 
an honest, quiet, industrious, thrifty and ingenious 
people; that their peculiar habits and customs would 
gradually disappear in this country; that the wealth of 
the nation would be increased by the employment of 
cheaper labor as it would by using labor-saving machin- 
ery, and that it was not in accordance with our national 
policy of welcoming the oppressed of all nations to 
refuse to receive the Chinese alone, who would come 
into harmony with our institutions as speedily as many 
immigrants from Europe who were freely admitted. 
The West brought such strong pressure to bear on Con- 
gress, that in February, 1879, a bill was passed limiting 
the number of Chinese passengers that could be brought 
to this country in a single vessel. Hayes vetoed the 
bill in March as violating treaty stipulations, and the 
attempt to pass it over the veto was, a failure. Soon 
afterward a commission was appointed which negotiated 
a treaty with China (ratified by the Senate in May, 
1881), giving the United States power to limit or sus- 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 91 

pend, but not to prohibit the immigration or residence 
of Chinese laborers, but reserving to other Chinamen 
and to laborers then in the United States all the privi- 
leges of subjects of the most favored nations. In 1882 
a bill was passed prohibiting Chinese immigration. This 
was vetoed by Arthur in April as violating the treaty. 
The bill was at once modified and again passed,, and this 
time it received the Presidents approval and became a 
law on May 6, 1882. This bill (as amended July 5, 
1884) suspends the immigration of Chinese laborers for 
ten years, requires that other Chinamen visiting this 
country shall be provided with proper certificates, and 
prescribes various penalties for violations of its provi- 
sions. Chinese officers on diplomatic business, and 
their servants, are excepted from the provisions of the 
law. In 1870 there were 63,254 Chinese in the United 
States. The census of 1880 showed 105,700; of these 
California had 75,122, and most of the remainder were 
in Oregon, E"evada, Idaho, Washington Territory, 
Montana and Arizona. 

Cimarron. — The northwestern corner of Indian Ter- 
ritory is reserved for public lands of the United States. 
It is sometimes called '^ N'o Man^s Land, "^because almost 
unsettled and belonging to no private individuals. Ee- 
cently, settlers from Kansas and Colorado ha^e removed 
thither and taken up their abode there. They have 
asked that the region be made into a Territory, and at 
no great distance in the future the public land strip with 
a portion of Indian Territory may be so organized. The 
name proposed for this district is Cimarron. 

Cincinnatus of the West. — It is narrated by an an- 
cient historian, though the story is discredited by modern 
ones, that on an occasion when Eome was in great danger 
and Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus had been made dictator 
to deliver her from danger, the message of his appoint- 
ment found him at the plow. It is in allusion to this 
that William Henry Harrison was spoken of as the ^^Cin- 
cinnatus of the West^' when he was called to the presi- 
dency from his estate on the Ohio Eiver. Washington 
is sometimes called the '^^ Second Cincinnatus,^'' because 



92 DICTlONAk Y OF AMFRtCAK POLITICS. 

he came from his retirement at Mount Vernon to assume 
the presidency. 

Cipher Dispatches. — The presidential election of 
1876 was long doubtful; the change of a single electoral 
vote would have turned the result. After the election a 
number of cipher dispatches were discovered which, on 
translation, proved to have been sent by persons closely 
identified with Samuel J. Tilden, relating to corrupt 
agreements for the purchase of electoral votes in Florida 
and Oregon for the Democratic party. The allegations 
were investigated by a congressional committee, which 
concluded that while at least one of the Florida Canvass- 
ing Board was purchasable, still, that Tilden was not 
implicated in any attempts to purchase him, even if 
these were made. The minority report, being that of 
the Eepublican members of the investigating committee, 
concluded that the charges of corruptibility on the part 
of members of canvassing boards were *^^but the slanders 
of foiled suborners of corruption.^' They regarded the 
proofs of attempted corruption as conclusive, and did 
not hesitate to indicate their belief that Tilden had 
knowledge of the matter. In a card dated October 16, 
1878, Tilden denied in most emphatic terms all connec- 
tion with the matter. (For the settlement of the election 
see Electoral Commission',) 

Circle, The, {See American Knights.) 
Circle of Honor. {See American Knights.) 
Circuit Court. {See Judiciary.) 
Citess. — Feminine form of citizen {which see). 
Cities, Familiar Names of. — Baltimore, Mary- 
land — Monumental City. Boston, Massachusetts — Hub 
of the Universe; Athens of America; Modern Athens; 
Cradle of Liberty; City of Notions; Puritan City. Brook- 
lyn, New York — City of Churches. Buffalo, New York — ■ 
Queen City of the Lakes. Chicago, Illinois — Garden 
City. Cincinnati, Ohio — Queen City. Cleveland, Ohio- 
Forest City. Detroit, Michigan — City of the Straits. 
Indianapolis, Indiana — Railroad City. Kansas City, 
Missouri — City of Bluffs. Keokuk, Iowa — G-ate City. 
Louisville, Kentucky — Falls City. Lowell, Massachu- 



DICTIONjiRY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 93 

setts- -City of Spindles. Milwaukee, Wisconsin — Cream 
City. Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota — Twin 
Cities. Nashville, Tennessee — City of Eocks. New 
Haven, Connecticut — City of Elms; Elm City. New 
Orleans, Louisiana — Crescent City. New York City, 
New York — Empire City; Gotham; Metropolis of Amer- 
ica. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania — City of Brotherly 
Love; Quaker City. Pittsburg, Pennsylvania — Smoky 
City; Iron City. Portland, Maine — Eorest City. Eoch- 
ester. New York — Flour City. Springfield, Illinois — 
Flower City. St. Louis, Missouri — Mound City. St. 
Paul and Minneapolis, Minnesota — Twin Cities. Wash- 
ington, District of Columbia — City of Magnificent Dis- 
tances. 

Citizen. — A term used instead of Mr., Sir, Dr. and 
any other titles, during the end of the last century, when 
a wave of ultra-Eepublicanism swept over the country. 
It was in imitation of the custom in Prance. 

Citizenship. — A citizen is a member of a common- 
wealth who is entitled to full protection in the enjoy- 
ment of what are called private rights. The fourteenth 
amendment to the Constitution declares that ^' all persons 
born or naturalized in the United States and subject to 
the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the IJnited 
States and of the State in which they reside.''^ The term 
in its broad sense includes both women and children, 
and the right to vote is not an inherent privilege of 
citizenship. {See Suffrage; Qualifications of Voters). 
Children of citizens born abroad are citizens without 
naturalization. Minor children of naturalized citizens 
uccome ciiizens by the naturalization of their parents. 
All citizens whether so by birth or naturalization, are 
entitled when in foreign countries to the full protection 
of this government as to their persons and property. 
The States cannot deprive of citizenship any person de- 
clared by the Constitution to be entitled to it, but they 
may extend citizenship in the State to others as well; 
this is often done to persons who have declared their in- 
tention of becoming citizens, but who have not yet 
been naturalized The act of July 14, 1870, practically 



94 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

precluded the admission of Chinese to citizenship. The 
only points in which a naturalized citizen is not on an 
equal basis with a native-born citizen, are that he can 
never be eligible as President or Vice-President, and 
that he cannot become a Senator till he has been a 
citizen of the United States nine years, nor a Eepre- 
sentative till he has been a citizen seven years. (Con- 
stitution, • Article 2, section 1, clause 5; Article 1, 
section 3, clause 3, and Article 1, section 1, clause 2.) 
(^See Naturalization?) 

Citizens' Law and Order League of the United 
States. — This is an organization having for its aims to 
enforce existing laws that are often disregarded, and to 
secure the passage of additional legislation, especially in 
regard to restricting the sale of liquor, preventing its 
sale to minors and on Sunday, and the like. Its work 
is done chiefly through the local Law and Order 
Leagues. 

Civil Rights Bill was introduced into Congress in 
1866. Its object was to protect the civil rights of the 
Southern negroes, then recently emancipated. It de- 
clared all persons born in the United States and not 
subject to a foreign power, except Indians, to be citizens 
enjoying the same rights as white citizens in regard to 
property, contracts, and entitled to all the civil rights of 
citizens. A violation of the civil rights of the citizens 
before mentioned was made a misdemeanor, the cogni- 
zance of which was given exclusively to the Federal 
courts; Federal officers were designated to enforce the 
execution of the law;, the President was empowered to 
send these officers to any point at which such 'violations 
were feared, and to use the military and naval forces of 
the United States, or militia, in enforcing the act. 
President Johnson vetoed the act March 27th, and early 
in April it was passed over the veto. An amendment 
to this act, seeking to prevent discrimination against 
negroes on the part of common carriers, inn-keepers, 
theater managers and school-teachers was proposed as 
an amendment to the Amnesty Act of 1872 by Senator 
Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, but it failed. A 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 95 

similar bill failed in December, 1872, and again in April, 
1874; at length March 1, 1875, the bill became a law. 
In October, 1883, the Supreme Court declared as much 
of the act of 1875 as related to its operation in the 
States to be unconstitutional, leaving its operation un- 
hampered in the District of Columbia and the Terri- 
tories. 

Civil Service Reform.— The civil service of the 
United States includes all, except military and naval 
officers, but in general use the term is applied only to 
appointive officers in the executive branch of the gov- 
ernment and not to those in the legislative and judicial 
departments. It seems to have been the intention of 
the founders of our government that civil officers should 
retain their positions during good behavior. Jefferson 
was the first President to depart from this policy and to 
inaugurate the system of removals and appointments for 
political reasons; in a letter to a committee of New 
Haven merchants on this subject in 1801, he used the 
following well-known sentences: ^'^ If a due participation 
of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be 
obtained? Those by death are few; by resignation 
none.''^ (This is sometimes wrongly quoted, " Few die 
and none resign.'"') But the system of removing and 
appointing public officials for political reasons only was 
not thoroughly inaugurated till Jackson's time. Then 
was introduced from New York politics the full depth 
and breadth of the '^'^ spoils system, '"^ so called from the 
phrase descriptive of its aims, *^^to the victor belong the 
spoils of the enemy '^ {which see); from that time on 
public office was considered a reward for party service. 
Jackson maintained that every citizen had an equal 
right to public office; he advocated ^^ rotation in office, '^ 
which involved frequent changes; and his removals 
numbered far more than those of all previous Presidents 
together. These doctrines have been defended on the 
ground that a long tenure of office creates a bureaucracy 
of office-holders, who forget that they are servants of the 
public, who assume an undue importance in their own 
estimation to the annoyance and obstruction of the 



96 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

public, and who are loath to adopt new and improved 
methods of transacting business; it is also claimed that 
the officers of an administration should be in sympathy 
with its policy which the people have approved by their 
suffrage. The real reason, however, of the support for 
so long by politicians of the doctrine of rotation in office, 
seems to have been the desire to have at their command 
rewards for the political services of their followers, a 
patronage, by the promise of which they might aid their 
efforts at elections. Many politicians, however, have 
come to see that the advantages to them of the spoils 
system are accompanied by great disadvantages; their 
lives are made burdensome by constant solicitations for 
their influence in obtaining office for their friends and 
constituents. Added to this the civil service reformers 
have urged more weighty reasons. They maintain that 
public office is a public trust; that it should be con- 
ducted as economically and efficiently as possible; that 
the sole way of accomplishing these ends is to appoint 
to office only persons who are duly qualified, to promote 
them as they show themselves worthy, and to remove 
them only for misconduct or inefficiency; thus office- 
holders will be encouraged to devote themselves in 
earnest to their work. They assert that only a few im- 
portant officials need to be changed with each adminis- 
tration in order to insure the adequate carrying out of 
its policy, and the su bordinates should be free from the 
fear of removal for partisan reasons, which is entirely 
unnecessary. They point to the great success in every 
way which the adoption of these principles in the British 
civil service has effected. Another great evil of the 
spoils system was political assessments; as a condition of 
retaining their positions officials were made to contribute 
largely to the campaign fund of the party which was in 
power, thus infringing their individual rights and in- 
creasing the means of corruption in elections. It grad- 
ually came to be felt by the better class of citizens that 
these evils must be cured. The first important step in 
this direction was taken by the act of 1871 which ap- 
pointed a civil seyvic^ cpnimission to ascertain the fitness 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 97 

of candidates for public office; but Congress soon re- 
fused appropriations for it; its work was consequently 
suspended^ and it proved of little value except in paving 
the way for a more complete measure. About the same 
time competitive examinations were commenced by the 
Naval Officer at New York, and the Custom House at 
that place gradually came to adopt the system with ex- 
cellent effect; but this was a merely local attempt and 
not required by law. Notwithstanding Grant's message 
to Congress urging the support of the commission 
authorized in 1871, the messages of Hayes, Garfield and 
Arthur calling for an efficient measure to reform the 
civil service, and executive orders forbidding political 
assessments (which orders soon became dead letters), 
nothing was accomplished till the latter part of 1882. 
Then a bill (often known as the Pendleton Bill) was in- 
troduced by a Democrat, Senator Pendleton, for reform- 
ing the civil service. It passed the Senate December 
27th by a vote of thirty-eight to five; of the majority 
twenty-three were Eepublicans, fourteen Democrats and 
one Independent; of the minority all were Democrats. 
The House passed the bill on January 5, 1883, by a vote 
of one hundred and fifty-five to forty-seven; of the 
majority one hundred and one were Eepublicans, forty- 
nine Democrats and five Independents; of the minority 
seven were Eepublicans, thirty-nine Democrats and one 
Independent. It was approved by President Arthur 
January 16, 1883. This bill prohibited all political 
assessments and the appointment of more than two mem- 
bers of the same family to public office. It created a 
Civil Service Commission, consisting of three persons, 
not more than two from one political party, to be an- 
pointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate; 
the present commission consists of Theo. Eoosevelt of 
New York; H. S. Thompson of S. Carolina, and Chas. 
Lyman, of Connecticut. The rules framed by the com- 
mission for carrying out the purposes of the act are 
subject to the approval of the President. The act ap- 
plies to offices of more than fifty persons in the depart- 
ments at Washington and in the customs and postal 



98 DICTlONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

services, witn certain exceptions, such as confidential 
clerks of heads of departments or offices, cashiers, and 
some other financial positions, deputy collectors, chiefs 
of bureaus or divisions, professional officers, officers re- 
quired to be confirmed by the Senate, laborers and work- 
men. Local examining boards are appointed by the 
commission from officials at the respective places. Open 
and competitive examinations are held, but non-com- 
petitive examinations may be held when competent per- 
sons do not compete after due notice. Vacancies are 
filled by the selection of one of the four highest names 
on the eligible list, which are furnished to the appoint- 
ing officer; persons honorably discharged from the army 
and navy are given a preference in appointments. Ap- 
pointments are made for a probationary term of six 
months and are made permanent, subject to removal for 
cause, if the probationer has proved satisfactory. Pro- 
motions are also, made as the result of examinations. 
The workings of this act have proved successful in the 
main in raising the efficiency of the service, and some 
of the States have adopted in their own jurisdictions 
similar systems. Both the Democratic and Republican 
party in their platforms uphold the principles of Civil 
Service Reform, but accusations of partial execution of 
the act will probably continue to be made against the 
party in power for the time being. {^See Term and 
Tenure of Office. ) 

Civil War, otherwise called the Rebellion. — The 
essential cause of the Civil War was slavery; the osten- 
sible reason, the doctrine of State Rights; the final pre- 
text, the election of Lincoln. The growth of slavery in 
the South, and the resulting political conflicts between 
the South and the North for and against the protection 
and territorial extension of slavery gradually made the 
South the champion of the doctrine of State Rights, 
and led that section to maintain the right of any State to 
secede from the Union. i^See Slavery; State Sovereignty. ) 
The election of Lincoln showed that the power of the 
Democratic party was broken, and the South feared a 
vigorous policy against the extension of slavery and its 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 99 

political supremacy. As the Southern States had declared 
they should do in the event of Lincoln^s election, they 
one by one passed ordinances of secession (see Secession) 
and formed a government under the name of the Con- 
federate States of America. While this was going on it 
became evident that war would be the result. The first 
gun was fired on January 9, 1861, by batteries in Charles- 
ton harbor, which drove back the steamer Star of the 
West, bearing supplies to Fort Sumter. The actual out- 
break of war, however, is dated from April 12th, when 
Fort Sumter was bombarded. The first blood was shed 
in Baltimore on April 19th in a street attack on the Sixth 
Massachusetts regiment, which was on its way to Wash- 
ington. Bull Kun (July 21, 1861) was the first great 
battle. It resulted in a severe defeat for the Union 
army; 'its effect was to encourage the South and raise a 
determined spirit in the North, and to unify both sec- 
tions in support of their respective policies. The Mis- 
sissippi was opened to Union vessels by the capture of 
New Orleans in April, 1862, and of Vicksburg and Port 
Hudson in July, 1863. The latter month also saw the 
Union victory of Gettysburg, by which the Confederate 
attempt to carry the war into the Northern States was 
overthrown. From July, 1863, the final victory of the 
national cause was assured. Sherman's march to the 
sea in the latter part of 1864, cut through the heart of 
the Confederacy and did incalculable damage to the 
Southern cause. The vigorous blows which, in 1864 and 
the spring of 1865, Grant dealt to Lee's army in Vir- 
ginia, brought the war to a conclusion. Lee surrendered 
at Appomattox Court House on April 9, 1865. John- 
ston's army surrendered on April 26th, and within two 
months more all the Confederate forces had laid down 
their arms. The result of the war was to establish the 
fact that the United States is a nation and not a league 
of States, and that no State has the right to secede from 
the Union. It also resulted in the abolition of slavery. 
The proclamation of emancipation, issued by President 
Lincoln on January 1, 1863, declared the freedom of all 
slaves within certain designated territory which was in 



100 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

rebellion, and the Thirteenth Amendment to the Con- 
stitution, adopted after the war, extinguished slavery in 
the United States. {^8ee Emancipation; Amendments to 
tlie Constitution. ) The readmission to the Union of the 
States that had formed the Confederacy is treated under 
Reconstruction. The exclusion of representatives of the 
Confederate States from Congress during the war insured 
to the Eepublicans majorities in both houses. The Re- 
publican party advocated, and by its legislation enforced, 
a vigorous prosecution of the war, while the Democratic 
party, as a body, was not in hearty sympathy with it, 
though many " War Democrats,'^ as they were called, 
were not an inch behind the foremost Eepublicans. {See 
A7nnesty; Drafts; and similar titles for subjects con- 
nected with legislation and the execution of the laws.) 

Clay, Henry, was born in Hanover County, Virginia, 
April 12, 1777, and died in Washington, June 29, 1852. 
He was by profession a lawyer. In 1806 and 1807, and 
from 1809 to 1811, he was United States Senator from 
Kentucky; from 1811 to 1825 he was a Representative, 
and six times* Speaker of the House, From 1825 to 
1829 he was Secretary of State, and from 1836 to 1842, 
and from 1849 until his death he was again Senator. 
He was originally a War Democrat during the War of 
of 1812. He was then of the Adams and Clay Republi- 
cans, taking part in the scrub race for the presidency in 
1825. He became the leader of the Whig party. In 
1831 and 1844 he was the Whig candidate for President. 
Personally he was one of the most attractive and irre- 
sistible of men, and as a leader he was almost wor- 
shipped. He was particularly fertile in comproniises, 
the Missouri Compromise and the Compromise of 1850 
being his best known achievements. 

Clayton- Bui wer Treaty, The, was negotiated at 
AVashington in April, 1850, by John M. Clayton, Secre- 
tary of State under Taylor, and Sir Edward Bulwer, 
British Minister to the United States. The treaty pro- 
vided that neither the United States nor Great Britain 
should attempt to control a proposed canal across Nica- 
rauga, in Central America. It provided further for the 



DICTIONAR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 101 

neutrality of the canal, and ifc guaranteed encouragement 
to all lines of inter-oceanic communication. The terms 
of the treaty were afterward much disputed. In 1882 
our government intimated to Great Britain that the 
canal having become impracticable because of reasons 
for which Great Britain alone was responsible, the 
United States considered the treaty as no longer bind- 
ing, but Great Britain still regards the treaty as in 
force. 

Clay Whigs. — The death of William Henry Harri- 
son raised John Tyler to the presidency. Both were 
Whigs. Henry Clay was the leader of the Whig party. 
Tyler was one of those nullifiers that had remained with 
the Whig party when Calhoun and his followers with- 
drew about 1838. The contrast between him and the 
other leaders of his party at once showed itself, and a 
bitter fight ensued between the followers of Clay and 
those of Tyler. Clay's adherents were known as Clay 
Whigs. The first quarrel was on the subject of a 
charter for a national bank. The President was opposed 
to its being chartered, and vetoed a bill for that purpose 
drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, giving as his 
reason the presence of certain features which he con- 
sidered objectionable. A bill was hastily drawn up 
embodying the President's suggestions, but this, too, 
received his veto. The conflict was continued on other 
measures. The House next elected was more strongly 
Democratic. {See Whig Party.) 

Clean Sweep is a phrase used in politics to indicate 
the removal by an official of all of his subordinates not 
belonging to his political party. 

Cleveland, Grover, was born at Caldwell, New 
Jersey, March 18, 1837. He moved to Buffalo, New 
York, early in life, and was there admitted to the bar. 
He was Assistant District- Attorney from 1863 to 1866; 
in 1870 he was elected Sheriff, and in 1881 Mayor of 
Buffalo. In 1882 he was elected Governor of New York 
by the unprecedented majority of over 192,000, owing 
to a split m the Eepublican ranks. He is a Democrat. 
In 1884: he was nominated for President and elected. 



102 * DICTION AR V OF AMERICA JV POLITICS. 

Had New York gone against him he would have been 
defeated, and he carried that State by a plurality of 
but 1,047 votes in a total of over 1,150,000. 

Clinton, De Witt, was born at Little Britain, New 
York, March 2, 1769, and died at Albany, February 11, 
1828. He graduated at Columbia College, and was 
admitted to the bar. He was elected to the New York 
Senate in 1799. From 1802 to 1803 he was a United 
States Senator. From 1817 to 1822, and from 1822 to 
1827, he was Governor of New York. He held other 
State offices, and was Mayor of New York City. In 
1812 he ran against Madison for the presidency He 
was a Democrat, but he and his followers in New York 
constituted a distinct faction, frequently allied with the 
Whigs. Though a Democrat, he believed in internal 
improvements, though for the benefit of the State 
rather than of the nation. He was the chief promoter 
of the Erie Canal. 

Clinton, George, was born in Ulster County, New 
York, July 26, 1739, and died April 20, 1812. He was 
Governor of New York from 1777 to 1795, and from 
1801 to 1804. He was the head of the powerful Clinton 
family. He opposed the adoption of the Constitution. 
He was Vice-President from 1804 to 1812, having been 
defeated for the same office in 1789 and 1792. 

Clintonian Platform. (See CUntonians.) 

Clintonians. — In New York State the Clinton family 
was originally opposed to the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion; the Livingstons and Schuylers favored it. Alex- 
ander Hamilton was a connection of the Schuylers, and 
Morgan Lewis of the Livingstons. Aaron Burr had at 
first been a lukewarm Federalist. The Clintons were 
naturally at once of the Republican (Democratic-Repub- 
lican) party; to them in about the year 1800 were joined 
the Livingstons, or Lewisites, and Burr and his followers, 
the Burrites. The union of the Burrites with the others 
was not firm, and, dissension following, their influence 
rapidly waned, the national administration recognizing 
and aiding the other faction. About 1807 a split in the 
Republican party in the State led to the ascendency of 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 103 

the Clintons over the Lewisites, the State patronage being 
freely used by the Clintons to accomplish their object. 
The Lewisites and Burrites now Joined hands and de- 
clared against George Clinton and in favor of Madison 
for the presidency, to succeed Jefferson. The combina- 
tion of the Lewisites and Burrites is usually known as 
the "Martling men/' from their meeting-place in New 
York City — Martling^s Long Eoom. The Clinton fac- 
tion was known as the Clintonians. These latter were 
thus naturally opposed to the administration, and their 
dislike to the restrictive measures on commerce at this 
period threw them toward the Federalists, with whom 
the Clintonians now frequently acted, jointly supporting 
DeWitt Clinton for the presidency in 1812. His friends 
issued an address, known as the Clintonian Platform, in 
which they attacked the congressional caucus and the 
Virginia influence. i^See those titles.) Madison had the 
support of Jefferson, and his supporters were known in 
consequence as Jefferson Democrats. A split among the 
Clintonians now threw DeWitt Clinton and the Feder- 
alists stni more closely together, but in 1815 this coali- 
tion was defeated and the Federalists finally destroyed. 
Clinton and the others of his party now became recon- 
ciled, and in 1817 he was elected Grove rnor. The 
Martling men had about 1812 revivified the Tammany 
organization and had become known as the ^' Buck- 
tails,^' a name derived from the Tammany insignia of a 
buck's tail worn in the hat instead of a feather. On his 
election in 1817, Clinton inaugurated the canal policy 
which ended in giving to the State the Erie Canal. The 
Bucktails naturally opposed this policy, and the name 
Bucktail came to be applied to any opponent of the 
canals. Among the prominent Clintonians had been 
Daniel D. Tompkins, now out of politics, and Martin 
Van Buren, who had joined the Bucktails. About 
1822 the Bucktails came to be recognized as the regular 
Republican (Democratic-Republican) party of the State. 
In the election of that year the Clintonians were de- 
feated. In 1824, however, the removal of Clinton from 
the post of Canal Commissioner created a reaction in 



104 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

his favor, and he was elected G-overnor in that year and 
again in 1826. The lead of the Bucktails had passed to 
the Albany Eegency {which see). In 1828 Olmton died, 
leaving his faction leaderless. It had always been a 
personal party. Clinton tolerated no equals. The 
position of his family had enabled him to carry out his 
desires, but the increase in the voting population had 
rendered it more and more difficult, and the entirely 
popular and democratic faction had supplanted him. 

Clinton's Ditch is the name at first applied to the 
Erie Canal by those opposing it, DeWitt Clinton having 
been the chief promoter of the enterprise. 

Cobden Club. — The Cobden Club, of England, takes 
its name from the great free-trader, Kichard Cobden. 
It is the center oi the free-trade doctrine in British 
politics. Protectionists in the United States are fond 
of asserting that the movement in this country for the 
reduction of duties to a revenue basis is fostered and en- 
couraged by the Cobden Club, and that "British gold''' 
helps to carry on the movement, which, if successful, 
they assert would be as advantageous to British manu- 
facturing interests as it would be injurious to ours. 

Coinage. — Previous to and during the Kevolution 
the coins in use in this country were mostly foreign. 
The Constitution (Article 1, section 8, clause 5) vested 
in Congress the right to coin money and to regulate the 
value thereof. The Act of Congress of April 2, 1792, 
established the silver dollar as the standard, its weight 
being 416 grains of silver of .8924 of fineness, equiva- 
lent to 371:|- grains of pure silver; the relative value of 
gold to silver was established at one part of the former 
to fifteen of the latter; the fineness of gold coins was 
fixed at eleven parts of pure gold to one of alloy. The 
Act of June 28, 1834, changed weight and fineness of 
the gold dollar, making it 258 grains of .899225 of fine- 
ness, or 232 grains of pure gold. The Act of January 
18, 1837, established .900 as the standard fineness of 
both gold and silver. It left the weight of the gold 
dollar unaltered (thus slightly increasing its value) and 
reduced the weight of the silver dollar to 412-J- grains 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 105 

(thus leaving its value unchanged). The ratio of gold 
to silver was thus made one part of the former to 15.98 
of the latter. The ratio in most European countries 
was one to 15.5. The result of this was that one part of 
gold imported into this country could be exchanged for 
15.98 parts of silver, which when exported would yield 
one part of gold and leave a surplus of .48 parts of 
silver for the expenses of transportation and loss of 
interest while in transit, and yet give a profit on the 
transaction. This, of course, lead to heavy exports of 
silver, that element of our currency being very largely 
eliminated. In order to check the export of fractional 
silver coins, their weight was reduced to 384 grains of 
standard silver by Act of February 21, 1853, which law 
also stopped the coinage into fractional silver coins of 
silver bullion offered to the mints for that purpose, 
leaving this entirely in the hands of the government. 
The coinage of silver dollars was discontinued for thirty 
years by order of the Executive in 1806. They were 
then again coined as required by depositors of silver 
bullion until their coinage was suspended by Act of 
February 12, 1873. The Act of February 28, 1878, 
revived their coinage at the rate of at least two million 
dollars worth a month, and not to exceed four millions. 
This act is still in force. The Act of 1873 authorized 
the coinage of trade dollars of 420 grains; these were 
not coined for circulation as dollars, but for the con- 
venience of merchants for export to the East, their 
weight and fineness being marked on the coin. Never- 
theless, these coins circulated here, and the decline in 
silver rendered the coinage of bullion into trade dollars for 
use in circulation profitable to the owners of the bullion. 
Their coinage was, therefore, first restricted, and then, 
in April, 1878, suspended. Although these coins were 
never legal tender, yet for a time they circulated freely, 
and as the name " dollar '^ had given them at least a 
show of right for purposes of circulation, it was deemed 
right by Congress to indemnify the holders, who were 
presumed to have taken them on the strength of that 
name. The Forty-ninth Congress provided for the 



106 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

redemption at the Treasury of all trade dollars that should 
be presented prior to September 3, 1887. There were thus 
redeemed 17,689,036 out of a total of $35,965,924 coin. 
The gold coinage at present consists of the double eagle 
^twenty dollars), the eagle (ten dollars), the half -eagle 
(five dollars), the quarter-eagle (two and one-half dol- 
lars), the three-dollar piece, the one-dollar piece. The 
silver coinage consists of the standard dollar, the half- 
dollar, the quarter-dollar, the dime. The base metal 
coinage consists of five, three, two and one-cent pieces. 
The gold coins and the standard silver dollar are legal 
tender to an unlimited amount; the half-dollars, quarter- 
dollars and dimes to the maximum amount of ten dol- 
lars, and the base metal coins to the maximum amount 
of twenty-five cents in any one payment. The coinage 
of the United States mints has been as follows from 
1793 to June 30, 1891. Gold, 11,549,927,749.50; silver, 
$638,444,073.20; minor, $22,842,245.95; total, $2,211,- 
214,028.65. The Act of 1792 established a mint at 
Philadelphia. This remained the only institution of its 
kind until, in 1835, branches were established at Char- 
lotte, North Carolina, and Dahlonega, Georgia, for the 
coinage of gold mined in those parts of the country, 
and at New Orleans for the coinage of silver imported 
from Mexico. In 1852, 1862 and 1863, respectively, 
mints were established at San Francisco, Denver and 
Carson City for the coinage of gold mined in the West. 
No coins were ever struck at the Denver mint, and in 
1873 that and the mint at Charlotte were changed to 
assay offices. The operations of the mints at Dahlonega, 
Charlotte and New Orleans were suspended in 1861. 
The latter was reopened in 1879. Coinage at the mint 
of Carson City was suspended in 1885. In 1873 a 
bureau of the mint was established in the Treasury 
Department, under whose control all the mints were 
placed. Previously to this they had been branches of 
the Philadelphia mint, whose director was charged with 
their supervision. 

Colfax, Schuyler, was born at New York, March 
23, 1823. He was a journalist. He served in the 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 107 

House from 1855 to 1869, being Speaker from 1863 to 
1869. From 1869 to 1873 he was Vice-President of the 
United States. He was a Republican. He died Janu- 
ary 13, 1885. 

Colonization. — It was the object of the colonization 
societies to aid and encourage free negroes to systematic 
colonization of the western coast of Africa. It was 
hoped thus to counteract and ultimately to suppress the 
slave trade. The idea seems to have originated as early 
as 1770 with the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D. D,, of l^ew- 
port, but it was not until January 1, 1817, that the 
American Colonization Society was formally organized. 
Among its presidents were James Madison and Henry 
Clay. Some few negroes had previously emigrated to 
the British negro colony of Sierra Leone, but in 1820 
the first organized attempt was made to found a colony. 
This was at Sherbro Island. The location proving un- 
fortunate, land was purchased on the main land at Cape 
Mesurado, and early in 1822 colonists landed there. 
Between nine and ten thousand persons were sent thither 
up to 1856. In 1847 the colony declared itself an inde- 
pendent Republic under the name of Liberia. The 
colonization movement was at first encouraged by the 
slave-holders, as it tended to relieve the South of its 
free negroes; but as slaves became more valuable, fewer 
were freed by their masters, and these latter, from re- 
garding slavery as an institution to be merely tolerated, 
came to assert the doctrine of its essential righteous- 
ness. Under these circumstances colonization fell into 
disfavor at the South, while at the North the Abo- 
litionists regarded all such schemes as immoral tem- 
porizing. 

Colonization, Political. — In elections it is a com- 
mon form of fraud to bring into a doubtful district men 
from other parts, and to give them some show of a resi- 
dence in that district so as to enable them to vote there 
and so turn the result. The voters thus moved or 
colonized can, of course, always be spared at the points 
from which they are taken, so that while the total vote 
of the party in the State remains unchanged, it will bo 



108 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

SO distnbuted as to give to that party more Congressmen 
or members of the Legislature, as the case may be, than 
it would otherwise have had. This is called coloniza- 
tion, and its practice is confined almost exclusively to 
the larger cities. Lodging houses are frequently used 
for this purpose, and these are shockingly crowded with 
transplanted voters on the day preceding election, or 
registration, where that formality is required. 

Colorado was organized as a Territory in 1861 from 
portions of Utah, Kansas, Nebraska and New Mexico. 
On August 1, 1876, President Grant proclaimed its ad- 
mission to the Union. It is thus the youngest of the 
thirty-eight States. The capital is Denver. The popu- 
lation in 1880 was 194,327, and in the last census (1890) 
419,198. Colorado has but one member of the House 
of Representatives and casts but three electoral votes, 
which are always counted on by the Eepubiicans. It is 
commonly referred to as the Centennial State, referring 
to the year of its admission. {^See Governors; Legisla- 
tures. ) 

Comity of Nations is the friendly spirit which 
exists between different nations, and which often impels 
a government to grant a favor to a foreign power that 
could not be demanded as a matter of right, either as 
coming under the general principles of international 
law or the provisions of existing treaties. Such were the 
surrender of Arguelles to Spain by Secretary Seward in 
1864, and the surrender of William M. Tweed by Spain 
to us in 1876. 

Commercial Agents. {8ee Foreign Service.) 

Commercial Crises. — A period of prosperity will 
lead the business community, in the hope of still larger 
profits, to undue extension of all branches of profitable 
industries, or of industries believed to be so. In every 
civilized community business is now very largely based 
on credit, and this credit is at such times lavishly 
granted as one of the means of business extension. 
Overproduction, a fall in prices, failures of merchants 
and of banks follow. Complete distrust on every hand 
leads capitalists to lock their money in vaults, and 



LICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 109 

even banks in many cases to refuse loans to perfectly 
solvent business men. This conservatism, usually as 
extreme as was the expansion preceding, has the effect 
of bringing on a money panic, which, re-acting on the 
situation, in its turn aggravates the crisis. The result 
of the crisis is a fall in prices usually (by a reaction that 
is quite natural) to a point below the normal level. 
Debts are wiped out. A period of inaction, of extreme 
depression, follows, followed in turn by moderate pros- 
perity, increasing to extreme prosperity, ending as 
before. The recurrence of these events shows a certain 
periodicity, the period in England being about ten 
years. In this country the period has been more irregu- 
lar, 1819, 1837, 1857, 1873, 1884, having witnessed 
commercial crises. The War of 1812 was followed by 
a rise in prices, followed by money stringency and large 
declines. This was brought about partly by calls of the 
government on the Bank of the United States for funds 
to meet $7,500,000 of maturing stock of the issue that 
had furnished funds to pay for the Territory of Louisi- 
ana. This compelled the bank largely to reduce its 
discounts. The panic of 1837 was due to speculation in 
western lands, the sales of which in twenty-six months 
amounted to $41,000,000. The sales for the previous 
forty years had amounted to but $49,000,000. This 
speculative fever had been aided by the deposit of 
government funds in State banks. \8ee Pet Banks,) 
The specie circular of the government requiring pay- 
ments for lands to be made in coin, caused many of 
these banks to suspend, and the crisis was precipitated. 
Specie payments were suspended in May, 1837, by all 
banks except the State Bank of Missouri. Specie was 
worth a premium of about twelve per cent. Specie 
payments were resumed on April 16, 1838, by three 
Boston banks, and in the next month they were gener- 
ally resumed. The next suspension of specie payment 
took place in October, 1857, but in sixty days it was 
again resumed. The drain of the Civil War caused 
the suspension of specie payments by the government, 
.as well as by the banks, on December 30, 1861, but this 



110 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

suspension was not accompanied by a panic. Specie 
payments were not resumed until January 1, 1879. 
Meanwhile the suspension forced gold to a premium, 
and it became an article of merchandise. Its highest 
point was reached in July, 1864, when it sold at 285. 
The crisis of 1873 was due principally to excessive rail- 
road building. In New York the panic was so great 
that the New York Stock Exchange was for twelve 
days closed for business. The banks suspended cur- 
rency payments, but after forty days they again re- 
sumed. Business passed through the usual stages, and 
by 1879 a season of prosperity had again set in. It 
continued to increase until July, 1881. The assassina- 
tion of President Garfield on the second of that month 
being the epoch from which the decline in prices is 
usually dated. This gradual decline continued, with 
occasional reactions, until in May, 1884, another panic 
set in. Money rose to three per cent, per day and 
stocks dropped rapidly, but rates for money soon de- 
clined to more moderate figures. The banks in New 
York, the center of the panic, aided each other in car- 
rying securities of doubtful value, thus limiting the 
casualties among the banks to one failure and one sus- 
pension. The usual depression followed. In 1886 busi- 
ness was slowly recovering, and the usual period of 
inflation may next be expected. 

Committee of the Whole in legislative assemblies 
is a committee consisting of all the individual members 
of the assembly. When an assembly goes into com- 
mittee of the whole, the presiding officer surrenders the 
chair, usually to some member named by him. When 
the committee has finished the consideration of the 
subjects entrusted to it, the presiding officer of the 
assembly resumes the chair, and the chairman of the 
committee reports to the assembly, which may then take 
action on the report just as on the report of any other 
committee. The rules and powers of the committee of 
the whole differ materially from those of the assembly, 
and it is for the purpose of gaining the greater freedom 
and expedition thus afforded that the fiction of a com- 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. \\\ 

mittee of the whole is made use of. The United States 
Senate does not resolve itself into committee of the 
whole. In that body it is simply moved that a subject 
be considered ^'^as in committee of the whole." This is 
called a quasi committee. In legislative bodies the as- 
sistant clerk acts as clerk of the committee, and the 
journal of the House does not contain the proceedings 
of the committee, only its report to the House. In 
committee of the whole a member may speak on the 
same question as often as he can obtain the floor, 
the previous question or reconsideration cannot be 
moved, nor can motions, appeals or amendments be 
laid on the table. In the House of Representatives of 
Congress, every public bill and all measures relating to 
religion, trade, revenue or the grant of public money, 
must be considered in committee of the whole before 
being considered by the House. 

Committee of Ways and Means. {8ee Ways 
and Means y Committee of.) 

Committees. — In order to facilitate the work of 
Congress, the Senate and the House have each a number 
of standing committees on a variety of subjects, and 
any measures introduced are referred to the committee 
within the scope of whose labors they properly fall. 
These committees are appointed at the beginning of a 
Congress, and remain in existence throughout its life. 
The power of these committees is very great, for a 
measure may be delayed by them and thus practically 
killed, or adversely reported, in which case its chances 
of success are nearly hopeless. On the other hand, it 
is within the power of a committee to press any par- 
ticular measure upon the attention of Congress. Most 
of the real work on bills is done in committee, the vote 
in the House being frequently only a hurried and ill- 
considered proceeding. Among the -most important 
standing committees are the Committee of "Ways and 
Means, Appropriations Committee (in the House), 
Finance Committee (in the Senate), Banking and Cur- 
rency, etc. In the House the Speaker appoints these 
committees; in the Senate they are nominally voted for. 



11^ DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

but they are really arranged by the caucus of the ma- 
jority. Joint committees are standing committees of 
both Houses acting together. Select committees are 
appointed for the investigation of particular subjects. 
Committees of conference are committees appointed by 
each House in order to confer on points in dispute be- 
tween the Houses. 
Compound Duties. {See Customs Duties.) 
Compromise of 1850. — For more than a year after 
the termination of the Mexican War, the territory ac- 
quired by that war had remained under military rule. 
But in 1850 California adopted a constitution prohibit- 
ing slavery, and then applied for admission. The slave 
States would not agree to admit her unless a new slave 
State were also formed. At the same time the organiza- 
tion of the newly acquired territory came up for discus- 
sion. Henry Clay then proposed a compromise, which, 
having been referred to a select committee of thirteen, 
of which he was chairman, was reported by them in 
substantially the same shape as proposed. It provided 
for: 1. The postponement of tht) admission of new 
States to be formed out of Texas until demanded by 
such State. 2. The admission of California as a free 
State. 3. The organization, without the Wilmot Pro- 
viso, of all territory acquired from Mexico, and not 
included in California, as the Territories of New 
Mexico and Utah. 4. The combination of the last cwo 
measures in one bill. 5. The establishment of the 
boundaries of Texas and the payment to her of $10,- 
000,000 for the abandonment of her claim to New 
Mexico. 6. More effectual laws for the return of 
fugitive slaves. 7. Abolishing the slave trade in the 
District of Columbia, but leaving slavery there undis- 
turbed. These measures all became laws, and together 
were commonly known as the Omnibus Bill. It is 
charged that the indemnity of 110,000,000, the pay- 
ment of which raised the market value of Texas securi- 
ties from twenty or thirty to nearly par, was not without 
influence in the passage of the bill. The Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, passed in 1854, virtually repealed this 
compromise. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 113 

Compromises of the Constitution. — On three 
points did. the convention of 1787, framing the Consti- 
tution, come to a stage at which further progress seemed 
impossible. From this sprang three compromises. The 
result of the first was the present system of a Senate 
containing two members from each State, regardless of 
size,, and a House whose members are apportioned to the 
population. {^See Apportioninent.) Ehode Island was 
never represented in the convention, and New Hamp- 
shire not until after this subject was disposed of. There 
were therefore eleven States, and these were divided as 
follows: Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, North 
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, six, known as 
the ^Harge States,^' against New York, Maryland, Con- 
necticut, New Jersey and Delaware, five, known as the 
''small States. ■'^ The former desired representation 
according to population, the national system, the latter 
by States, or the federative system. A compromise was 
effected, the present system being the result. One of 
the most serious evils of the Confederation was the 
powerlessness of Congress to regulate commerce. The 
commercial States were all in favor of giving to Con- 
gress complete control of this subject, nor were the 
other States generally opposed to this, except in this, 
that the Southern States, whose industries consisted 
almost exclusively in the cultivation of rice, tobacco 
and a few other articles, objected strenuously to any 
possibility by which an export tax could at any time be 
imposed on these articles, as any such proceeding would 
tend to cripple the entire State. The second com- 
promise was accordingly made, complete control over 
commerce being given to Congress, except that a tax on 
exports was prohibited. (Article 1, section 4, clause 5.) 
The third compromise was on the question of slavery. 
Georgia and South Carolina refused to enter the Union 
if the slave trade were to be prohibited or discriminated 
against. It was then that Article 1, section 9, clause 1, 
was agreed on, forbidding Congress to prohibit the slave 
trade prior to the year 1808, but permitting the imposi- 
tion of a tax thereon not to exceed ten dollars a head. 



114 Die TIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

The other concessions to the slave States were Article 
4, section 2, clause 2, concerning the return of fugitive 
slaves, and Article 1, section 2, clause 3, giving repre- 
sentation in Congress to the number of inhabitants 'plus 
fhree- fifths of the slaves. The consideration for these 
concessions was the elimination of the following section: 
'^ No Navigation Act shall be passed without the assent 
of two-thirds of the members present in either House/' 

Compromise Tariff. — A Tariff Act introduced by 
Henry Clay in 1833. {8ee Tariffs of the United States.) 

Concord Mob. — In August, 1835, a time when the 
anti-slavery leaders were decried and insulted even in 
New England, John Grreenleaf Whittier accompanied 
George Thompson, an English orator, to Concord, New 
Hampshire, to make arrangements for an anti-slavery 
meeting. A mob of several hundred gathered, assailed 
Whittier with sticks and stones^ injured him and drove 
him into the house of an honorable man, though not 
an Abolitionist. Meanwhile the house which held 
Thompson was also attacked. Whittier managed to 
join him. A cannon was actually brought to bombard 
the house, but finally the rioters dispersed without doing 
serious damage, and Whittier and Thompson escaped 
from the town. 

Confederate States, The. — The name adopted by 
the States that seceded in 1861. Delegates from six of 
these States met at Montgomery, Alabama, February 4, 

1861, and formed a provisional government under the 
above name. The delegates to the convention had been 
appointed by the different State conventions, and not 
elected by the people. The government thus established 
adopted provisionally the Constitution of the United 
States, making in it such changes as suited their pur- 
pose, and declared all the laws of the United States in 
force until repealed. The legislation of the provisional 
Congress (consisting of one House only) dealt with the 
carrying on of the war, the raising of money and the 
adoption of a permanent constitution. In February, 

1862, this constitution having been adopted by all the 
States, an election was held under it, and Jefferson 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 115 

Davis and Alexander H. Stephens (the provisional 
President and Vice-President) were chosen. They were 
inaugurated February 22, 1862. The capital had been 
removed to Richmond, Virginia, and there it remained 
during the war. The influence of Congress on the 
course of events was but small, all the real power being 
in the hands of the President, who made his influence 
felt in every department. The surrender of Lee in 1865 
put an end to the Civil War, and at the same time to 
the Confederacy. Most of the changes that were made 
in the Constitution were made for the purpose of secur- 
ing explicit recognition of slavery and of the sovereignty 
of the States. A point of interest to us is a prohibition 
on laying any duties on imports ^^ to promote or foster 
any branch of industry. ^^ 

Confirmation by the Senate. {See Term and 
Tenure of Office.) 

Congress. — All legislative powers granted by the 
Constitution of the United States are vested in Con- 
gress, which consists of the Senate and the House of 
Representatives. The powers of Congress are enumer- 
ated in Article 1, section 8, of the Constitution, and all 
powers not granted to Congress, or prohibited to the 
States, are reserved to the States or to the people; but 
the power of Congress is absolute within the scope of 
its authority. The Senate is composed of two members 
from every State, regardless of size or population; the 
members of the House are apportioned on the basis of 
population. Thus, while in the House the influence of 
the people is felt directly, according to their numbers, 
the Senate provides the means of defending the smaller 
States from the possible encroachments of the larger; 
and to assure the safety of the smaller States, the Con- 
stitution, Article 5, provides that ''no State without its 
consent shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 
Senate." Bills that have passed both Houses are sent 
to the President, who may either sign or veto them, or 
do neither, in which case the bill becomes a law after 
ten days unless Congress has previously adjourned. 
{See Veto,) The veto of the President is the only 



116 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

check upon the power of Congress to legislate witl^in 
the scope of its authority. Legislation exceeding the 
constitutional power of Congress will be declared un- 
constitutional by the Supreme Court, if that body is 
appealed to by either party to any controversy arising in 
an attempt to enforce such laws. Each House is, by the 
Constitution, ^^ the judge of the elections, returns and 
qualifications of its own members." 

Congressman. {See Rouse of Representatives; 
Congressman-at-Large. ) 

Congressman-at- Large. — The Act of February 
25, 1882, provided for the reapportionment of Eepre- 
sentatives. {8ee Apportionme^it.) In cases where the 
number assigned to a State was increased and the Legis- 
lature of that State did not provide for rearrangement 
of the districts, the additional members were to be 
elected on a general ticket by the whole State, the old 
districts each electing one member as before. Where 
the representation of a State was diminished and a 
corresponding change of district was not made, the 
whole number of members was to be elected on a 
general ticket. There is at present but one Congress- 
man-at-large. He is from Pennsylvania. 

Conkling, Roscoe, was born at Alban}^ Kew York, 
October 30, 1829. From 1859 to 1863 and 1865 to 1867 he 
served in the House, and from 1867 to 1881 in the 
United States Senate. In 1881 he resigned. [See Stal- 
warts.) Subsequently he devoted himself exclusively 
to his profession of the law in which he held prominent 
rank. He died at New York, April 18, 1888. 

Connecticut was one of the original States of the 
Union. It had two capitals, Hartford and New Haven, 
up to 1873, when the former was made the sole seat of 
government. The population in 1880 was 622,700, and 
in the last census (1890) 746,258. Connecticut is entitled 
to four members of the House of Representatives, and 
casts six electoral votes. It is a somewhat doubtful 
State in national politics. From 1860 to 1884 it was 
Republican, except that in 1876 Tilden had a small 
majority, and in 1884 Cleveland a small plurality. It 
takes its name from its principal river, which means in 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 117 

the Indian tongue, '^^long river /^ Popularly it is 
variously known as the Freestone, Nutmeg, or Wooden 
Nutmeg State, or the Land of Steady Habits. (^8ee 
Governors; Legislatures. ) 

Conscience Whigs. — In 1850 the Whigs in Con- 
gress had taken the position that the slavery question, 
which they regarded as settled by the Compromise of 
1850, should not be reopened. This policy was approved 
by President Fillmore. Their attitude led to dissen- 
sions in the party in many of the States. In Massachu- 
setts those opposed to the stand thus taken by the 
leaders were known as Conscience Whigs; those that 
approved it as Cotton Whigs. The reason of the name 
is obvious. In New York, Fillmore^s State, the sup- 
porters of his view were known as Silver Grays, a name 
given to them because they were mostly the older mem- 
bers. They were also called Snuff-takers. Those op- 
posing it, headed by William H. Seward, were called 
Woolly Heads, or Seward Whigs. 

Conscription Bill. {See Drafts.) 

Conservatives. — A name assumed by certain po- 
litical parties in many nations. These parties are some- 
times actually, and always avowedly, opposed to changes 
from old and established forms and practices. In United 
. States history these names have never been in general 
use, but in Van Buren^s administration the name was 
applied to those Democrats that at the special session of 
Congress, of September, 1837, opposed the establish- 
ment of the sub-treasury system. In the Congress that 
met December, 1839, they had practically disappeared. 
The name was also assumed by Southern whites during 
the reconstruction period following the Civil War, to 
show their adherence to the old State governments, the 
abolition of which by Congress they opposed. In Vir- 
ginia the name was in use until 1872. The name was 
also used at the North during this period. The Demo- 
crats applied it to themselves to draw moderate Repub- 
lican votes. 

Constitution, The, is a Covenant with Death 
and an Agreement with Hell. — One of the mottoes 



118 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

of the Abolitionist newspaper. The Liberator, {See 
Abolitionists.) 

Constitutional Union Party. — This name was 
adopted at a convention in Baltimore, in May, 1860, of 
those Whigs that had not, on the dissolution of their 
party, joined either the Eepublicans or Democrats. In 
1856 they had constituted a portion of the American 
party. They denounced the platforms of existing 
parties as tending ^^to widen political divisions,'^ and 
declared their principle to be " the Constitution of the 
country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of 
the laws.^' John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward 
Everett, of Massachusetts, were respectively nominated 
for President and Vice-President. This ticket carried 
Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, receiving thirty- 
nine electoral votes. In several of the States **^ fusion ^^ 
tickets of electors had been named, and in these the 
popular vote for each ticket can only be estimated. 
BelPs total popular vote is variously estimated from 
about 590,000 to 650,000, of which the former is prob- 
ably more nearly correct. This party disappeared at the 
beginning of the Civil War. 

Constitution of the Country, The, the Union 
of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws. 
— This phrase is from the platform of the Constitutional 
Union Party, adopted at its convention in Baltimore, 
May 19, 1860. 

Constitution of the United States.— The history 
of the formation of our Constitution is given under the 
heading of Convention of 1787 {which see). It was 
signed, as indicated below, by all the delegates to that 
convention except Gerry, of Massachusetts, and Mason 
and Randolph, of Virginia. Having been transmitted 
to Congress, that body, on September 28, 1787, ordered 
it to be submitted to conventions chosen in the separate 
States by the people thereof. Such conventions were 
chosen, and through them eleven States ratified the 
Constitution on the following dates: Delaware, Decem- 
ber 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New 
Jersey, December 18, 1787; G-eorgia, January 2, 1788; 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 119 

Connecticut, January 9, 1788; Massachusetts, February 
6, 1788; Maryland, April 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 
23, 1788; New Hampshire, June 21, 1788; Virginia, 
June 26, 1788; New York, July 26, 1788. As the 
seventh article provided that the ratification of nine 
States should be sufficient, it was therefore adopted. 
March 4, 1789, was the day set for the operations of the 
new government to commence. Subsequently it was 
ratified by the two remaining States — by North Caro- 
lina on November 21, 1789, and by Ehode Island on 
May 29, 1790. The text of the various amendments is 
given below with the body of the Constitution. The 
dates of the adoption of the amendments are given 
under the heading Amendments to the Constitution 
{which see). 

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
OE AMERICA. 

PREAMBLE. 

"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more 
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quility, provide for the common defence, promote the 
general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to 
ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

SECTION I. 

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a 
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate 
and House of Representatives. 

SECTION II. 

]st Clause. The House of Representatives shall be com- 
posed of members chosen every second year by the people of 
the several States, and the electors in each State shall have 
the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous 
branch of the State Legislature. 

2d Clause. No person shall be a Representative who shall 
not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been 
seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, 
when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall 
be chosen. 

Sd Clause. Representatives and direct taxes shall be ai)por- 
tloned axDong the several States which may be included within 



120 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall 
be determined by adding to the whole number of free per- 
sons, including those bound to service for a term of years, 
and excluding Indians not taxed three-fifths of all other per- 
sons. [Altered by the Fourteenth Amendment, Section II.] 
The actual enumeration shall be made within three years 
after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, 
and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such man- 
ner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representa- 
tives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each 
State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such 
enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall 
be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five. New York 
six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, 
Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five, South Caro- 
lina five, and Georgia three. 

4t?t Clause. When vacancies happen in the representation 
from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue 
writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

bth Clause. The House of Representatives shall choose 
their Speaker and other ofiacers, and shall have the sole power 
of impeachment. 

SECTION III. 

1st Clause. The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legisla- 
ture thereof for six years; and each Senator shall have one 
vote. 

2d Clause. Immediately after they shall bo assembled in 
consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as 
equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators 
of the first class shall be vacated at the exi)iration of the 
second year, of the second class at the expiration of the 
fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the 
sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; 
and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during 
the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive 
thereof may make temporary appointments until the next 
meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacan- 
cies. 

3d Clause. No person shall be a Senator who shall not 
have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a 
citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, 
be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 

Uh Clause. The Vice-President of the United States shall 
be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they 
be equally divided. 

bth Clause. The Senate shall choose their other offtcers, and 
also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-Presi- 
dent, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the 
United States. 

6th Clause. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all 
impeachments. When sitting for that purpose they shall be 
on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United 
States is tried, the Chief -Justice shall preside ; and no person 



DICTIONARY OP AMERICAN- POLITICS. 121 

shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
the members present. 

1th Clause. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not 
extend further than to removal from office and disqualifica- 
tion to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit 
under the United States ; but the i)arty convicted shall never- 
theless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment 
and punishment, according to law. 

SECTION IV. 

1st Clause. The times, places and manner of holding elec- 
tions for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in 
each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the Congress may 
at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as 
to the places of choosing Senators. 

2d Clause. The Congress shall assemble at least once in 
every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in 
December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

SECTION V. 

1st Clause. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, 
returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority 
of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller 
number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authoiized 
to compel the attendance of absent members m such manner 
and under such penalties as each House may provide. 

'Zd Clause. Each House may determine the rules of its pro- 
ceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, 
with the concurrence of two-thirds, exi)el a member. 

Zd Clause. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceed- 
ings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such 
parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas 
and nays of the members of either House on any question 
shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on 
the journal. 

4£h Clause. Neither House during the session of Congress 
shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than 
three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two 
Houses shall be sitting. 

SECTION VI. 

1st Clause. The Senators and Representatives shall receive 
a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law 
and paid oiit of the treasury of the United States. They 
shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the 
peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at 
the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and 
returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in 
either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2d Clause. No Senator or Representative shall, during the 
time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office 
under the authority of the United States which shall have 
been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been in- 
9reased, during such time ; and no person holding any office 



122 D1CTI0N-ARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

under the United States shall be a member of either House 
during his continuance in ofQce. 

SECTION VII. 

1st Clause. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in 
the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or 
concur with amendments as on other bills. 

'Zd Clause, Every bill which shall have passed the House 
of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a 
law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he 
approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his 
objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, 
who shall enter their objections at large on their journal and 
proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two- 
thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be 
sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by 
which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by 
two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all 
such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by 
yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for 
and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the 
President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall 
have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like 
manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their 
adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be 
a law. 

3d Clause. Every order, resolution or vote to which the 
concurrence of the Senate and House of R^resentatives may 
be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be 
presented to the President of the United States ; and before 
the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being 
disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules 
and limitations prescribed in the case of a bilL 

SECTION VIII. 

The Congress shall have power : 

1st Clause. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence 
and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, im- 

gosts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
tates ; 

2d Clause. To borrow money on the credit of the United 
States; 

3d Clause. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and 
among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; 

4t7i Clause. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, 
and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout 
the United States ; 

5th Clause. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and 
of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; 

6th Clause. To provide for the punishment of counterfeit- 
ing the securities and current coin of the United States ; 

7th Clause. To establish post-offices and post-roads : 

8th Clause. To promote ihe progress of science and ui&ef ul 



DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 123 

arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors 
the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries ; 

9t/i Clause. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
Court ; 

10t?i Clause. To define and punish piracies and felonies 
committed on the high seas, and offenses against th6 law of 
nations ; 

llfh Clause. To declare war, grant letters of marque and 
reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and 
water ; 

12th Clause. To raise and support armies; but no appro- 
priation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 
two years; 

13fc/i Clause. To provide and maintain a navy ; 

14t/i Clause. To make rules for the government and regula- 
tion of the land and naval forces ; 

15th Clause. To provide for calling forth the militia to 
execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and 
repel invasions; 

16th Clause. To provide for organizing, arming and discip- 
lining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may 
be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to 
the States respectively the app>ointment of the officers and 
the authority of training the militia according to the discip- 
line prescribed by Congress ; 

17th Clause. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases 
whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) 
as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of 
Congress, become the seat of the government of the United 
States ; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased 
by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the 
same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dock-yards, and other needful buildings ; and 

ISth Clause. To make all ^aws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and 
all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Govern- 
mj^nt of the United States, or in any department or officer 
thereof. 

SECTION rx. 

1st Clause. The migration or importation of such persons as 
any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, 
shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one 
thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be 
imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars tor 
each person. 

2d Clause. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall 
not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion 
the public safety may require it. 

3d Clause, l^o bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be 
passed. 

4:th Clause. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, 
unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore 
directed to be taken. 

6th Clause. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported 
from any State. 



124 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN- POLITICS. 

Qth Clause. No preference shall be given by any regulation 
of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of 
another nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be 
obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

7th Clause. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, 
but in consequence of appropi iations made by law; and a 
regular statement and account of tho receipts and expend- 
itures of all public moneys shall be published from time to 
time. 

Sth Clause. No title of nobility shall be granted by the 
United States ; and no person holding any office of profit or 
trust under th*^m, shall without the consent of the Congress, 
accept of an present, emolument, office, or title of any isind 
whatever, Ix om any king, prince, or foreign state. 

SECTION X. 

1st Clause. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or 
confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin 
money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and sil- 
ver coin a tender in payment of debts ; j)ass any bill of attain- 
der or ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of 
contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 

2d Clause. No State shall, without the consent of the Con- 
gress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exjports, except 
what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection 
laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by 
any State on imports and exports, shall be for the use of the 
Treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be sub- 
ject to the revision and control of the Congress. 

3d Clause. No State shall, without the consent of the Con- 
gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in 
time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with 
another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, un- 
less actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not 
admit of delay. 

ARTICLE 11. 

SECTION I. 

Is* Clause. The executive power shall be vested in a Presi- 
dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his office 
during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice- 
President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows: 

2d Clause. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the 
Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to 
the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which 
the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no Senator or 
Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit 
under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 

*Sd Clause. The electors shall meet in their respective 
States, and vote by ballot for two persons, one of whom, at 
Isast, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with them- 
selves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted 

* This clause has been superseded by the Twelfth Amendment. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 1^5 

for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall 
sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the the seat of Govern- 
ment of the United States, directed to the President of the 
Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certifi- 
cates ; and the votes shall then be counted. The person hav- 
ing the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such 
number be a majority of the whole number of electors ap- 
pointed; and if there be more than one who have such major- 
ity, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of 
Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of 
them for President, and if no person have a majority, then, 
from the five highest on the list, the said House shall, in like 
manner, choose the President. But, in choosing the President, 
the votes shall be taken by States ; the representation from 
each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall 
consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States; 
and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
In every case, after the choice of a President, the person hav- 
ing the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be Vice- 
President. But, if there should remain two or more who have 
equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the 
Vice-President. 

4tth Clause. The Congress may determine the time of 
choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give 
their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the 
United States. 

bth Clause. No person except a natural-born citizen, or a 
citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this 
Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither 
shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have 
attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen 
years a resident within the United States. 

6th Clause. In case of the removal of the President fi'om 
office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the 
powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on 
the Vice-President ; and the Congress may by law provide for 
the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the 
President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then 
act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until 
the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 

7th Clause. The President shall, at stated times, receive for 
his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been 
elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other 
emolument from the United States, or any of them. 

Sth ClauAie. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he 
shall take the following oath or affirmation : 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully exe- 
cute the office of President of the United States, and will, to 
the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Con- 
stitution of the United States." 

SECTION II. 

1st Clause. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of 
the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of 



126 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

the several States, when called into the actual service of the 
United States: he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon 
any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, 
and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for 
offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeach- 
ment. 

Zd Clause. He shall have power, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of 
the Senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by 
and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint 
ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the 
supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, 
whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, 
and which shall be established by law j but the Congress may 
by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they 
think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or 
in the heads of departments. 

3d Clause. The President shall have power to fill up all 
vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by 
granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their 
next session. 

SECTION III. 

He shall from time to time give to the Congress information 
of the state of the Union, and recommend to their considera- 
tion such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; 
he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or 
either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, 
with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them 
to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambas- 
sadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the offi- 
cers of the United States. 

SECTION IV. 

The President, Yice-President, and all civil officers of the 
United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment 
for, and on conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high 
crimes and misdemeanorso 

ARTICLE III. 

SECTION I. 

The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in 
one Supreme Courtj and in such inferior courts as the Congress 
may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both 
of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices dur- 
ing good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during 
their continuance in office. 

SECTION II. 

1st Clause. The judicial power shall extend to all oases, in 
law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 127 

United States, and treaties made, or which shall "be made 
under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty 
and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the 
United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two 
or more States; between a State and citizens of another 
State; between citizens of different States; between citi- 
zens of the same State claiming lands under grants of dif- 
ferent States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and 
foreign States, citizens, or subjects. 

2d Clause. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a 
party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In 
all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall 
have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such 
exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall 
make. 

Sd Clause. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of im- 
peachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in 
the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; 
but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be 
at such place or places as the Congress may by law have 
directed. 

SECTION HI. 

1st CI ause. Treason against the United States shall consist 
only in levying war ag^ainst them, or in adhering to their 
enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be 
convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses 
to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2d Clause. The Congress shall have power to declare the 
punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work 
corruption of blood, or forfeiture, 3xcept during the life of the 
person attainted. 

ARTICIiE IV 

SECTION I. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the pub- 
lic acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. 
And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner 

in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, 
and the effect thereof 

' SECTION n. 

1st Clause. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2d Clause. A person charged in any State with treason, 
felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be 
found in another State, shall on demand of the executive 
authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to 
be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3d Clause. No person held to service or labor in one State, 
under the laws thereof, escaping intp another, shall, in conse- 



128 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

quence of any law or regulation therein, be discliarged from such 
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party 
to whom such service or labor may be due. 

SECTION III. 

1st Clause. New States may be admitted by the Congress 
into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected 
within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be 
formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of 
States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States 
concerned as well as of the Congress. 

2d Clause. The Congress shall have power to dispose of 
and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ter- 
ritory or other property belonging to the United States; and 
nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to preju- 
dice any claims of the United States, or of any particular 
State. 

SECTION IV. 

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union 
a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them 
against invasion; and on application of the Legislature, or of the 
Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against 
domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall 
deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, 
or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the 
several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, 
which, in either case, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, 
as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of 
three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three- 
fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may 
be proposed by the Congress: provided that no amendment 
which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and 
fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that 
no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal 
suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

1st Clause. All debts contracted and engagements entered 
into before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid 
against the United States under this Constitution, as under the 
Confederation. 

2d Clause. This Constitution, and the laws of the United 
States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all trea- 
ties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the 
United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the 
judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the 
Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwith- 
standing. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 129 

ZA Clause. The Senators and Representatives before men- 
tioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, 
and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United 
States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or 
affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no religious test 
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public 
trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE YIL 

The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be 
sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between 
the States so ratifying the same. 

Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the States 

E resent the seventeenth day of September in the year of our 
lOrd one thousand seven hundred and v^ighty-seven, and of 
the Independence of the United States of America the 
twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed 
our names. 

Go: WASHINGTON 

Presidt. and Deputy from, Virginia, 

New Ham/pshire. — ^John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 

Massachusetts. — Nathaniel Gorham, Ruf us King. 

Connecticut. — Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sherman. 

New York. — Alexander Hamilton. 

New Jersey. — Wil: Livingston, David Brearley, Wm. Patter- 
son, Jona: Dayton. 

Pennsylvania. — B, Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robt. Morris, 
Geo. Clymer, Thos. Fitzsimons, Jared IngersoU, James Wilson, 
Gouv Morris. 

Delaware.— Greo: Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun., John Dickin- 
son, Richard Bassett, Jaco. Broom. 

Maryland. — James McHenry, Dan of St. Thos Jenifer, DanL 
Carroll. 

Virginia. — ^John Blair, James Madison, Jr. 

North Carolina. — Wm. Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hu 
Williamson. 

South Carolina. — J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 
CLarles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. 

Georgia.— William Few, Abr Baldwin. 

attest : Wii.iii4>M Jackson, Secretary^ 



130 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Amendments to the Constitution. 

PROPOSED BY CONGRESS AND RATIFIED BY THE liEGISIiATURES 
OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 

ARTICLE I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging 
the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the 
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government 
for a redress of grievances. 

ARTICLE II. 

A welUregulated militia being necessary to the security of a 
free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall 
not be infringed. 

ARTICLE IIL 

Ko soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house 
without the consent of the owner, nor m time of war but in a 
manner to be prescribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seiz- 
ures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but 
upon probable cause, supp rted by oath or affirmation, and 
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the per- 
sons or things to be seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise 
infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a 

f;rand jury, except in ases arising in the land or naval 
orces, or in the militi , when in actual service in time of war 
or public di o^er • nor shall any person be subject for the same 
offense to be twice j)ut in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be 
compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, 
nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due pro- 
cess of law , nor shall private property be taken for public use 
without just compensation. 

ARTICLE VL 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy tb«» 
right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the 
State and district wherein the crime shall have been commit- 
ted, which district shall have been previously ascertained by 
law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusa- 
tion ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to 
have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
ftnd to have the assistance of counsel for his defense, 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 131 

ARTICLE Vn. 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pre- 
served, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re- 
examined in any court of the United States than according to 
the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIIL 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines im- 
posed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall 
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the 
people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Con- 
stitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to 
the States respectively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XL 

The judicial powers of the United States shall not be con- 
strued to extend to any suit, in law or equity, commenced or 
prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of 
another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XII. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote 
by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at 
least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with them- 
selves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as 
President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice- 
President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons 
voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice- 
President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists 
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of 
the Government of the United States, directed to the Presi- 
dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all 
the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the per- 
son having the greatest number of votes for President, shall 
be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed; and if no person have such 
majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, 
not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, 
the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by 
ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes 
shall be taken by States, the representation from each State 
having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a 
member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a ma- 
jority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if 
the House of Representatives shall not choose a President 
Whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before 



132 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- 
dent shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other 
constitutional disability of the President. The person having 
the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the 
Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a major- 
ity, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate 
shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose 
shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, 
and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a 
choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office 
of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the 
United States. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

Section I. — Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have 
been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or 
any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Sec. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 
appropriate legislation. 

ARTICLE XIV. 

Section I. — All persons born or naturalized in the United 
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of 
the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No 
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the 
privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor 
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law, nor deny any person within its 
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

Sec II. — Representatives shall be apportioned among the 
several States according to their respective numbers, counting 
the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians 
not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the 
choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the 
United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and 
judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature 
thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, 
being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United 
States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in re- 
bellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall 
be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male 
citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty- 
one years of age in such State. 

Sec III.— No person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold 
any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under 
any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member 
of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a mem- 
ber of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial 
officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United 
States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against 
the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But 
Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove 
such disability. 



DJCTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 133 

Sec. rv.— The validity of the public debt of the United 
States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for pay- 
ment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing in- 
surrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither 
the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt 
or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against 
the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of 
any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be 
held illegal and void. 

Sec. YT— The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appro- 
priate legislation, the provisions of this article. 

ARTICLE XY. 

Section I. — The right of citizens of the United States to vote 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by 
any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude. 

Sec. II.— The Congress shall have power to enforce this arti- 
cle by appropriate legislation. 

Construction of the Constitution. — The interpre- 
tation of a law by a tribunal is the declaration by that 
tribunal of the meaning of the law as derived from, 
its terms merely. When the mere words are not suffi- 
cient to yield this meaning, recourse is had to ''^ con- 
struction " of the law, the intention of the law-makers 
and the circumstances under which it was passed being 
taken into consideration. Construction begins where 
interpretation ends. It is evident that the construction 
of general provisions of the United States Constitution, 
applying them to particular cases, offers ground for wide 
differences of opinion as to powers granted or acts per- 
mitted. The view that the strict letter of the Consti- 
tution must be adhered to in all cases is called the strict 
construction theory. The view that the Constitution 
should be liberally construed, thus giving to the Fed- 
eral Government much power denied to it under the 
other vie w,is called the broad or loose construction theory. 
The tendency of this construction is to centralization 
by strengthening the hands of the Federal Government. 
It is plain that a political party espousing the former 
view would shift its position but little with time, the 
letter of the Constitution being its sheet-anchor, while 
the body supporting the latter view would appear in 
forms varying with the particular cause advocated by 



134 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

tliem^ their contention being of necessity for a partic- 
ular reform asserted by them to come within the scope 
of the Constitution. And so it has been. The Dem- 
ocratic-Eepublican party has been the strict construc- 
tion party, and it has had the Federal, the Whig, and 
the Eepublican parties successively opposed to it, as 
advocates of the establishment of a United States bank, 
of excise laws, of a navy, in the first case; of a protect- 
ive tariff and of internal improvements in the second; 
and of the power of the Federal Government to control 
slavery outside of the States, and subsequently of eman- 
cipation and of reconstruction, in the third. But the 
Democratic-Republican party does not now favor strict 
construction in the same way as in 1790. Changes 
made by the opposition have proved beneficial and have 
been permanent, and the strict construction view of each 
period has acknowledged accomplished facts of the past. 
Moreover, even the Democratic-Republican party, when 
in power, favors broader construction than when in 
opposition, and the broad-constructionists are apt to in- 
sist on rather strict construction when their opponents 
are in power.* The Civil "War and the reconstruction 
period following it, led to the passage of many Acts 
by Congress based on principles of the loosest construc- 
tion, and while many of these, as the Ku-Klux Acts 
(except the conspiracy section), have been declared 
constitutional by the Supreme Court, others, as the 
Civil Right? Bill, have been declared unconstitutional. 
In several recent cases the Supreme Court has shown a 
tendency to decide cases by a rather strict construction 
of the Constitution. (8ee Civil Rights Bill») 

Consul. {See Foreign Service,) 

Contested Elections. — The history of Disputed 
Presidential or Vice-Presidential Elections is given 
under that head. ^ The courts of every State decide as 
to the validity of the votes cast, and the two Houses of 
Congress see that this vote is authenticated in accord- 
ancfe with the laws. Each House of Congress is the 
sole judge as to its own members, and any contest as to a 
seat in either House is decided by that House. The 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 135 

testimony is taken by the appropriate committee, and 
after its report the House decides. Contestant and con- 
testee are each allowed a sum, not to exceed $2,000, for 
expenses actually incurred in the contest and properly 
vouched for, and special appropriations for compensa- 
tion to contestants are frequently made. 

Contraband of War. — Articles carried by neutrals 
in vessels or otherwise, which are for the assistance of 
an enemy in carrying on war, are said to be contraband 
of war. The term embraces arms, ammunition, mate- 
rials for manufacturing gunpowder, armed vessels, pro- 
visions intended for the military forces, and the like. 
According to international law, these are liable to seiz- 
ure and to confiscation by order of a prize court. No 
recompense is made to the neutral except in the case of 
provisions. During the Civil War the phrase ^'^contra- 
band of war^^ was applied to negro slaves who came 
within the Union lines. This use of it originated with 
General Benjamin F. Butler, who, being in command 
of the Department of Eastern Virginia in 1861, refused 
to return fugitive slaves, declaring that they were con- 
traband of war. His position was disaffirmed by the 
Government. 

Contracts, Impairing the Obligation of. — Article 
1, section 10, clause 1 of the Constitution of the United 
States provides that ^^ no State shall . . . pass any 
. . . law impairing the obligation of contracts."" It 
will be noticed that this restriction applies only to the 
States, and that Congress is under no restraint in this 
respect. The decision in the Dartmouth College case 
{which see) is the most important in the interpretatioa 
of this clause of the Constitution. 

Convention of 1787. — The government of this 
country under the Articles of Confederation had been 
a failure, and the remedy suggested by many was by 
means of a convention of the States, This was pro- 
posed in 1781 in a pamphlet by Pelatiah Webster, and 
within the next few years the Legislatures of New York 
and of Massachusetts adopted resolutions of similar 
tenor. In 1786 a resolution o£ the Virginia Legislature, 



136 VICTJONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

growing out of a desire to regulate commerce on Ohesa« 
peake Say and the connected waters, was passed, ap- 
pointing commissioners to meet representatives of the 
other States for the purpose of considering the commer- 
cial condition of the United States. This commission, 
to which only five States sent delegates, reported the 
fault to be with the Articles of Confederation, and 
recommended a convention of all the States to amend 
them, without which step they despaired of any im- 
provement in the condition of trade. Their report was 
approved by Congress, and on May 25, 1787, the repre- 
sentatives of seven States met and elected as their 
president George Washington, the delegate of Virginia. 
All the States except Rhode Island were ultimately 
represented in the convention. The first plan proposed 
was that of Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, known as 
the Virginia Plan. It consisted of fifteen resolutions 
and provided for two Houses, one elected by the people, 
the other elected by the first House from nominations 
made by the State Legislatures. Congress was to have 
a veto power on State laws and power to coerce de- 
linquent States; it was also to choose the executive. 
These are the salient features in which the plan differed 
from the Constitution as ultimately adopted. Charles 
Pinckney, of South Carolina, introduced a plan, the 
original of which has been lost and the only record of 
which, a copy furnished by Pinckney over thirty years 
later, is not believed to be entirely accurate. In its 
general features it resembled the Virginia Plan, but it 
differed from the latter in being more nearly like the 
present Constitution. It was known as the South Caro- 
lina Plan. On June 13th the committee of the whole 
reported a modification of the Virginia Plan in nineteen 
resolutions, the most striking change being that the 
power to coerce a State was not granted to Congress. 
June 14th the convention adjourned in order to enable 
William Paterson, of New Jersey, to introduce what is 
known as the Jersey Plan, the main features of which 
were as follows: Congress was to continue as a single 
House, but with additional powers; it was to elect the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 137 

executive; acts of Congress and treaties were to be para- 
mount to State laws, and the executive was to have 
power to coerce refractory individuals and States. 
Hamilton suggested a plan whereby, among other provis- 
ions, the Senate and President were to hold office for life, 
but his plan had no supporters. On July 24th the various 
resolutions and plans were referred to a committee of detail, 
from which, on August 6th, a draft of a constitution in 
twenty-three articles was reported. After debate of 
more than a month, during which the clause permitting 
the slave trade for twenty years, the fugitive slave clause 
and the electoral system clause were inserted, the draft 
was referred to a committee consisting of Gouverneur 
Morris, Johnson, Hamilton, Madison and King. This 
committee, most of whose work was done by Morris, on 
September 13th reported the Constitution in substan- 
tially its present form. Some trifling changes were 
made by the convention, which then adopted the 
instrument, and after deciding against a new convention 
to consider amendments suggested by the States, the 
convention adjourned September 17th. The Constitution, 
accompanied by a request that it be submitted to the 
States for ratification, was sent to Congress, by whom 
copies were sent to the State Legislatures. The Con- 
stitution, as finally adopted, was signed by but thirty- 
nine out of the fifty-five delegates. The proceedings of 
the convention were secret. Its papers were placed in 
Washington's custody, subject to the disposal of the 
tlq\y Congress, and in 1796 they were deposited with the 
State Department. 
Convention of London. (See Fishery ^ Treaties.) 
Conventions. {See Nominating Conventions.) 
Coodies, The, were a faction of the New York 
Federalists that favored the War of 1812. The Feder- 
alists generally opposed it. The Coodies opposed De 
Witt Clinton, who, though a Democrat, was on good 
terms politically with the Federalists. Their name 
arose from the assumed name, Abimalecli Goody, adopted 
by their leader, Gulian C. Verplanck, in his communica- 
tions to the newspapers. 



138 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Cooly. — As generally used in this country, the "word 
cooly is applied to Chinese laborers of the lower classes 
who come to this country. It has obtained this broad 
meaning during the discussion of the Chinese question: 
strictly, it includes only such laborers as have been 
imported under contract or by force or fraud. 

Co-operation. — In 1861 some of the members of 
the South Carolina Legislature attempted to check the 
impetuosity of those in favor of immediate secession, 
by proposing that the Governor be empowered to as- 
semble a secession convention ^^ as soon as any one of 
the other Southern States shall, in his judgment, give 
satisfactory assurance or evidence of her determination 
to withdraw from the Union. '^ This course was called 
co-operation. It was voted down. 

Copperhead. — A name applied during the Civil 
War to Northern sympathizers with the South. It is 
also the name of a snake that ^^ prefers dark and moist 
places, '^ and is said '^'^to sting from behind." The 
allusion is obvious. 

Corea, Difficulty with. — In 1871 Admiral Eodgers, 
with several United States vessels, was surveying one of 
the rivers of Corea, when, without warning, the vessels 
were fired on from the Corean forts. Though little 
damage had been inflicted, some retaliation was neces- 
sary to support the dignity of our flag, and on June 
11th several of the fortifications were captured and 
destroyed by the Americans with a loss of three killed 
and seven wounded. The Corean government refused 
to be communicated with as to the prisoners we had 
taken, so they were released and the squadron sailed 
away. 

Corn- Crackers. — A name given to the inhabitants 
of Kentucky. 

Corner-Stone Speech. — By this name is known 
the speech made by Alexander H. Stephens, at Savan- 
nah, immediately after his election to the vice-presi- 
dency of the Confederate States. He spoke of the 
Unite^ States government as founded on the '^ fund a-: 
mentally wrong assumption of the equality of races/' 



DICTJONAR y sjF AMERICAN POLITICS. 139 

and continued as follows: "Our new government is 
founded upon exactly opposite ideas. Its foundations 
are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that 
the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, 
subordination to the superior race, is his natural and 
normal condition/' 

Corporal's Guard. — The few supporters of Presi- 
dent Tyler's administration are so called. 
Corps de Belgique. {See American Knights.) 
Corwin, Thomas, was born in Kentucky, July 29^ 
1794. He was a lawyer by profession. He served in 
the Ohio Legislature, in the House of Representatives 
and the Senate, and as Governor of his State. In 1844 
he was a presidential elector. Under President Fill- 
more he was Secretary of the Treasury. In 1861 he 
was appointed Minister to Mexico. He died December 
18, 1865. 
Cotton Whigs. {See Conscience Whigs,) 
Council of Appointment. — The New York State 
Constitution of 1777 placed in a Council of Appoint- 
ment the power to appoint chancellors, judges of the 
supreme court, all State officers except State treasurer, 
all mayors, recorders, sheriffs, clerks, justices of the peace;' 
in fact, nearly all civil and military officers except al- 
dermen, constables. Assemblymen and Senators. The 
council consisted of the Governor and four Senators 
chosen by the Assembly. The Governor at first nomi- 
nated, and the council confirmed or rejected the nomina- 
tions, but in time the other members of the council 
claimed the right also to nominate, and in 1801 a con- 
vention, assembled for the purpose, declared this latter 
view of the Constitution correct, thus placing the Gov- 
ernor on the same footing as the other members. The 
enormous influence wielded by this body was vigorously 
used as a political weapon. The Constitution adopted 
in 1822 abolished the council. 

Council of Revision. — A body created by the State 
Constitution of New York, adopted in 1777 and abol- 
ished by the Constitution adopted in 1822. It had the 
power of negativing any action of the Legislature 
unless passed by a two-thirds vote of each House. 



140 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Counting in the Alternative. — This phrase is apr 
plied to a method of counting the electoral vote of a 
State before Congress, sometimes adopted in cases where 
objections are raised to their reception. The first case 
of this kind was in 1821. Objection having been made 
to the reception of the vote of Missouri, the Houses 
directed the President of the Senate to declare that ^'if 
the votes of Missouri were to be counted the result would 
be for A. B. — ■ votes; if not counted, for A. B. — 
votes; but in either event A. B. was elected. '' In 1837 
the votes of Michigan, and in 1869 -^nd in 1881 the 
votes of Georgia were so counted. 

Counting Out. — It sometimes happens that the 
political candidate that has received the largest number 
of votes is, by fraud in the canvass, deprived of the 
office to which he has been elected, the vote of his 
opponent being made to appear larger than his. He is 
then said to have been counted out. 

Courtesy of the Senate. — In considering the 
nomination made by the President for a lederal office 
in any State, the Senate is almost invariably guided by 
the wishes of the Senators from that State. If only 
one of these Senators is of the party in the majority, 
his sole desire is followed. This practice is called the 
courtesy of the Senate. It is plainly a violation by the 
Senate of the trust imposed upon it by the Constitu- 
tion regarding the confirmation of nominees. This 
practical control of federal nominations in the State 
gives the Senators great local influence. Since the con- 
sent of the Senators of a State i.^ practically necessary 
to an appointment, it has become customary for the 
President to consult Senators before making appoint- 
ments. The failure of President Garfield to consult 
the wishes of Senators Conkling and Piatt, of New 
York, in the appointment of a Collector of the Port of 
New York in 1881, led to their resignation. They at 
once sought reelection, but after a protracted fight in 
the Legislature they were not returned. i^See Senate.) 
The term, ''Courtesy of the Senate,^' is also applied in 
a general way to a number of <;ustoms governing that 



DICTIOMAR Y OF AMERICAJST POLITICS, 141 

body which have all the force of regularly adopted 
rules. 

Courts. {See Judiciary.) 

Cox, Sunset. {See Sunset Cox.) 

Cradle of Liberty. — A name by which Faneuil 
Hall in Boston is known. During the Eevolution it 
was the favorite meeting place of the Americans. The 
name is also sometimes applied to the city of Boston. 

Credit Mobilier. — This was the name of a corpora- 
tion formed for the purpose of building the Union 
Pacific Railroad. One of the most extensive scandals 
in the history of this country centered around this cor- 
poration and took its name from it. The Credit Mo- 
biliei of America was a corporation chartered by the 
State of Pennsylvania, originally under the name of the 
Pennsylvania Fiscal Agency. The control of this cor- 
poration passed to parties interested in the building of 
the Union Pacific, among whom were Oakes Ames and 
Oliver Ames, of Massachusetts. In August, 1867, the 
Credit Mobilier, through Oakes Ames, contracted with 
the Union Pacific Railroad to build for it 637 miles of 
road at prices aggregating 147,000,000. The value of 
the Credit Mobilier shares, estimated on the advantages 
to be derived from this contract, was 200 per cent, in 
December, 1867, and 300 or 400 per cent, in February, 
1868. Oakes Ames was at that time a member of Con- 

fress, and fearing legislation adverse to the Union 
'acific, he undertook to place the stock '^ where it will 
do most good to us," as he put it. Accordingly, in 
December, 1867, he entered into contracts with various 
members of the House of Representatives to sell to 
them stock of the Credit Mobilier at par, merely stating 
that it was a good investment, and in some cases, in 
answer to a direct question, asserting that no embarrass- 
ment to them could flow from it,^as the Union Pacific 
had received all the aid that it wanted from the govern- 
ment. Some of the members that thus bought stock 
paid for it; for others Ames advanced the money, agree- 
ing to apply the dividends of the stock to the payment 
of the indebtedness. Two dividends received in 1868 



142 DICTIONAR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

sufficed to pay for the entire stock of the latter class of 
members and left a small balance due to them. Among 
these members was James A. Garfield, of Ohio, and in 
the presidential campaign of 1880 his connection with 
this matter was brought up against him. The amount 
of money that he had thus received was $329, and the 
cry of ^'^329^' was a common one on the part of the 
Democrats in that campaign. Charges based on the 
Credit Mobilier affair had been circulated during the 
campaign of 1872, and on the assembling of Congress a 
committee of investigation was ordered by the House 
on the motion of the Speaker, James G. Blaine. The 
committee was appointed by a Democrat temporarily 
acting as Speaker, and consisted of two Democrats, two 
Eepublicans and one Liberal Eepublican. The com- 
mittee recommended the expulsion of Oakes Ames, of 
Massachusetts, and of James Brooks, of New York, the 
former for having attempted to bribe members by sales 
of stock below its value, the latter for having received 
stock from the Credit Mobilier much below its value, 
knowing that it was intended to influence his action as 
a congressman and as government director in the Union 
Pacific. Moreover, as a director he must have known 
that the Credit Mobilier was to receive payments in 
securities of the Union Pacific, a fact of which the 
other members, so the committee found, were in igno- 
rance. The House did not expel Ames and Brooks, but 
subjected them to the ^^ absolute condemnation of the 
House. ■'^ Though these were the only members pun- 
ished, the innocence of some of the others was at least 
open to doubt. 

Creek Wars. {See Indian Wars.) 

Creole Case, The. — The Act of Congress of March 
2, 1807, had allowed coastwise trade in slaves. In 
October, 1841, the brig Creole sailed from Hampton 
Eoads for New Orleans with a cargo of 130 slaves. On 
the passage seventeen of the slaves mutinied, killed one 
of the owners, took possession of the vessel and put 
into Nassau, where the British authorities set free all 
the slaves that had not participated in the murder. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 143 

The United States demanded their return, claiming 
that having remained under the United States flag they 
had in effect remained on United States soil, and were 
therefore still slaves. Our claim was not admitted, and 
was finally disposed of during the negotiations for the 
extradition treaty of August 9, 1842. {^See Giddings' 
Resolution. ) 

Crime Against Kansas is the name by which the 
speech of Charles Sumner, delivered in the Senate May 
19 and 20, 1856, is known. It was directed against the 
acts of the slavery faction in the United States in its 
endeavors to secure the admission of Kansas as a slave 
State. {See Border War; Broiun, John; Lecompton 
Constitution.) Senator Butler had attacked Sumner in 
debate and in this speech Sumner retorted. For this 
he was brutally assaulted by Butler's nephew. {See 
BrooJcs, Preston S.) 

Crittenden Compromise. — In 1860, when secession 
of the Southern States was threatening, John J. Crit- 
tenden, of Kentucky, offered a resolution that the Con- 
stitution be amended as follows: In all territory north 
of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes slavery was to be 
prohibited; in all territory south of that line it was to 
be protected. New States in either section were to 
determine for themselves. The resolution further de- 
clared that Congress had no power to abolish slavery in 
the District of Columbia as long as it existed in either 
Virginia or Maryland, nor without the consent of the 
inhabitants and compensation to non-assenting owners. 
Further provisions concerned slaves held by federal 
officers in the District, and damages for slaves freed by 
violence, while still others prohibited Congress from 
abolishing the inter-State slave trade and forbade future 
amendments to the Constitution changing any of these 
provisions, or Article 1, section 2, clause 3, and 
Article 4, section 2, clause 3, of the Constitution, 
or abolishing slavery in any State. Then followed reso- 
lutions which declared the fugitive slave laws to be con- 
stitutional, recommending some slight changes in them, 
and requesting the State Legislatures to repeal or 



14A DICTION^ARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

modify the '^ personal liberty laws/' and concluded by 
a denunciation of the African slave trade. It was not 
adopted. 

Cuba, Annexation of. — Ever since the purchase of 
Florida from Spain, the importance of Cuba to the 
United States has been recognized. Its position at the 
entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, and the value of its 
sugar, molasses and tobacco have made it seem a desir- 
able island to possess. President John Quincy Adams 
and his Secretary of State, Clay, suggested the purchase 
of it from Spain, but that country declined to part with 
her possession. In 1848 Polk authorized the United 
States Minister at Madrid to offer 1100,000,000 for 
Cuba, but the offer met with a curt refusal. The fili- 
bustering expeditions of Lopez from 1849 to 1851 {se& 
Filibusters) drew fresh attention to the island. In declin- 
ing to join in the Tripartite Treaty {which see) in 1852, 
the United States government denied having any inten- 
tion of annexing Cuba, but refused to bind itself. In 
1854 our Ministers at London, Paris and Madrid ad- 
dressed to our government the Ostend Manifesto [ivhich 
see), wherein they advocated that the United States 
gain possession of Cuba, by purchase if possible, by 
force if necessary. This advice found more favor with 
the Democratic party and the South than it did with 
the Republican party and the J^orth. Nothing came of 
it, however, and since the Civil War no discussion of the 
subject has attracted wide attention. 

Cumberland Road is a public road originally pro- 
jected from Cumberland, in Maryland, to the Ohio River, 
but ultimately carried as far as Illinois. The first act 
in r3gard to it was passed by Congress March 29, 1806. 
It appropriated 130,000 for the expenses of three com- 
missioners, to be appointed by the President, for the 
purpose of laying ont the road. There was much op- 
position to every successive bill appropriating money 
for the road on the ground of the unconstitutionality of 
any act of Congress providing for internal improve- 
ments. On this ground President Monroe vetoed the 
bill of May 4, 1822, providing for its repair. Sixty 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN^ POLITICS. I45 

bills in all were passed appropriating money for the 
establishment, extension and repair of this road^ the 
last being that of May 25, 1838. The rise of railroads 
put a stop to its further extension. The total amount 
appropriated was $6,821,246. 

Currency. — Strictly speaking, any medium of ex- 
change that is current, or everywhere received, is cur- 
rency, whether it be coin or paper money. The term 
has, however, come to be applied exclusively to paper 
money. The paper money of this country is of four 
kinds: first, legal tender notes; second, national bank 
notes; third, gold certificates; fourth, silver certificates. 
The legal tender notes of the United States are bills 
issued merely on the credit of the government. i^See 
Fiat Money,) The acts of 1875 and 1882, however, 
direct the Treasurer of the United States to hold 1100,- 
000,000 as a reserve for their redemption. There were 
outstanding on September 1, 1865 (when the national 
debt was at its maximum), $432,553,000 of legal tender 
notes. This was reduced to $346,681,016 by January 1, 
1879, at which amount it has since remained. These 
notes are issued in denominations of one, two, five, ten, 
twenty, fifty, one hundred, five hundred, one thousand, 
five thousand and ten thousand dollars. Previous to 
1879 (when specie payments were resumed) bills for 
fractions of a dollar, fractional currency as it was 
called, were issued. There is at present pending a bill 
authorizing the issue of a limited amount of fractional 
currency, which it is maintained will be of great con- 
venience to business men in enabling them to remit 
small amounts of money by mail. The legal tender 
notes were issued by the government during the war as 
a means of raising revenue, and the issue was generally 
regarded merely as a war measure, but the Supreme 
Court has declared their issue constitutional and legal, 
though issued in time of peace. The national bank 
notes are issued by the national banks and guaranteed 
by the government, the banks depositing United States 
bonds as security. i^See National Banhing System.) 
There were outstanding on October 5, 1887. $272,387, 176 



146 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICA N POLITICS, 

of these notes, of whicli 1102,719,440, though not yet 
redeemed, had been surrendered by the banks, and 
for the redemption of which these had deposited legal 
tender notes. Gold and silver certificates are issued by the 
government against deposits of gold and silver coin, and 
are exchangeable for the coin on demand. The treasury 
holds the coin so deposited as a trust fund. The cer- 
tificates represent the coin and are used in preference 
to it merely because of greater convenience in handling. 
On November 1, 1891, the outstanding currency, both 
gold and silver certificates, amounted to 1172,184,558. 

Curtis, George William, was born in Providence, 
Ehode Island, February 24, 1824. He is a man of let- 
ters, and as such has won a wide reputation. He was 
at one time connected with the !N"ew York Tribune and 
with Putnam's Monthly. Since 1867 he has been editor 
of Harper's Weekly, and connected with Harper's 
Monthly. In 1871 he was one of the committee ap- 
pointed by President Grant to draw up rules for the Civil 
Service, in the reform of which he takes a deep inter- 
est. • In 1868 he was one of the members of the Consti- 
tutional Convention of his adopted State, ]N"ew York. 
Since 1864 he has been one of the Regents of the Uni- 
versity of that State. He was a Republican, but in 1884 
became one of the leaders of the revolt in that party. 
[See Independents.) 

Custer Massacre. {See Indian Wars.) 
Customs Duties are indirect taxes levied on goods 
imported into, or exported from, a country. Duties on 
exports are forbidden by the Constitution of the United 
States, Article 1, section 9, clause 5. Customs duties 
are of five kinds, namely, discriminating, minimum, 
compound, ad valorem, and specific. Discriminating 
duties are additions to the usual rate, levied on goods im- 
ported from certain countries or portions of the world, or 
imported in vessels of certain nations. In the case of so- 
called minimum duties, goods that have cost less than a 
certain sum are taxed as if they had cost that sum. 
Such duties were first levied in 1816, and the principle 
is still retained, though no wide application is made of 



DICTION'AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 147 

it in the present tariff. Compound duties are a mixture 
of specific and ad valorem duties and are applied to 
manufactured articles, the raw materials of which are 
dutiable. The specific part of the duty is intended to 
equal the rate that would have been imposed on the raw 
materials if they had been imported before manufacture, 
and thus to put the domestic manufacturer on as equal 
a footing with the foreign maker as if the raw material 
had been imported free of duty, while, at the same time, 
the domestic producer of the raw material has his indus- 
try protected. The ad valorem part of the duty is levied 
for the purpose of protecting the manufacturer. Such 
duties have been common since 1860, and appear promi- 
nently in the law of 1883. Ad valorem duties are a tax 
of a certain percentage of the value of the merchandise. 
Specific duties are a tax of a certain specified sum for 
each pound, or yard, or other unit of measure of the 
merchandise, usually irrespective of its quality or value, 
though sometimes it is provided that they shall vary 
with variations between specified limits of the quality or 
value of the goods. Both specific and ad valorem rates 
have been imposed by all the general tariff acts of the 
United States, with the exception, it is believed, of the 
law of 1846, which levied ad valorem rates only. Whether 
specific or ad valorem duties are the best, all things consid- 
ered, is a disputed point. The latter are evidently the 
fairer, but they give a much wider field for defrauding 
the government by undervaluation. They also occasion 
much more trouble to the merchant, and by levying duty 
on the market value of goods prevent him from fully 
enjoying the possible benefits of his shrewdness in buy- 
ing under the market price. They also necessitate a 
higher and better-paid class of government officials, and 
there is danger that a competitive leniency will be exer- 
cised in the various ports to attract trade. The objec- 
tion to specific duties is chiefiy that as they impose a 
relatively higher duty on poorer qualities of merchandise 
they encourage the home production of inferior goods. 
Their advantages are ease in levying duties, less chance 
of fraud, that they do not necessitate such high- 



148 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

salaried officials, and that the revenue can, therefore, be 
collected at a less cost. Foreign nations have been tend- 
ing in the direction of specific duties and such is the 
present tendency of opinion in the United States. The 
first ninety years of our government show that over fifty- 
seven per cent, of all its revenues have been derived 
from customs duties. In the earlier years of this period 
the proportion was much larger than this. {^See Tariffs 
of tlie United States ; Exports and Imports. ) 

Dade's Massacre. {8ee Indian Wars.) 

Dakota was formerly a territory, but on Novembers, 
1889 it was divided into North and South Dakota, 
and under these names admitted to the Union as States. 
It was part of the Louisiana purchase {see Annexation) as 
a territory it was organized by Act of March 2, 1861, 
and at that time was made to include the larger part of 
what are now Wyoming and Montana. Bismarck is the 
capital of North Dakota, and Pierre of South Dakota. 
The population of North Dakota by the census of 1890 
is 182,719, and that of South Dakota is 328,808. {8te 
Governors', Legislatures.) 

Dallas, George Miifflin, was born at Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania, July 10, 1792, and died December 31, 
1864. He was a lawyer and had graduated at Princeton. 
He was a United States Senator from 1831 to 1833; Min- 
ister to Eussia, 1837 to 1839; Vice-President of the 
United States, 1844 to 1848, and Minister to G-reat 
Britain from February 4 to May 16, 1861. He was a 
Democrat. 

Dark Horse is a political phrase. When nominating 
conventions name an individual that was not prom- 
inently considered as a candidate before the meeting of 
the convention, or during its earlier ballots, he is called 
a dark horse. An instance is the case of James A. G-ar- 
field in the Kepublican National Convention of 1880. 

Dartmoor Massacre. — During the war of 1812 
many of the American prisoners captured by the British 
were confined in a prison at Dartmoor, Devonshire. At 
the close of the war there were several thousands of these, 
besides twenty -five hundred impressed sailors .who 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 149 

claimed to be American seamen and refused to fight in 
the British navy against the United States. Some of 
these seamen had been imprisoned for years before the 
war broke out. The prisoners^ not being released im- 
mediately on their hearing of the treaty of peace, grew 
impatient. Eigorous discipline and lack of satisfactory 
food further excited them, and there were signs of in- 
subordination. On April 6, 1815, the guard fired on 
them, killing several and wounding more. This occur- 
rence was probably the result of a mistake, but when 
the news of it reached this country it was called the 
"Dartmoor Massacre, ^^ and excited bitter feelings against 
England. 

Dartmouth College Case. — A controversy arose 
in 1815-16 between the Legislature of New Hampshire 
and the corporation of Dartmouth College, caused chiefly 
by the removal of the president of that institution by the 
trustees in consequence of a local religious dispute. The 
Legislature in 1816 passed acts changing the name of 
Dartmouth College to Dartmouth University, and creat- 
ing a new corporation, to which its property was trans- 
ferred. The old trustees began suit for the recovery of 
the property, and in the highest court of the State were 
defeated. The case (The Trustees of Dartmouth College 
vs. Woodward) was then taken on writ of error to the 
United States Supreme Court. Daniel Webster made a 
great argument, claiming that the acts of the Legislature 
violated Article 1, section 10, clause 1 of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, which provides that "No 
State shall . . . pass any . . . law impairing the 
obligation of contracts,'"' and that these acts were there- 
fore unconstitutional and void. The decision of the 
Supreme Court, rendered in 1819, upheld this view. It 
settled the law that a charter granted to a private cor- 
poration was a contract which could not be altered in a 
material point without the consent of those who held it, 
unless the power of revision is reserved to the Legislature 
by a clause in the charter or a general law of the State. 
This decision is one of the most important ever rendered 
by the Supreme Court, 



150 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Davis, Jefferson, was born in Christian County, 
Kentucky, June Z, 1808. He graduated at West Point. 
In politics lie was a Democrat, and as such served in the 
House of Representatives as member from Mississippi 
from 1845 to 1846. From 1847 to 1851, and from 1857 
to 1861 he was in the Senate. Under Pierce he was 
Secretary of War. He was one of the group of Southern 
Senators that was chiefly instrumental in bringing about 
secession. He was chosen President of the Confederacy 
by the provisional Congress and inaugurated. He was 
again chosen by a popular vote and inaugurated a second 
time, February 22, 1862, After the war he was im- 
prisoned for two years and then released on bail. He 
was never restored to citizenship. While President of 
the Confederacy he was constanly interfering with his 
generals, his own estimate of his military attaiments 
being very highland many of the Southern disasters are 
laid at his door. He died Dec. 6, 1889. 

Davis- Wade Manifesto. — In May, 1864, a bill was 
introduced in Congress by Henry Winter Davis, provid- 
ing for a scheme of reconstruction for States in rebellion 
(see Reconstructio7i). This bill was carried in both 
Houses, and one hour before the adjournment of Con- 
gress it was placed before the President, who refused to 
sign it, thus preventing its becoming a law. On July 8th 
the President issued a proclamation, having attached to 
it a copy of the bill, in which he recited these facts, and 
while declaring that he was not prepared to commit him- 
self to any one plan of reconstruction, nor to set aside 
the new governments of Arkansas and of Louisiana, nor 
''Ho declare a constitutional competency in Congress to 
abolish slavery in States '' (though hoping for its abolition 
by a constitutional amendment), he yet was satisfied with 
the scheme of the bill ^' as one very proper plan for the 
loyal people of any State choosing to adopt it, ^^ and to such 
he promised all aid in carrying it out. Thereupon Davis 
and Benjamin F. Wade (who had aided in preparing 
the bill) issued a manifesto impugning President Lincoln's 
motives, which they declared to be a desire to aid his 
own reelection by means of the votes of Louisiana and 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 151 

Arkansas, asserting that the substance of the bill had 
been before the country a year and that he was therefore 
familiar with it, but that he himself had schemed to 
delay it, that '' he discards the authority of the Supreme 
Court and strides headlong toward the anarchy " he had 
inaugurated. The influence of the manifesto in the 
election was small. The bill was introduced at the next 
session of Congress, but it was laid on the table. 

Deadhead in the Enterprise. {8ee I do not Feel 
that I Shall Prove a Deadhead in the Enterprise if I 
Once Embark in It. ) 

Deadlock is the state of affairs in which the business 
of a legislative assembly is blocked through the ob- 
structions of a minority, or where in an election for 
officers by a legislative assembly neither party has suf- 
ficient votes to elect its candidate and neither will yield 
or compromise; as where more than a majority vote is 
required to elect, or there is a tie or a majority of the 
members (present or not present) is requisite and all can- 
not be induced to attend. The term is also applied to a 
stoppage of legislative business by reason of the refusal 
of either of the Houses to yield on a question on which 
there is a difference of opinion between them. 

Debt of the United States.— The debt of the 
United States, as reported to the first Congress at its 
second session, 1790-1791, by Alexander Hamilton, Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, consisted of the foreign debt, 
domestic debt and State debts. The Secretary recom- 
mended that these latter be assumed by the general gov- 
ernment, and after considerable discussion this was 
agreed to. The debt then stood: 

Domestic debt $42,414,085 

Foreign debt 11,710,378 

State debts (as finally assumed) 18,271,786 

Total $72,396,249 

The foreign debt consisted of money due in Prance, 
Holland and Spain, for loans made to us during the Eevo- 
lution. 



152 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

In 1836 the treasury liad on hand a surplus of over 
140,000,000, all but $5,000,000 of which was ordered by 
Congress to be distributed among the States, on certain 
conditions and in four installments. Three of these 
were paid, but the turn taken by financial affairs ren- 
dered the payment of the fourth inexpedient. The in- 
crease between 1847 and 1849 was due to the Mexican 
War. Between 1852 and 1857 over $53,000,000 of the 
debt was purchased in the market by the government, 
about $8,000,000 being paid as premium. After, the 
panic of 1857 the debt began to increase ; the sudden 
enormous increase in 1862 was caused by the Civil 
War. During that struggle in 1866 the debt reached 
the highest point in the history of the country, and 
since then it has been paid off so rapidly that the prob- 
lem now before the country is not how to raise money, 
but to keep down the revenues. {8ee Surplus), The 
total amount of loans issued by the government up to 
the outbreak of the Civil War was $505,353,591.95 ; be- 
tween that time and July 1, 1880, there was issued $10,- 
144,589,408.69; and since then 3^ per cent, bonds to 
the amount of $460,461,050, matured 5 and 6 per cent, 
bonds extended being at that rate, and 3 per cent, bonds 
to the amount of $304,204,350, for the purpose of 
extending the above-mentioned 3^ per cent, bonds. 
{8ee Refunding of United States Debt.) 

The present debt of the United States may be divided 
into three parts : (1) the interest bearing debt, con- 
sisting of bonds of various denominations ; (2) the debt 
on which interest has ceased since maturity, which is a 
total of overdue bonds outstanding that have never been 
presented for payment ; (3) debt bearing no interest, 
which includes old demand notes, the legal-tender notes, 
certificates of deposit, and gold and silver certificates. 
The total debt of the United States according to the 
last report of the treasury Department, December, 1891, 
was $1,546,961,695.61, and the cash balance in the 
Treasury was $139,126,917.96, 




DICriONAR y OP AMERICAN POLITICS. 153 

Below is given a statement of the debt since July 1, 
1856, being debt less cash in the treasury. 

YEAR. NET DEBT, 

1856 $10,965,953 

1857 9,998,621 

1858 37,900,191 

1859 53,405,234 

1860 59,964,402 

1861 87,718,660 

1862 505,312,752 

1863 1,111,350,737 

1864 1,709,452,277 

1865 2,674,815,856 

1865 2,756,431,571 

1866 2,636,036,163 

1867 2,508,151,211 

1868 2,480,853,413 

1869 2,432,771,873 

1870 2,331,169,956 

1871 2,246,994,068 

1872 : 2,149,780,530 

1873 2,105,462,060 

1874 2,104,149,153 

1875 2,090,041,170 

1876 2,060,925,340 

1877 2,019,275,431 

1878 1,999,382,280 

1879 1,996,414,905 

1880 1,919,326,747 

1881 1,819,650,154 

1882 1,675,023,474 

1883 1,538,781,825 

1884 1,438,542,995 

1885 1,375,352.443 

1886 1,282,145;840 

1887 1,279.428,737 

1888, January 1 1,225,598,401 

1889, December 1 1,056.081,004 

1890, " 1 873,435,939 

1891, " 1 798,604,945 

Debt, Imprisonment for. — New York was the first 
State in the United States to abolish imprisonment for 
debt. This was done in 1831, and the example was 
shortly followed by the other States; and though there 
is great difference in the insolvent laws of the several 
States, they all permit debtors their freedom — except in 
cases wherein dishonesty or peculation renders the 
debtor also amenable to the Penal Code. 

Decatur, Stephen, was born at Sinnepuxent, Md., 
January 5, 1779, and entered the navy in 1798. During 
the war with Tripoli he led a small party which burned 
the Philadelphia, an American vessel, which had been 
captured by, and was in possession of the enemy. For 
his bravery on this occasion he was promoted to the 
rank of captain. In 1815 he led a squadron against the 




154 DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Algeraines, captured several of their vessels, and com- 
pelled the Dey to seek peace. He was killed by Com- 
modore James Barron, in a duel, on March 22, 1820. 

Decentralization. — Broad construction of the Con- 
stitution tends to the centralization of power in the 
Federal government. Strict construction leads to de- 
centralization, giving more power to the States. (See 
Construction of the Constitution.) 

Declaration of Independence. — The struggle of the 
American colonies against Great Britain was begun with- 
out any general idea of pushing the matter to a separation 
from the mother country. Though the idea of form- 
ing an independent government was favored in New 
England, it was so distasteful to -the other colonies that 
Congress formally disavowed it July 6, 1775. How- 
ever, the idea gained ground largely during the follow- 
ing year, and no one thing aided more in its spread 
than the publication of Thomas Paine^s pamphlet, 
" Common Sense.^^ This struck the keynote of the 
situation by advocating, with forcible logic, an asser- 
tion of independence on the part of the colonies, and 
the formation of a republican government. The Penn- 
sylvania Legislature so well appreciated the value of 
Paine's pamphlet that it gave him a grant of $2,500 in 
consideration of it. In May, 1776, the Virginia Con- 
vention instructed its delegates to propose a resolution 
for independence. This was done June 7 by Kichard 
Henry Lee. In the year 1826, after all save one of the 
band of patriots whose signatures are borne on the 
Declaration of Independence had descended to the 
tomb, and the venerable Carroll alone remained among 
the living, the government of the City of New York 
deputed a committee to wait on the illustrious survivor. 
They obtained from him, for deposit in the public hall of 
the city, a copy of the Declaration of 1776 graced and 
authenticated anew with his sign-manual. 

On June 10, 1776, the Colonial Congress assembled 
at Philadelphia, resolved that a committee should be 
appointed to prepare a declaration "that the United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent States/' Such action was taken and the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 155 

committee consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, 
Benjamin Franklin, Eoger Sherman and Eobert R. Liv- 
ingston. A draft was reported by this committee on 
June 28th. On July 2d a resolution was adopted de- 
claring the colonies free and independent States. Finally, 
on July 4th, the Declaration of Independence was 
agreed to, engrossed on paper and signed by John Han- 
cock, President. It was afterward engrossed on parch- 
ment and signed with the names given below. The doc- 
ument is almost entirely from the pen of Thomas Jeffer- 
son, few changes having been made in his original draft. 
One of the most striking passages of the original draft, 
omitted in the declaration as finally adopted, is the fol- 
lowing: ^'He has waged cruel war against human 
nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and 
liberty in the persons of a distant people, who never 
offended him, captivating and carrying them into 
slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable 
death in their transportation thither. This piratical 
warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the war- 
fare of the Chkistiak King of Great Britain. Deter- 
mined to keep open a market where MEi^ should be 
bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for sup- 
pressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to re- 
strain this execrable commerce; and that this assemblage 
of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he 
is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among 
us, and to purchase that liberty, of which lie has de- 
prived them, by murdering the people upon whom lie 
also obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes com- 
mitted against the liberties of one, people with crimes 
which he urges them to commit against the lives of an- 
other. ^^ Below is given the declaration as adopted: 

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

A. Declaration hy the Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, July 4, 1776. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary 
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
nected them with another, and to assume, among the powers 




156 JDICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

of the earth, the separate and equal station to -which the laws 
of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect 
to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare 
the causes which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to he self-evident, that all men are 
created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any 
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it 13 
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute 
a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, 
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem 
most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, 
indeed, will dictate that governments long established should 
not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accord- 
ingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more dis- 
posed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them- 
selves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. 
But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing 
invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them 
under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to 
throw off such government, and to provide new guards for 
their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of 
these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains 
them to alter their former systems of government. The his- 
tory of the present Sling of Great Britain is a history of re- 
peated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, 
the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. 
To prove this, let facts be submitted' to a candid world : 

He has refused to assent to laws the most wholesome and 
necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate 
and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation 
till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he 
has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of 
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish 
the right of representation in the legislature; a right inesti- 
mable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, 
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their:public 
records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance 
with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for op- 
posing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the 
people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to 
cause others to bn elected ; whereby the legislative powers, in- 
capable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large 
for their exercise ; the State remaining, in the meantime, ex- 
posed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convul- 
sions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; 
for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 157 

foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their mira- 
tion hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations 
of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing 
his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the ten- 
ure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their sala- 
ries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their sub- 
stance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies 
■without the consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, and 
superior to, the civil power. 

He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction 
foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; 
giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 

For protecting them by a mock trial, from punishment, for 
any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of 
these States: 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent : 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefit of trial by 
jury : 

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended 
offenses : 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbor- 
ing province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, 
and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an ex- 
ample and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute 
rule into these colonies : 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable 
laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our govern- 
ments: 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring them- 
selves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases what- 
soever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of 
his protection, and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravished our coasts, burnt our 
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mer- 
cenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and 
tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and 
perfidy scarcely paralled in the most barbarous ages, and 
totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the 
high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the 
executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall them- 
selves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has en- 
deavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the 
merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an 
undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. 




158 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

In every stage of these oppressions we hare petitioned for 
redress, in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose 
character is thus marked by every act which may define a 
tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British breth- 
ren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts 
made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable juris- 
diction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances 
of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to 
their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured 
them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these 
usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connec- 
tions and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the 
voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, 
acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, 
and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in 
war, in peace, friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of 
America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Su- 
preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, 
do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of 
these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent 
States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the 
British crown, and that all political connection between them 
and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dis- 
solved; and that, as free and independent states, they have 
full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, es- 
tablish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which 
independent states may of right do. And, for the support of 
this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of 
Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our 
lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

New Hampshire.— Josiah. Bartlett, Wm. Whipple, Matthew 
Thornton. 

Massachusetts Bay.—Sam].. Adams, John Adams, Robt. 
Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. 

Rhode Island, etc. — Steph. Hopkins, William Ellery. 

Connecticut. — Roger Sherman, Sam'l Huntington, Wm. Will- 
iams, Oliver Wolcott. 

New Yorh. — Wm. Floyd, Phil. Livingston, Frans. Lewis, 
Lewis Morris. 

New Jersey/.— Richd. Stockton, Jno. Witherspoon, Frans, 
Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra. Clark. 

Pennsylvania.— Hoht. Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benja. Frank- 
lin, John Morton, Geo. Clymer, Jas. Smith, Geo. Taylor, James 
Wilson, Geo. Ross. 

Delaware.— Cassar Rodney, Geo. Read, Tho. M'Kean. 

Maryland.— Samvel Chase, Wm. Paca, Thos. Stone, Charles 
Carroll of CarroUton. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 159 

Virginia. — George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thos. Jeffer- 
son, Benja. Harrison, Thos. Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 

North Carolina. — Wm. Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. 

South Carolina. — Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hey ward, Jr., 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton. 

Georgia. — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, Geo. Walton. 

Decoration Day. — The observance of *' Dec- 
oration Day" has grown spontaneously from the tender 
remembrance by the mothers, sisters, younger brothers, 
and all who survived the war for the Union, of the 
heroes who perished that we might live to enjoy a 
united, free, and just government. The practice of 
setting aside a day to visit the graves of their fallen sol- 
diers, recall the memory of their noble deeds, and strew 
their tombs with flowers, took its rise early in the late 
war: first in particular places, here a city, there a 
village, or it might be a county. In some places it was 
on one day, in others on another. After a time the 
practice became more general. In some cases governors 
recommended the observance of a particular day; but 
there was no wide extended agreement. In time, partly 
through the influence of leading members of the Chris- 
tian commission, which had done so much for soldiers 
during the war, partly through the influence of the 
pulpit and press, and, finally, through the systematic 
efforts of the Grand Army of the Eepublic and various 
veteran soldier associations, many State legislatures 
were induced to make a given day a legal holiday for 
this purpose, and the president and governors were led 
to unite in recommending the observance of the same 
day, now known as '*^Decoration Day^" in nearly every 
State of the Union. Precisely when, or in what com- 
munity, the first instance of calling upon the citizens 
in general to come together for this purpose took place, 
it seems to be impossible at this late day to determine. 
It is claimed that there were instances of this kind as 
early as the spring of 1863, some say as early as the 
summer of 1862. 



160 DICTION AR Y OF A M ERICA N POLITICS, 

De Fuca Explorations.— The boundary line on 
the far northwest had for many years been a serious 
question between the United States and Great Britain. 
That part of the Pacific coast had been visited, on be- 
half of Spain, by the Greek pilot De Fuca in 1592, by 
Admiral Fonte in 1640, and by subsequent explorers, 
who had mapped a great portion of it as far as the 
fifty-fifth degree north latitude. The Nootka treaty of 
1790 , between Spain and Great Britain, only gave the 
latter some fishing and trading rights in the vicinity of 
Puget Sound. The discovery and exploration of Co- 
lumbia River by Captain Robert Gray, an American, 
who gave the name of his vessel to the river; the pur- 
cliase of Louisiana and all that belonged to it to the 
Pacific from the French in 1803, their claim being the 
best, next to that of Spain; the exploration of Colum- 
bia River from its sources to its mouth by Lewis and 
Clarke, by order of the United States, in 1804-5; and 
the treaty of limits concluded between Spain and the 
United States in 1819, by which all the territory north 
of forty-two degrees north latitude was expressly de- 
clared to belong to the United States, were held to be 
suflicient proofs of the title of the United States to that 
territory. Still Great Britain laid claim to a large por- 
tion of the region. Captain Winship, a hardy New 
Englander, in 1810 built a house on the Columbia, but 
the floods came and the winds blew, and it fell the same 
year and the settlement was abandoned. The fort and 
fur-trading house at Astoria, established in 1811 by 
John Jacob Astor, were given up to the British, who 
were then engaged in the prosecution of the war of 1812. 
The place was then named Fort George. Subsequently 
it passed into the control of the Hudson Bay Company, 
and a feeble attempt was made to cultivate the soil. In 
the '*^forties" the immigration was large, and in '43 
they formed a provisional government. For years 
previous to these events the boundary line question had 
been the subject of correspondence between Great 
Britain and the United States, At times the question 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 161 

became so serious as to threaten the peaceful relations 
of the two countries, and the subject so much absorbed 
public attention that the Democratic National Conven- 
tion of 1844 in its platform declared for a certain 
boundary line or war as a consequence. {See North- 
west Boundary.) 

De Facto and De Jure. — These terms are gener- 
ally used in connection with the holdr^g of olfice. One 
who has actual possession of an office and exercises its 
functions is said to be an officer de facto, or in fact; one 
who is entitled to an office, but does not actually fill it, 
is said to be an officer de jure, or by right. A.,de facto 
officer may hold his office without wrongful intent, 
though without legal sanction, as when there have been 
technical irregularities in the appointment, or when the 
law under which he was appointed is afterward declared 
unconstitutional by the courts. The acts of a de fatto 
incumbent are valid as respects third persons and the 
public generally if the officer holds his position by color 
of right (that is, with supposed authority based on 
reasonable grounds), if he holds it with some degree of 
notoriety, if he is actually in exercise of continuous 
official acts, or if he is in actual possession of a public 
office. For application of these terms in 1877 to Hayes 
and Tilden, see Presidents De Facto and De Jure. 

Defender of the Constitution. — A name applied 
to Daniel Webster, principally by reason of his second 
speech in reply to Eobert Y. Hayne in the Senate. {8ee 
Poofs Resolution.) 

Deficiency Bill. {8ee Appropriations.) 

De Golyer Contract.— In 1872 the Board of Public 
Works at Washingtoi; had under advisement about forty 
different kinds of pavement, one of which it intended 
to select for use. James A. Garfield was retained by 
the attorney of the De G-olyer and McClellan patent to 
prepare a brief on this patent and to argue its merits 
before the board, the attorney himself having been 
called away from Washington. For these services he 
received a fee of $5,000. It was charged, and the 



162 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

cliarge was revived during tlie presidential campaign of 
1880, that G-arfield had done no work to deserve this 
fee, which had been given, it was said, as a bribe to 
influence his action in Congress, and especially as chair- 
man of the Appropriations Committee of the House. 
On the other handf it was shown that he did consider- 
able laborious work in connection with the matter, and 
that, moreover, the money required had already been 
voted, so that the alleged bribe would have been on the 
rather remote contingency of a deficiency and a conse- 
quent additional appropriation. Moreover, the objec- 
tions to the whole transaction were not to the pavement 
itself, but to the contract with the company, and with 
this G-arfield had no connection. 

Delaware was one of the original States of the 
Union. The capital is Dover. The population in 1880 
was 146,608, in the last census (1890) is 168,493. Dela- 
ware sends only one member to the House of Eepresen- 
tatives, and has but three electoral votes. Since 1860 
it has voted for the Democratic national candidates, 
except in 1872, and the Democratic vote has been, as a 
rule, steadily increasing. It took its name from the 
river and bay, which, in turn, were named after Lord 
De la Ware, one of the early Governors of Virginia. It 
is familiarly known as the Diamond State from its 
shape, and the Blue Hen State from a game breed of 
fighting cocks of which the State was proud. {See 
Governors; Legislatures. ) 

Democrat. — Thus did the Federalists call all their 
opponents. Of these only a portion accepted the title, 
and after 1810 Democrat and Democratic may be taken 
as synonymous. The word as first used was intended to 
denote revolutionary tendencies. j^See Democratic So- 
ciety.) 

Democratic Clubs. (See Democratic Society,) 

Democratic Invincible Club. (See American 
Knights. ) 

Democratic Party. (See Democratic- RepuUican 
Party. ) 

Democratic Reading - Room. (Se^ American 
Knights,) 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS 16S 

Democratic - Republican Party.— This party, 
known first as the Republican, then as the Democratic- 
Republican, and generally in our own time, merely as 
the Democratic party, has as its fundamental principles 
the limitation of the powers of the federal government 
to those granted by the letter of the Constitution and 
the increase of the direct influence of the people in the af- 
fairs of the government. Though the party has from time 
to time swerved from these principles, when the exigencies 
of the political situation seemed to demand it (and the 
slavery question caused very violent fluctuations of this 
nature), yet to these principles it has always returned, 
and while acting on them its greatest successes have been 
gained. The adoption of the Constitution left the anti- 
Federal party without a cause; there was no organized 
opposition to the Federal party, to which most of the 
prominent men of the time belonged, and from it the 
Republican party, as the Democratic-Republican party 
was first called, was but gradually differentiated. The 
financial measures of Hamilton clearly showed his purpose 
of applying to the Constitution loose principles of con- 
struction, and his proposals to assume the State debts, 
and later to incorporate the United States bank, and to 
levy a tax on distilled spirits, were the first measures 
that marked a divergence in the Federal party. Madi- 
son, Jefferson and Randolph opposed these measures as 
unconstitutional. As was natural, the following of 
Hamilton consisted largely of the commercial interests, 
while the agricultural interests as naturally favored a view 
tending to localize political power. It was not until 
1792 that the party thus segregated, was known by the 
name of Republican. Those that were then known as 
Democrats, agitating, loud-mouthed and abusive par- 
tisans of France, in the war she was then engaged in, 
were not acknowledged by the Republicans as their 
party, though the two were frequently united in action; 
m the third House, the Republicans elected their candi- 
date for Speaker, and the merging of the two factions was 
hastened by this event, though, for some time thereafter, 
the line between the two was plainly visible within the 



164 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

party; thereafter it was known as the Democratic-Eepub- 
lican party. John Adams succeeded Washington as 
President, defeating Jefferson by a majority of but three 
electoral votes. The alien and sedition laws aided in 
rendering Adams^ administration extremely unpopular, 
and in the next presidential contest the small Federal- 
ist majority was overcome and Jefferson was elected 
President by the House of Eepresentatives, into which 
the election had been thrown by a tie in the electoral 
college. The party as now constituted aimed at strict 
construction, an elective judiciary, reduction of ex- 
penditure (on this ground they opposed a navy), and, 
as a consequence, thereof, a reduction of taxation, and 
the extension of the suffrage. The party was so suc- 
cessful that before 1805 the State governments of all but 
two of the States (Vermont and Connecticut) were in 
their hands, and they controlled the Senate and House 
of Kepresentatives. The purchase of Lousiana by 
Jefferson,^ though enthusiastically commended every- 
where, was a palpable deviation from strict construc- 
tion, as was also the embargo; to this latter step the 
party was forced by its previous policy of refusing to 
establish a navy. The failure of the embargo occasioned 
a change in party feeling, and as a result war against 
England was declared in 1812. The war increased the 
national feeling, the restriction of trade preceding the 
war and incident to it, had fostered manufactures to 
maintain which the party was forced to adopt a tariff 
slightly protective, and the financial difficulties raised 
by the war led to the establishment of a national bank 
in 1816. Thus the party had been forced into a position 
closely resembling that of its former antagonists. These 
were now politically dead, the few that remained calling 
themselves Federal-Eepublicans. It was an *^'era of 
good feeling,^'' but it was not destined to continue long. 
The party was soon divided into two wings, again on the 
general lines of strict and loose construction. John 
Quincy Adams was an advocate of the latter, and the 
opposition to him culminated in the election of Andrew 
Jackson as his successor. During the presidency of 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 165 

Adams, his followers gradually came to be known as 
National Eepublicans, while the others first known as 
" Jackson men/^ ultimately took the name of Democrats. 
The former were the precursors of the Whigs. Jackson 
undertook to give form to his party, using the federal 
patronage as a means, and he was eminently successful; 
his own leanings were to strict construction, and the 
party was once more placed on that basis. A distinc- 
tively Southern and slavery faction of the party, under 
Calhoun, carried their opposition to the length of threat- 
ening secession, but Jackson firmly repressed the move- 
ment. i^See Nullification.^ In practice, Jackson was 
not uniformly consistent, but he enforced his strict con- 
struction theories in the case of the United States bank, 
and the adoption, under Van Buren, of the sub-treasury 
system, still more firmly entrenched the theory. The 
panic during Van Buren^s administra,tion was effectively 
used against him in the next campaign, and. Harrison, a 
Whig, was elected. It was about this time that the 
name Loco-foco was applied to the Democratic party. 
Harrison died within a month after his inauguration, 
and was succeeded by the Vice-President, Tyler, a Cal- 
houn Democrat. The ascendency of the Calhoun fac- 
tion committed the party, in its convention of 1844, to 
the annexation of Texas. From this time forward, it 
vibrated between strict and loose construction, as suited 
its purpose, using the latter for the purpose of spreading 
slavery, and the former to secure it where thus estab- 
lished; the Calhoun faction was first and foremost a pro- 
slavery party. The election of Polk was in great part 
due to the Liberty party. His successor, Taylor, was a 
Whig, but his election was owing to local dissensions 
among the Democrats, and Fillmore, who became Presi- 
dent on Taylor^s death, was succeeded by Pierce, a 
Democrat. Northern Democrats were not in favor of 
slavery, but they regarded it as the policy of their party 
to ignore, the question; Southern Whigs were pro-slavery, 
and to them the question of slavery was paramount to 
any party ties. Buchanan, another Democrat, succeeded 
Pierce, but the power of the party was diminishing. 



166 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

especially in the West. When it appeared that the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill would fail to make Kansas a slave 
State, the Southern section of the party took refuge in 
the Calhoun doctrine of the duty of government to pro- 
tect slavery, and the split thus occasioned ended in dis- 
sension in the party convention at Charleston, in 1860. 
Douglas led the Northern Democrats, who upheld 
popular sovereignty; the Southern members had adopted 
the Calhoun view. Douglas triumphed in the conven- 
tion. On this the Southern wing withdrew, to meet at 
Richmond; the Douglas wing adjourned to Baltimore, 
where further dissensions caused the withdrawal of many 
of the border States. These latter, aided by the original 
seceders, nominated John C. Breckenridge; Douglas 
was named by his party. These conflicts in the party 
resulted in the election of Lincoln, the Republican 
candidate. The Civil War followed. During that strug- 
gle the party was uniformly opposed to the government 
measures, rendered necessary by the anomalous condition 
of the country. The secession of the Southern States 
had deprived them of most of their members in Con- 
gress, and in the North only New York and New Jersey 
had Democratic Grovernors. Their convention of 1864 
denounced the war measures of the Republicans, de- 
clared the war a failure and demanded the cessation of 
hostilities. On this issue they were overwhelmingly de- 
feated. The reconstruction measures of the Republi- 
cans, notably the Civil Rights bill, were strenuously op- 
posed by the Democrats, and opposition to this was made 
the most prominent feature of the party creed, and in its 
desire to repress the negroes, the party swerved from its 
old principle of the extension of suffrage. In 1872, the 
action of the Liberal-Republicans helped in clearing 
away these dogmas, which had greatly hampered the 
party, and aided by the financial depression of 1873> and 
by the disfavor with which Crant's second term was re- 
garded, the party made large gains, carrying the State 
elections in many of the Northern States, and getting a 
majority in the House. Tilden, the Democratic candi- 
date for President in 1876, had a popular majority over 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 167 

Hayes, the Republican, but the result of the electoral 
vote was in doubt, and the election was finally awarded 
to Hayes. (Bee Electoral Commission, ) Their next candi- 
date, Hancock, was likewise defeated. The action of the 
party, after the war, in opposing negro suffrage, had 
tended to consolidate Southern whites in its favor, while 
the memories of the war have been a strong rallying 
point for the Republicans in the N"orth, so that, generally 
speaking, the latter has been Republican, the former 
liemocratic. In 1884, Cleveland, a Democrat, was 
elected President, the deciding State being New York, 
which he carried by a plurality of only 1,047, in a total 
vote of over 1,100,000. His election was partly owing to 
dissatisfaction of many of the Republicans with their 
candidate. The Democratic party has generally been 
in favor of a '^^tariif for revenue only,^^ but a strong 
minority favors protection, and its platform has at- 
tempted to meet the views of both wings; the Presi- 
dent's message to the Fiftieth Congress, dealing as it 
did, exclusively with the tariff, and strongly advocating 
its reduction, probably tended to identify the party 
more thoroughly than before with that view. It is 
difficult, as the parties now stand, to draw a sharp line 
between them; the Democratic party still stands as the 
representative of stricter construction than the Republi- 
can, and the declaration of a Supreme Court, appointed 
by Republican Presidents, of the unconstitutionality of 
the Civil Rights bill, and its decision in the Virginia 
bond cases, seems to justify its position; both pai*ties 
profess devotion to Civil Service Reform, and while the 
Republican party has consistently favored cessation of 
the coinage of depreciated silver dollars, the Democrats, 
owing to divided opinions within the party, have failed 
to act. But the immediate future may see great changes 
in both parties. 

Democratic Rooster. — The emblems of the Dem- 
ocratic party at the time of Jackson's administration 
were the hicKory pole and broom. About 1840, in In- 
diana there lived a man named Chapman, a Democrat, 
who had a local reputation for exercising his vocal organs 



168 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

in the way of crowing. One story says that in answer to 
a desponding letter of Chapman^s concerning the polit- 
ical situation, a friend wrote an encouraging letter end- 
ing with the words, ^^ Crow, Chapman, crow!^^ An- 
other account makes the letter pass between two friends, 
and close with the words, '^ Tell Chapman to crow/^ 
The letter, whichever it was, was published, and the 
phrase spread. In 1842 and 1844, after Whig defeats, 
the rooster came into general use • as the Democratic 
emblem of victory. 

Democratic Society. — In 1793, during the war be- 
tween England and Erance, while Citizen G-enet was 
active here on behalf of the latter, a society on the plan 
of the Jacobin clubs of France was formed in Philadel- 
phia. It was founded for the purpose of encouraging 
sympathy for Erance, of scrupulously examining all 
governmental innovations, and generally (it was asserted) 
to guard the rights of man. The club soon had branches 
everywhere, the one at Charleston going so far as to seek 
and obtain recognition as a branch of the Jacobin Club 
of Paris. The career of the society was marked by 
abuse of the excise laws and of the government. The 
overthrow of Robespierre and the suppression of the 
Jacobin clubs of Erance dealt it a fatal blow, however, 
and it disappeared after the year 1794. 

Demonetization of Silver. — To demonetize a metal 
is to take from it its standard value and thus make it 
a commodity merely. {^See Silver Question.) 

Departments of the Government. {8ee Interior, 
Department of the; Justice, Department of ; Navy, De- 
partment of the ; Post- Office Department ; State Depart- 
ment ; Treasury Department ; War Department. ) 

Deposit Banks. — The State banks in which govern- 
ment funds were deposited when President Jackson had 
them removed from the Bank of the United States were 
so called. They were also called Pet Banks. 

Deposits, Removal of. (See Removal of Government 
Deposits from the United States Bank. ) 

Deseret. (See Mormons.) 

Dickinson, Don M., was at one time Postmaster Gen- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 169 

eral of the United States. By prof ession a lawyer, lie 
has been prominent a;S a Democratic politician in his 
State, Michigan. In 1876 he was chairman of the Dem- 
ocratic State Committee, and in 1884 he became a mem- 
ber of the Democratic National Committee. He was 
appointed Postmaster- G-eneral by Cley eland in December, 
1887, and his name was confirmed by the Senate January 
17, 1888. 

Died of an Attempt to Swallow the Fugitive 
Slave Law. — This was said of the Whig party, the 
eighth resolution of its platform of 1852 having been an 
elaborate statement to the effect that the party recog- 
nized that law as a portion of the final settlement re- 
garding slavery, unless '^'^ evasion ^^ or ^^ the abuse of their 
powers^' should demand further steps, and recommend- 
ing that the agitation of the subject be dropped. The 
party was practically destroyed in the election that fol- 
lowed. 

Die in the Last Ditch. — William of Orange, when 
the destruction of the United Provinces appeared unavoid- 
able, exclaimed: " There is one certain means by which 
I can be sure never to see my country^s ruin — I will die 
in the last ditch. ■'^ The phrase is often used to indicate 
an intention to pf^"'?evere in a course of action to the last 
extremity. *#^ 

Diplomatic Service. (/Sfee Foreign Service.) 

Disability of Rebels. {See Proclamation of Am^ 
nesty. ) 

Disability of the President. — Disability signitiea 
lack of qualfication; inability, lack of power. A man 
that is not a natural-born citizen of this country is dis- 
abled from occupying the presidential chair. A Presi- 
dent stricken with insanity is unable to act as President. 
The word ^^ disability"^ is commonly used when '^'inabil- 
ity" is meant. The Constitution, Article 2, section 1, 
clause 6, provides for the succession in case of the re- 
moval, death, resignation or inability of the President. 
{See Presidential Succession.) There is, however, no 
provision, nor can there be any, to indicate what degree 
of inability shall shift the office to the Vice-President. 



170 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

In tlie case, for example, of the insanity of the President, 
in which it is not probable that he himself will realize 
his condition, or give notice of it, it must be left to 
the Vice-President to assume the office at his discre- 
tion, leaving the determination of the question, in case 
of a contest, to the courts. 

Disgruntled is a word of recent coinage. It is ap- 
plied to politicians that have been disappointed, and 
that are, as a consequence, disaffected. The word to 
gruntle means to sulk, and disgruntle is probably a more 
emphatic form of gruntle. 

Disputed Presidential and Vice-Presidential 
Elections. — The original method of choosing the Pres- 
ident and Vice-President is prescribed in Article 2, 
section 1, clause 3, of the Constitution; the Twelfth 
Amendment, ratified September 25, 1804, altered that 
method to its present form. There have been three 
controversies in regard to the presidency and one in re- 
gard to the vice-presidency. 

I. When the electoral votes were counted in 1801 it 
was found that Jefferson and Burr had each received 73, 
being a majority of all the electors, each elector having 
two votes. On the House of Eepresentatives was there- 
fore thrown the task of deciding between them. All 
but two of the members were present; one had died and 
one was ill; another, though ill, was carried to the House 
in his bed. Eules were adopted as follows: The public 
was to be excluded, the Senate to be admitted; there 
was to be no adjournment, and no other business was to 
be considered until a choice had been arrived at; States 
were to sit together; duplicate statements of the vote of 
each State were to be prepared and to be cast into two 
different ballot-boxes, to be passed around by the ser- 
geant-at-arms. The word ^^ divided ^^ was to be used in 
the cases of States that could not agree. The contents 
of the two ballot-boxes were then to be counted by 
tellers, of whom one was to be appointed by each State. 
The agreement of the boxes was to be the test of the 
correctness of the vote. The Federalists, obliged to 
choose between two Eepublicans, at first supported 



DICTION A R V OF AMERICA AT POLITICS. 171 

Burr, though not unanimously. The balloting con- 
tinued for seven days with no choice. At length, Feb- 
ruary 17th, the Federalists' chief, James A. Bayard, of 
Delaware, having obtained from Jefferson assurances 
that he would maintain the navy and the public credit, 
and that he would not remove Federalist office-holders 
for party causes, decided to end the struggle, and on the 
thirty-seventh ballot three members in Vermont and 
Maryland by voting blank gave these States to Jefferson, 
who was thus elected. 

II. There was practically but one party in 1824, and 
the contest in that year was between John Quincy 
Adams, Andrew Jackson, William Crawford and Henry 
Clay, all Eepublicans. Their electoral votes were re- 
spectively, 84, 99, 41, 37. Kone having a majority, 
the election went to the House, which was obliged to 
choose from the highest three; Clay was thus excluded, 
and his strength went to Adams, between whose views 
and those of Clay there was marked agreement, and 
Adams carrying thirteen States was elected. Jackson 
carried seven States and Crawford four. The House 
had adopted the rules of 1801. Adams made Clay his 
Secretary of State, the price, it was alleged, of Clay's 
support and influence in the Hoa^e. 

III. The third and latest presidential dispute differed 
from the others. In 1876 four States had each sent in 
several disagreeing returns. The question arose as to 
which was to be recognized. The Democratic nominees, 
Tilden and Hendricks, had indisputably received 184 
votes, one less than a majority. The votes of South 
Carolina, Florida and Louisiana, and one vote from 
Oregon, being twenty in all, were in doubt, differing 
returns having been made, owing, in the first three 
States, to the rejection by theKeturning Boards of votes 
alleged to be fraudulent. To settle the matter the 
Electoral Commission (which see) was created. It de- 
cided in favor of the feepublican, Hayes, and as only 
the concurrent vote of both Houses could overthrow the 
result, its decision stood; the Eepublican Senate voting 
to sustain, the Democratic House to reject. One elector 



172 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

in ench of five States was objected to as ineligible be- 
cause holding federal office, but both Houses consented 
to admit these votes. 

IV. The only distinctively vice-presidential contest was 
in 1837, when Eichard M. Johnson received 147 votes, to 
147 for all the other candidates. The Senate, thus com- 
pelled to choose between the highest two, gave 33 votes 
to Johnson and 16 to Francis Granger; Johnson was 
thus elected. 

District Court. {See Judiciary.) 

District of Columbia, The, originally included 
sixty-four square miles ceded to the national govern- 
ment by Maryland in 1788 and thirty-six square miles 
ceded by Virginia in 1789. The District was organized 
by acts of July 16, 1790, and March 3, 1791. In 1800 
the national seat of government was removed to Wash- 
ington. {8ee Capital of the United States.) In 1801 
Congress took complete control of the District, and the 
inhabitants had no representation in that body till 1871, 
when it was organized like the other Territories of the 
United States, By act of June 20, 1874, however, a 
government by three commissioners, appointed by the 
President, was established. In 1846 the portion, west 
of the Potomac was retroceded to Virginia. The capital 
is Washington. The population in 1880 Was 177,624, 
and in 1890, 230,392. 

Dixie. — This was the title of a song popular in the 
South during the Civil War. The original of it was a 
negro melody of the time when slavery existed in New 
York, where a Mr. Dixy, or Dixie, owned many slaves. 
His estate was known among them as '' Dixie^s Land.^' 
During the war the South was commonly spoken of as 
Dixie, or Dixie's Land. 

Dollar of our Dads. — A nickname for the silver 
dollar. 

Don't Fire Till You See the Whites of their 
Eyes, was the order given to the Americans by Colonel 
Prescott at the battle of Bunker Hill. The Americans 
had but little powder, and it was important that none 
should be wasted. 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. I73 

Don't Give Up the Ship. — These words were used 
by Captain Lawrence, of the United States frigate 
Chesapeake, as he was being carried below, mortally 
wounded, during the action between that vessel and the 
British frigate Shannon during the War of 1812. The 
Chesapeake was obliged to strike her colors. The 
words were inscribed on the blue pennant that Commo- 
dore Oliver H. Perry carried at his masthead during the 
battle of Lake Erie later in the same year. 

Door-keeper. — The door-keeper of the House of 
Eepresentatives is elected by the House; the door-keeper 
of the Senate is appointed by the sergeant-at-arms. 
The door-keeper has charge of the legislative chamber 
and its contents, and superintendence of the document 
and folding-rooms. He enforces the rules relating to 
the admission of persons not members, and appoints the 
assistant door-keepers and the pages. 

Dorr Rebellion. — In 1840 Connecticut and Ehode 
Island were the only States that were still governed by 
their colonial charters. The charter of the latter State, 
imposing, as it did, a property qualification so high as 
to disfranchise two-thirds of the citizens, was extremely 
unpopular. A proposition of Thomas W. Dorr, of 
Providence, to extend the franchise was voted down. 
Dorr then took to agitation, and finally a convention 
prepared a constitution and submitted it to a popular 
vote. Its supporters claimed a majority for it, which 
its opponents, known as the law and order party, 
denied. Nevertheless, in 1842 the cou^titution was pro- 
claimed to be in force. An election was held under it, 
only the suffrage party participating. Dorr was elected 
Governor. The suffrage Legislature assembled at Provi- 
dence with Thomas W. "Dorr as Governor; the charter 
Legislature at Newport, with Samuel W. King as Gov- 
ernor. After transacting some business the suffrage 
Legislature adjourned. The charter Legislature author- 
ized the Governor to take energetic steps, and an appeal 
for aid was made to the national government. The 
suffragists attempted armed resistance, but were dis- 
persed. Dorr fled, but soon returned and gave himself 



174 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

up. He was convicted of high treason in 1844, and 
sentenced to imprisonment for life, bat was pardoned 
in 1847, and in 1852 was restored to his civil rights. 
The charter party soon after the rebellion proposed a 
new constitution, largely extending the suffrage, which 
was carried and went into effect in May, 1843. 
Dorsey Combination. {See Star Route Trials.) 
Double Standard. {See Single Standard.) 
Dough-face. — On one occasion during the discussion 
of the Missouri Bill in 1820, eighteen Northern mem- 
bers of the House of Eepresentatives voted with the 
Southern members. John Randolph, of Roanoke, stig- 
matized these members as ^' dough-faces. '^ The term 
signifies one who is easily molded by personal or un- 
worthy motives to forsake his principles. It was gen- 
erally applied to Northern men who favored slavery, but 
has also occasionally been used in referring to Southerners 
who did not keep step with their section on the slavery 
question. 

Douglas, Stephen Arnold, was born at Brandon, 
Vermont, April 23, 1813, and died at Chicago, Illinois, 
June 3, 1861. He was a lawyer,, practising in Illinois where 
he became judge of the State Supreme Court. He was 
in the House from 1843 to 1847, and in the Senate from 
1847 until his death. He was a Democrat, but on the ques- 
tion of the Lecompton constitution for Kansas, Douglas 
separated from the Southern Democracy. Lincoln was 
his opponent for Senator in 1858, and on that occasion a 
series of seven joint debates were held between them, 
attracting much attention. 

Draft Riots. — The attempt to enforce the draft in 
'L863 (see Drafts) led to serious troubles in some sections 
of the country. Pennsylvania was disturbed in this 
tvay, but New York City was the scene of the greatest 
outrages. On July 13th a mob gained control of the 
city, and was not dispersed till four days had elapsed. 
The police force was too small to cope with the rioters, 
but a small force of United States regulars could be 
commanded, and the militia were absent at the seat of 
war. The enmity of the mob was directed especially 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, I75 

against the negroes, several of them being hanged or 
otherwise killed, and the Colored Orphan Asylum being 
burned. Finally the regulars, the police and some militia 
that had returned after the battle of Gettysburg suc- 
ceeded in quelling the riot. It is estimated that about 
1,000 persons lost their lives, and the city was obliged to 
pay indemnities for loss of property amounting to over 
$1,500,000. 

Drafts, or conscriptions for obtaining men for the 
military forces of the government, depend on the gen- 
eral principle that it is the duty of a citizen who enjoys 
the protection of a government to defend it. The State 
constitutions make citizens liable to military duty, and 
the Constitution of the United States (Article 1, section 
8, clause 12) gives Congress power to raise armies, which 
the courts have held includes the right of conscription. 
During the war of 1812 the necessity for troops led to 
the introduction of a bill in Congress, known as the 
^^ Draft of 1814,^^ providing for a draft from the militia, 
but it failed to pass. During the Civil War the need of 
soldiers occasioned the passage of the Conscription Bill, 
which became law on March 3, 1863 (afterwards amended 
in February and July, 1864). This bill provided for the 
enrollment of all able-bodied citizens between 18 and 45 
years of age. In default of volunteers to fill the quota 
from a congressional district, the deficiency was to be 
supplied by drafts from the enrolled citizens. Provisions 
were made for the acceptance of substitutes or a commu- 
tation of $300 in place of the drafted individual. Per- 
sons refusing obedience were to be considered as deserters. 
A call for 300,000 troops was made by the President in 
May, and the application of the draft created serious 
riots. {8ee Draft Riots.) It was alleged that a dispro- 
portionate number of men had been demanded from 
Democratic districts; these discrepancies were cor- 
rected by the War Department. In October, 1863, the 
President issued another call for 300,000 men, and a draft 
was ordered for the following January to supply any 
deficiencies. Other drafts w^ere subsequently made. The 
operation of the drafts was not satisfactory in the num- 



176 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

ber of men directly obtained^, and desertions were fre- 
quent among such as were drafted, but voluntary enlist- 
ments were quickened. The Confederate States had 
very stringent conscription laws, which were rigidly 
enforced. 

Drawbacks. {^Bee Protection,^ 

Dred Scott Case. — Dred Scott was a negro slave of 
Dr. Emerson, United States Army. In 1834 Dr. Emer- 
son was ordered from Missouri to Eock Island, Illinois, 
where slavery was prohibited by stutute, and in 1836 to 
Fort Snelling, in what is now Minnesota, but then a ter- 
ritory. Scott went with him, and at Fort Snelling mar- 
ried Harriet, another of his master's slaves. In 1838, 
after a child had been born to them, they returned with 
their master to St. Louis. In 1848 Scott brought a suit 
in the State courts, involving the question of his free- 
dom, and obtained a verdict in his favor, which was, 
however, reversed by the Supreme Court of Missouri. 
Shortly afterward he was sold to J. F. K. Sandford, of 
New York, against whom he at once began a similar suit 
in the United States Courts. The case was carried to 
the United States Supreme Court, and on March 6, 1857, 
Chief-Justice Eoger Brooke Taney, of Maryland, an- 
nounced the decision. The court held that Scott ha^l no 
right to sue because, even if he were free, no colored per- 
son was regarded by the Constitution as a citizen. He says 
^'they had for more than a century before been regarded 
as ... so far inferior that they had no rights which 
the white man was bound to respect. '^ After deciding 
this, the question at issue, the court went out of its way 
to declare the Missouri compromise void, and to deny 
the right of Congress to exclude slavery from any terri- 
tory. Of the associate justices six supported the Chief 
Justice, and two, McLean of Ohio and Curtis of Massa- 
chusetts, dissented. The opinion was for a time with- 
held from publication, in order not to increase the 
excitement of the Presidential election then pending. 

Drys. — A term used chiefly, if not exclusively, in 
Georgia, and applied to the Prohibitionists; opposed to 
*^wets.'' 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 177 

Dudes and Pharisees. — The word ^- dude '' has 
long been a portion of the slang of the language. It 
means a beau, a man scrupulously careful about and at 
the same time zealously subdued in his dress. The 
phrase Dudes and Pharisees was, in the presidential cam- 
paign of 1884, applied to those Eepublicans that refused 
to vote for Blaine. They were also called Mugwumps 
{which see). The word dude is intended to represent the 
over-carefulness and scrupulousness of these voters, while 
the word pharisees is intended to represent the ^^ holier 
than thou " spirit which is attributed to them. 

Duties. — For customs duties, ad valorem, specific, 
compound, discriminating and minimum duties, see 
Customs Duties. 

East Florida. {See Annexations IL) 

Edmunds' Anti-Poligamy Bill. {See Mormons.) 

Edmunds' Electoral Bill was the act creating the 
Sectoral Commission {which see). It w^as introduced 
into the Senate by George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, 
passed Congress and was approved by the President Jan- 
uary 29, 1877. 

Edmunds, George F., was born in Eichmond, Ver- 
mont February 1, 1828. He is a lawyer. He served five 
years in the Legislature, acting as Speaker during three 
years, and in the State Senate two years, during which he 
acted as presiding officer. In 1866 he entered the United 
States Senate, in which he has since served. In March, 
1883, he was elected President of the Senate pro tem- 
pore. 

Election Bets. — New York and Wisconsin are the 
only States in the Union in which a voter becomes dis- 
qualified by reason of being interested in a bet depending 
on the election at which he attempts to vote. Article 2, 
section 2, of the Constitution of New York State reads : 
''No person . . . who shall make or become directly 
or indirectly interested in any bet or wager, depending 
upon the result of any election, shall vote at such elec- 
tion.'' Then follows directions as to the challenging of 
the votes of betters. 

Electoral College is the name given to the presi- 



17S DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

dential electors of a State when convened for the pur- 
pose of casting their votes for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent. The term came into nse about the year 1821, but 
it was first officially used in the law of January 23, 1845. 

Elections, Contested or Disputed. {See Contested 
Elections; Disputed Presidential and Vice-Presidential 
Elections. ) 

Electoral Commission, The. — In the presidential 
election in 1876, four States each sent in different and 
differing returns, each set having some claims to be con- 
sidered regular. Aside from the doubtful votes the 
Democratic nominees, Tilden and Hendricks, lacked but 
one vote to a majority. The twenty-second joint rule of 
the houses, ordering the rejection of any electoral votes 
to which objection should be made, unless accepted by 
the concurrent vote of both Houses, had been repealed 
by the Republican Senate in January, 1876; its applica- 
tion would have elected Tilden. To pass upon the con- 
flicting returns the Electoral Commission was created by 
act of Congress approved January 29, 1877. Four jus- 
tices of the Supreme Court (those assigned to certain 
circuits specified in the bill) were made members of the 
commission; these four were to select a fifth justice; 
with these five were to sit five members of the Senate 
and five of the House, each House to elect its own repre- 
sentatives. To this commission was delegated the power 
in the premises of *^*^the two Houses acting separately or 
together, ^^ and its decisions were to be reversed only by 
the concurrent action of both Houses. The commissson 
was constituted as follows (Democrats in Italic, Repub- 
licans in Roman) : Senators — George P. Edmunds, Ver- 
mont; Oliver P. Morton, Indiana; Frederick T. Freling- 
huysen. New Jersey; Tliomas F. Bayard, Delaware; 
Allen G. Thurman, Ohio (the latter having become ill 
Francis Kernan, New York, was substituted). Repre- 
sentatives — Henry B. Payne, Ohio; Eppa Hunton, Vir- 
ginia; Josiah 0. Allott, Massachusetts; James A. Gar- 
field, Ohio; George P. Hoar, Massachusetts. Supreme 
Court — Nathan Clifford, President of the Commission; 
"William Strong, Samuel P. Miller, Stephen J. Field, 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, X79 

These had been designated by the act; the fifth selected 
by them was Joseph P. Bradley. The commission first 
considered the Florida returns. There were three sots. 
1. The votes of the Hayes electors, with the certificate 
of Governor Stearns attached, according to the decision 
of the State Returning Board in throwing out certain 
returns. 2. The votes of the Tilden electors, with the 
certificate of the Attorney-General of the State attached, 
according to the actual vote cast. 3. Same as second, 
with the certificate of the new Governor Drew, accord- 
ing to a re-canvass of the votes as ordered by the State 
law of January 17, 1877. The Democratic counsel 
maintained that the returning board had improperly 
and illegally thrown out votes, and that the State 
Supreme Court had so decided, and also that one of the 
Hayes electors, Humphreys, when elected, held an office 
under the United States and was thus disqualified. The 
Republicans, on the contrary, declared that the commission 
had no power to examine into returns made in due form; 
that the first return was in due form; that the second 
had attached to it the certificate of an officer officially 
unknown to the United States in the capacity of certify- 
ing officer, and that the third set was also irregular, having 
been prepared after the electoral college had ceased in 
law to exist. In Humphreys' case the Republicans main- 
tained that he had, previous to his election, sent a letter 
of resignation to the officer that had appointed him and 
that the absence of that officer was the cause of its not 
having been received in time. The Commission in each 
case sustained the Republican view by a vote of 8 to 7, a 
strictly party vote, February 9, 1877. Louisiana sent 
three returns; the first and third were identical, being 
the votes of the Hayes electors, as canvassed by the re- 
turning board, with the certificate of Governor Kellogg; 
the second contained the votes of the Tilden electors 
based on the votes as actually cast, with the certificate of 
John McEnery, who claimed to be Governor. The 
Democrats maintained that the returning board had 
illegally cast out votes; that two Hayes electors were 
United States officers; that McEnery was the rightful 



180 DICTICNARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Governor, and various violations of State election laws, 
all of which they offered to prove. The Eepublican 
claims, similar to those in the case of Morida, were again 
upheld by a vote of 8 to 7, February 16, 1877. In 
Oregon one of the three electors. Watts, was, when' 
elected a United States officer, being thus disqualified; 
the Democratic Governor, Grover, had given a certificate 
to the other two Hayes electors and to Oronin, the highest 
Tilden elector. The popular vote was not called in ques- 
tion. The Hayes electors refused to serve with Oronin 
and elected a third Hayes elector, as they were by the law 
entitled to do, while Oronin, by reason of their refusal 
to serve with him, appointed two other electors; these 
voted for Hayes. There were thus two returns, one con- 
sisting of three Hayes votes, attached to which was a 
statement of the popular vote of the State, certified by 
the Secretary of State, and one consisting of two Hayes 
votes and and one Tilden vote, with the certificate of the 
Governor and the Secretary of State attached. The 
Democrats contended that the Governor's certificate 
must be considered final, to which the Republicans re- 
plied that it was the duty of the Oommission to see that 
the Governor had correctly certified the return of the 
canvassers of the State, and that behind these returns 
the Oommission could not go; the Governor's certificate 
they could and should review. On February 23d the 
Oommission sustained this view 8 to 7. From South 
Oarolina there were two returns; one, the votes of Hayes 
electors based on the canvass of the returning board, 
having Governor Ohamberlain's certificate attached; the 
other, the vote of the Tilden electors, with the mere 
claim of a popular election. The claim was made of 
military influence in the election, but the Republican 
return- was accepted February 27th, by a vote of 8 to 7. 
The commission adjourned sine die March 2, 1877. 
The House voted to reject, the Senate to accept the 
findings of the commission, and a concurrent vote being 
required to reject, its decision was enforced and Hayes 
became President. 

Electoral Count. — If Congress had passed laws ex- 



JDICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 181 

actly prescribing the method of verification of the votes 
of electors for President and Vice-President, the opera- 
tion of counting them would have been merely mechan- 
ical, and the power to do this would have remained in 
the hands of the President of the Senate. As it is. 
Congress has arrogated to itself the power of deciding 
the validity of returns, a proceeding not contemplated 
by the Constitution (see Electoral System), and it ac- 
complishes this end by means of joint rules governing 
the action of the Houses when assembled to see the 
returns opened. On February 3, 1887, the President 
approved an act of Congress governing the electoral 
count. Its provisions require the electors to meet in their 
respective States on the second Monday in January and 
to cast their votes. Any contest regarding their election 
must be decided at least six days before, as provided by 
the State laws. Three lists of the electors, certified by 
the executive of the State, are to be prepared and to be 
handed to the electors to accompany their list of votes. 
Congress is to be in session on the second Wednesday in 
February to be present at the opening of the certificates. 
Objections to the reception of a return must be in writ- 
ing, signed by one member of each House. Where 
objection is made to the only lawful return sent by a 
State, that return will be rejected only by the concurrent 
vote of both Houses. Where the contest is as to the 
competence of two or more tribunals within the State to 
decide which electors were chosen, a return shall be 
accepted only by the concurrent vote of both Houses. 
If there was no contest within the State, and two or 
more returns are received, that signed by the executive 
shall be counted unless rejected by the concurrent vote 
of both Houses. ^ 

Electoral System. — In the convention of 1787 
there was diversity of opinion regarding the mode of 
electing the President. The majority during the greater 
part of the time favored his election by Congress. Other 
plans were for an election by the Grovernors, by a general 
popular vote, by secondary electors chosen by electors, 
the last to be chosen by a popular vote. The system 



182 DICTIOlSrAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

finally adopted is given in the Constitution, Article 2, 
section 1. The TweKth Amendment {see Amendment 
to the Constitution), changing the mode to its present 
form, was proposed at the first session of the Eighth 
Congress, and first went into operation in the election of 
1804. The electors of each State are to be appointed 
''in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct/' 
The power thus given is not limited to appointment by 
a popular election, but includes any manner whatever, 
and, accordingly, in the earlier days of the government, 
the electors of many States were chosen by the Legisla- 
tures, a practice followed in South Carolina until 1868. 
In 1876 Colorado's electors were so chosen. In 
March, 1792, an act was passed by Congress fixing 
the first Wednesday in December as the day on which 
the electors were to meet, and they were to be elected 
within the thirty-four days preceding. This act required 
the electors to prepare three certificates of their votes, 
these certificates to be certified by the Governor of the 
State. Two were to be sent to the President of the 
Senate at the capital, one by mail and one by special 
messenger, while the third was to be placed in the hands 
of the federal judge of the district in which the electors 
roted. If neither of the former reached their destina- 
tion by the first Wednesday in January, a special mes- 
senger was to be sent to the judge to obtain the third. 
On the second Wednesday in February, tha President of 
the Senate was to open and count the votes. ' In Jan- 
uary, 1845, an act was passed fixing the Tuesday after 
the first Monday of November as the day on which the 
electors were to be appointed. It had not heretofore 
been required that these appointments be made on the 
same day throughout the country. It also gave to the 
States authority to provide for filling vacancies in their 
electoral colleges, and to provide for cases in which the 
first elections have resulted in no choice. The words of 
the Constitution plainly provide for a count of the votes 
by the President of the Senate in the presence of the 
two Houses of Congress, and this plain meaning was, 
during the earlier years of the government, adhered to. 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 183 

Gradual encroachments by Congress on the authority of 
the President of the Senate lead to the present condi- 
tion in which the votes are canvassed and passed upon 
by the Houses, they assuming the power to accept or to 
reject any returns, whereas had Congress passed suffi- 
ciently minute general laws relative to the authentifica- 
tion of the returns (as it has power to do), no such ques- 
tions could ever have arisen, and the counting would 
have been a mere numerical operation. 

Electoral Vote. {See Presidential and Vice-Presi- 
dential Electoral Vote. ) 

Electors. {See Electoral System.) 

Emancipation. — The Constitution of Vermont, 
framed in 1777, abolished slavery, but Vermont did not 
become a State until 1791. Massachusetts abolished 
slavery in 1780, while acts of gradual emancipation 
were passed by Pennsylvania in 1780, New Hampshire 
in 1783, Ehode Island in 1784, Connecticut in 1784, 
New Jersey in 1804. New York did likewise in 1799, 
but afterward passed an absolute emancipation act, to 
take eifect July 4, 1827. The remainder of the thir- 
teen colonies allowed slavery, and in the case of new 
States the question was settled at the time of admission. 
During the Eebellion laws were successively passed, in 
1862, forbidding the return by the army of fugitive 
slaves, abolishing slavery in the territories, and freeing 
the escaped slaves of persons in rebellion. In this year, 
too, slavery was abolished in the District of Columbia, 
the owners receiving compensation. Then came the 
Emancipation Proclamation, followed by the Thirteenth 
Amendment, and slavery was at an end in 1865. 

Emancipation Proclamation. — The Civil War 
was fought by the North to maintain the Union, not to 
free slaves. If proof of this were needed, it is furnished 
by the disavowal by President Lincoln of proclamations 
by Generals Fremont and Hunter, abolishing slavery in 
Missouri and South Carolina, respectively. Such steps 
as freeing the escaped slaves of rebellious owners were 
taken as war measures merely. On September 22, 
1862, President Lincoln issued a proclamation giving 



184 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

notice to the inliabitants of the States in rebellion that, 
unless they returned to their allegiance by January 1, 
1863, he would declare their slaves forever free. This 
was followed on January 1, 1863, by the Emancipation 
Proclamation, declaring free the slaves held in all these 
States, except in certain districts of Louisiana and Vir- 
ginia then occupied by United States troops. It en- 
joined upon the freed slaves to abstain from violence, 
and offered to receive them into the military and naval 
services. The proclamation declared that it was issued 
as an act of '^^ military necessity ^^ by the President as 
Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy. The act 
was heartily approved by the North, and rendered cer- 
tain what had already become probable, namely, that 
slavery could not outlive the war. 

Embargo. — An embargo is a prohibition by govern- 
ment authority of the departure of ships or merchandise 
from some or all of its ports. It may be issued as a 
measure of retaliation to deprive other nations of com- 
modities, or as a war measure as a means of seizing 
hostile ships in port, or to secure secrecy for an im- 
portant expedition, or to obtain ships for government 
use. When the embargo affects communication with 
one or certain specified nations only, it is termed non- 
intercourse. 

Embargo Act. — In May, 1806, Great Britain, which 
was at that time engaged in a bitter war with France, 
proclaimed a blockade of the territory bordering on the 
English Channel and the German Ocean from Brest to 
the Elbe. Napoleon retaliated in November by his 
Berlin Decree, declaring a blockade of English ports. 
A year later England issued her famous Orders in Coun- 
cil, prohibiting commerce with almost every country of 
Europe. The next month, December, 1807, Napoleon 
replied with the Milan Decree, forbidding commerce 
with England or her colonies. These and similar acts, 
although in violation of the laws of nations, were en- 
forced by France and England so far as they were able, 
and many American vessels were seized. Moreover, 
Great Britain revived an old rule prohibiting neutral 



DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 185 

vessels from trading with the dependencies of any 
nation with whom che was at war. She also claimed 
and exercised the right of searching American vessels 
for those whom she claimed to be her subjects and 
impressing them into her service. In maintaining this 
position, the British man-of-war Leopard, in June, 
1807, fired on the American frigate Chesapeake. It 
was in consequence of these events, although news of 
the Milan Decree had not yet been received, that Con- 
gress on December 22, 1807, passed an Embargo Act 
prohibiting exportations from the United States, hoping 
to force France and England to recede from their posi- 
tion by showing the importance of our commercial 
relations. It had some effect on these nations, but a far 
more ruinous result on our own commerce, the exports 
for 1808 shrinking to one-fifth of the sum they had 
reached in the preceding year. It was a measure of 
the Democratic party, and was approved by the agricul- 
tural portions of the United States. The New England 
States, deeply interested in foreign commerce, and the 
Federalists loudly condemned it. Its opponents, spell- 
ing the name backward, called it the '^0 grab me^^ Act, 
and threats of secession were heard from New England. 
As a result. Congress fixed March 4, 1809, for the ter- 
mination of the embargo. The first embargo in our 
history was laid in 1794 for a period of sixty days, and 
other minor acts of a similar nature were passed during 
the War of 1812. The plan of limiting commercial 
intercourse by embargo, non-importation and non-inter- 
course acts was called the ''^restrictive system.-" (xS'ee 
Non-importation; Non-intercourse. ) 
Embassadors. {See Foreign Service,) 
Eminent Domain is the supreme right of property 
possessed by a State over the articles of private owner- 
ship. The right of eminent domain is the right to take 
private property for public uses. In the United States 
its justification is the common welfare, and the Fifth 
Amendment to the Constitution provides that just com- 
pensation must be made. The right is usually exercised 
in order to secure land for the construction of railroads, 
highways and canals. 



186 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Endicott, William C, was born at Salem, Massa- 
chusetts, November 19, 1826. He was graduated from 
Harvard and was admitted to the bar. He is of the 
Democratic party. He was for a short time on the bench 
of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts. Al- 
though several times nominated, he has never held 
elective office. President Cleveland, in March, 1885, 
appointed him to his Cabinet as Secretary of War. 

Enemies in War, in Peace, Friends. — These 
words occur in the Declaration of Independence, which 
was written by Thomas Jefferson: *^^we must, there- 
fore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our 
separation, and hold them [the English], as we hold 
the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends.^' 

Entangling Alliances. — Jefferson's inaugural ad- 
dress contained the following sentence: *' Equal and 
exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persua- 
sion, religious or political; peace, commerce and honest 
friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with 
none; the support of the State governments in all their 
rights, as the most competent administrations for our 
domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti- 
republican tendencies; the preservation of the General 
Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the 
sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; 
. . . freedom of religion; freedom of the press; 
freedom of person under the protection of habeas 
corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected — these 
principles form the bright constellation which has gone 
before us and guided our steps through an age of revo- 
lution and reformation.^' 

Envoy Extraordinary. {See Foreign Service.) 

Equality of States. — In the House of Representa- 
tives the members are apportioned according to the 
population of the States, those containing most inhabi- 
tants thus obtaining preponderance over the others. To 
prevent the subjugation and oppression of the smaller 
States by the larger, the device of a Senate containing 
two members from every State, regardless of size, was 
resorted to. That the importance of this provision, as 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 187 

a guarantee of the equality of the States in the Union, 
was recognized by the framers of the Constitution, is 
shown by Article 5 of that instrument, which declares 
^^that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived 
of its equal suffrage in the Senate/' 

Equal Rights Party. — This was the name of the 
New York faction of the Democratic party that subse- 
quently became known as the Loco-foco party. (^See 
Loco-foco.) In the presidential contest of 1884, Mrs. 
Belva A. Lockwood was the candidate of an Equal 
Eights party {ivJiich see) advocating woman suffrage. 
She had practically no following. Her vote in the 
United States was less than 2,500 out of a total of over 
10,000,000. 

Era of Good Feeling". — The period from 1817 to 
1823 is so called. The Federal party was all but dead; 
the administration had done its best to conciliate the 
minority, and the latter was so well satisfied that the 
name of Federal-Republican was adopted by many to 
show their sympathy with the party in power. Monroe 
was reelected in 1821 and received all but one of the 
electoral votes. After the election of John Q.uincy 
Adams in 1825, the Democratic-Republican party grad- 
ually split into two parts, from which the Democratic 
and Whig parties sprung. 

Essex Junto, The. — In 1781 John Hancock ap- 
plied this name to a number of public men from Essex 
County, Massachusetts, and their followers. The com- 
mercial classes were naturally those that desired a strong 
federal government, and these men were the ablest 
representatives of that class and foremost among the 
advocates of the adoption of the Constitution. After 
the adoption they formed a part of the Federal party, 
and were more particularly adherents of Hamilton. 
They thus incurred the opposition of John Adams, who 
attempted to make them appear as a ^'^ British faction" 
hostile to France. It was he, also, that revived the 
name that had fallen into disuse. Subsequently the 
name came to stand generally for the Federalist spirit 
of New England, and the troubles in that section during 



188 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

the "War of 1(S12, as the Hartford Convention, etc., 
were attributed to the Essex Junto. Among its mem- 
bers were Pickering and Fisher Ames. 

Evarts, William M., was born in Boston, Massa- 
chusetts, in February, 1818. He was graduated at Yale 
and studied law at Cambridge. He was admitted to 
the bar in New York. He was of the counsel defend- 
ing President Johnson in his impeachment, and served 
as Attorney-General in 1868 and 1869. He was one of 
the lawyers representing the United States before the 
tribunal for the arbitration of the Alabama Claims [see 
Geneva Award), and represented the Eepublican inter- 
ests before the Electoral Commission {luliicli see). He 
was Secretary of State under Hayes. He was elected 
United States Senator for New York in 1885. He is a 
Eepublican. 

Everett, Edwa-rd, was born at Dorchester, Massa- 
chusetts, April 11, 1794, and died January 15, 1865. 
He was a graduate of Harvard, and subsequently filled 
a Unitarian pulpit in Boston. He was a Whig, serving 
in the House of Eepresentatives from 1825 to 1835. He 
was Governor of Massachusetts, 1835 to 1840; Minister 
to Great Britain, 1841 to 1845; Secretary of State under 
Fillmore and United States Senator, 1853 to 1854. He 
Avas the candidate for President in 1860 of the Consti- 
tutional Union party. 

Exchange of Prisoners. {See Cartel.) 

Executive, The. — The government of the United 
States is divided into three great departments: the 
executive, the legislative, and the judicial. The first is 
charged with the execution of the laws, and its head, 
the President, is known simply as the executive. The 
chief executive officers of the States, the Governors, are 
similarly called the executives of the respective States. 
The qualifications of the President are given in the 
Constitution, Article 2, section 1. He must be a 
natural-born citizen of the United States, or a citizen 
at the adoption of the Constitution. He must be afc 
least thirty-five years of age and have been fourteen 
years a resident of the United States. The powers of 



DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 189 

the President are defined in Article 2 of the Constitu- 
tion. The executive is of necessity the only means of 
communication between our government and foreign 
powers, and great latitude is allowed to the President 
on this subject, his action being subject only to the 
approval of the Senate by a two-thirds vote in case of 
treaties, and by a majority vote in cases of diplomatic 
appointments. The President has limited control over 
Congress, the veto enabling him to throttle legislation 
to which he is opposed, unless two-thirds of each House 
concur in passing the measure over his veto. The ap- 
pointing pow^r of the President is subject to the con- 
firmation of the Senate. The war powers of the Presi- 
dent are the powers vested in him by virtue of his 
position as commander-in-chief of the army and navy. 
These are never exercised except in the case of actual 
war, and are even then subject to the control of Con- 
gress, in which resides the power of granting or with- 
holding supplies. During the administrations of Wash- 
ington and. Adams, the annual message of the President 
to Congress was read by him to the Houses, and per- 
sonal interviews between the President and -the Senate 
took place on several occasions. With Jefierson these 
practices came to an end, and a subsequent attempt to 
revive the latter failed. All communications between 
the President and Congress now take the form of reso- 
lutions on the part of Congress, and of a message to 
either or both of the Houses on the part of the Presi- 
dent. Resolutions of inquiry directed to the head of 
any department are answered by letters addressed to the 
presiding officer of the House desiring the information. 
The judiciary and the executive bear no official relations 
to each other after the initial appointment of the former 
by the latter. The Supreme Court has time and again 
refused in any way to interfere with the political acts of 
the executive. The Presidents term is four years. He 
is chosen by electors selected as the Legislatures of the 
States direct, which is now by a popular vote. {^See 
Electoral System.) In 1789 the President's salary was 
fixed at $25,000 per annum. The Act of March 3, 



190 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

1872, increased this amount to 150,000. At tlie follow- 
ing session an attempt was made to repeal this increase. 
It passed Congress, was vetoed by Grant, and failed to 
pass over the veto. In case of inability on the part of 
the President to perform the duties of his office, it 
devolves on the Vice-President. The further regula- 
tion of this subject is left to Congress. For the rules 
established under this power see President; Presidential 
Succession. 

Executive Departments. {See Interior, Depart- 
ment of the; Justice, Department of; Navy, Department 
of the; Post Office Department; State Department; 
Treasury Department; War Department.^ 

Executive Session is the name applied to sessions 
of the Senate held for the transaction of executive 
business; that is, the confirmation of nominations of 
the President, or the ratification of treaties. These 
sessions are secret. The clerks that are necessarily 
present are sworn to secrecy, and violation of the oath 
may lead to dismissal and punishment for contempt. 
The punishment of Senators for revealing the proceed- 
ings is expulsion. Nevertheless, the proceedings appear 
in the newspapers with considerable regularity, and to 
a great extent the rule is a dead letter. The subject of 
making these sessions open is being agitated at present. 
Whether any part of the proceedings of ei#ier House is 
to be public or secret is a matter subject to the exclu- 
sive control of the Hou^e affected. The rules of the 
House of Eepresentatives provide for secret sessions 
under certain circumstances. 

Exequatur is an official recognition of a consul or 
commercial agent by the government to which he is 
sent, authorizing him to perform his duties in that 
country. It is a Latin word, meaning '^''let him per- 
form. ^^ 

Expatriation means the act or state of banishment 
from one's native country, and it also means the volun- 
tary renunciation of the rights and liabilities of citizen- 
ship in one country to become the citizen or subject of 
another. It is in this latter sense that it is used here. 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 191 

In the early part of this century, the United States was 
almost the only nation that claimed for individuals the 
right of expatriation without the consent of the govern- 
ment of which they were citizens or subjects. The 
European nations, as a rule, maintained that the per- 
mission of the sovereign was necessary; and the enforce- 
ment by England of this claim was one of the causes of 
the War of 1812. Fortunately England did not carry 
into practice the theoretical extreme of her doctrine, 
which would have permitted her to hang as traitors all 
prisoners captured in that war who had once been 
British subjects. It must be said, however, that not- 
withstanding the position of the United States in 
regard to citizens or subjects of foreign powers, the 
right of voluntary renunciation of allegiance to the 
United States by one of our citizens was unsettled, so 
far as legislation was concerned, until the Act of Congress 
of July 27, 1868, asserted that expatriation '^'is a 
natural and inherent right of all people,''' but the 
action of the Department of State had previously 
seemed practically to admit the right. As far as for- 
eign states are concerned, however, the United States 
has steadily maintained its original position. The first 
formal recognition of its claims was secured in an ex- 
patriation treaty with the North German Confederation, 
signed February 22, 1868. England first recognized 
the right of voluntary expatriation by act of parliament 
in 1870, and immediately concluded an expatriation 
treaty with the United States. All the leading nations 
of Europe now recognize the right, including besides 
those just mentioned, France, Austria, Eussia, Italy 
and Spain. (Bee Naturalization?) 

Expenditures and Receipts of the United 
States. — Besides the annual expenditure of the gov- 
ernment as given under the heading Appropriations, 
there are *' permanent annual appropriations," which 
cause expenditure by reason of provisions in existing 
laws involving outlays which thus need no especial 
appropriations. These are: 1. Specific, including {a^ 
cost of collectioii of customs revenue., 15,500,000; {o) 



192 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

arming and equiping the militia of the United States, 
$200,000; (c) interest at six per cent, to the Smithsonian 
Institute on the bequest held by the government for it, 
139,000 per annum; and 2. Indefinite, including interest 
on the public debt, amount required for sinking fund, 
and numerous similar requirements. The total receipts 
of the United States from the beginning of the govern- 
ment to the present time, 1892, exclusive of loans, have 
been 111,862,357,521, while the expenditures for the 
same period have been $12,562,064,702. From 1866 to 
1891, the receipts were sufficiently in excess of the ex- 
penditures for the accumulation of a surplus of about 
$115,000,000. {See Surplus.) By the passage of addi- 
tional pension bills, since the latter date, however, the 
expenditures of the government are now materially in 
excess of the revenue. 

Explorations and Important Events. — On the 

3d of August, 1492, a little before sunrise, Christopher 
Columbus set sail from the port of Palos, in Spain, 
under the patronage of Queen Isabella, to discover a 
western passage to the Indies, and any lands that might 
intervene on the way. On the 13th of October, the same 
year, about two hours before midnight, a light was dis- 
covered. Morning came, and an island appeared in 
view. It was named San Salvador. Thus was the New 
World discovered. 

1513.— Florida discovered by Ponce de Leon, and taken possession of for 
Spain. 

1537. — California discovered by Cortez. 

1583.— Northeast coast of America taken possession of by the English- 

1586.— Tobacco introduced into England by Sir Walter Raleigh. 

1614. — " New England ''' so called for the first time. 

1619. — Slavery introduced into Virginia by the Dutch. 

1620.— Landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. 

1630.— Settlement of Massachusetts Bay Colony at Boston. 

1631.— First Vessel built in New England. 

1636.— Providence founded by Roger Williams. 

1640. — Use of tobacco prohibited by law in Massachusetts. 

1653. — A Mint established in New England; "Pine tree" shillings coined. 

1673.— New York taken by the Dutch. 

1697. — War between the New England Colonies and the Acadians termi- 
nated by the peace of Ryswick. 

1699.— Woolen Cloth manufactured in New England. 

1708.— Massachusetts first issues paper money. 

1758,— Invention of the lightning rod by Dr. Frankllp, 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



193 



1765.— stamp Act passed by Parliament. 

1770. — Destruction of tea in Boston Harbor. 

1774.— First Continental Congress assembles at Philadelphia September 3. 

1776. — Declaration of Independence, July 4. 

1776. — British evacuate Boston. 

1778.— British evacuate Philadelphia. 

1781. — Surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown October 19. 

1783.— Treaty of peace with England signed at Paris September 3. 

1784.— Batification of treaty by the Continental Congress. 

1787.— Constitution framed in Philadelphia. 

1789. — Inauguration of Washington as first President of the United 

States. 
1790. — Constitution adopted by all the States. 

Exports and Imports. — The following table gives 
the imports of foreign merchandise into^ and exporta- 
tion of domestic and foreign merchandise from, the 
United States for the years ending June 30th, from 
1865 to 1891 : 



Year. 


Exports. 


Imports. 


Excess. 


1865 


$166,029,303 


$238,745,580 


872,716,277 imports. 


1866 


348,859,522 


434,812,066 


85.952,544 


1867 


294.506,141 


395,761.096 


101,254,955 " 


1868 


281,952,899 


357,436,440 


75,48:3,541 " 


1869 


286,117,697 


417,506,379 


131,388,682 


1870 


392,771,768 


435,958,408 


43,186,640 


18ri 


442,820,178 


520,223,684 


77,403,506 


-1872 


444,177,586 


626,595,077 


182.417,491 


1873 


522,479,922 


642.136,210 


119,656,288 " 


1874 


586,283,040 


567,406,342 


18,876,698 exports. 


1875 


513,442,711 


533,005,436 


19,562,725 imports. 


1876 


540,384,671 


460,741,190 


79,643,481 exports. 


1877 


602,475,220 


451.323,126 


151,1.52,094 


1878 


694,865,766 


437,051,532 


257,814,234 


1879 


710,439,441 


445,777,775 


204,681,666 


1880 


835,6;S8,658 


667,954.746 


167,683,912 " 


1881 


902,367,346 


642,664,628 


259,702,718 


1882 


750,542,257 


724,639,574 


25.902,683 


1883 


823,839,402 


723,180,914 


100,658,488 


1884 


740,513,609 


667,697,693 


72,815,916 " 


1885 


742,189,755 


577,527,329 


164,662,426 


1886 


679.524,830 


635; 436, 136 


44,088,694 " 


1887 


716;i83,211 


692,319.768 


23,863,443 


1888 


695,954,507 


723,957,114 


28,002,607 imports. 


1889 


742,401,375 


745,131,652 


2,730,277 


1890 


857,828,684 . 


789,310,409 


68,518,275 exports. 


1891 


884,480,810 


844,916,196 


39,564,614 



194 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

The following table shows the exports and imports of 
specie for the same period : {8ee Balance of Trade.) 



Year. 


Exports. 


Imports. 


Excess. 


1865 


$67,643,226 


$9,810,072 


$57,833,154 exports. 


1866 


86,044,071 


10,700,092 


75,343,979 


1867 


60,868,372 


22,070,475 


38,797,897 


1868 


93,784,102 


14,188,368 


79,595,734 


1869 


57,138,380 


19,807,876 


37,330,504 


1870 


58,155,666 


26,419,179 


31,736,487 


1871 


98,441,988 


21,270,024 


77,171,964 


1872 


79,877,534 


13,743,689 


66,133,845 


1873 


84,608,574 


21,480,937 


63,127,637 


1874 


66.630,405 


28,454,906 


38,175,499 


1875 


92; 132, 142 


20,900,717 


71,231,425 


1876 


56,506,302 


1.5,936,681 


40,569,621 " 


. 1877 


56.162,237 


40,774,414 


15,387,823 


187^ 


33,740,125 


29,821,314 


3,918,811 


1879 


24,997,441 


20,296,000 


4,701,441 


1880 


17,142,919 


93,034,310 


75,891,391 imports. 


1881 


19,406,847 


110,575,497 


91,168,650 


1882 


49,417,479 


42,472,390 


6,945,089 exports. 


1883 


31,820,333 


28,489,391 


3,330,942 


1884 


67,133,383 


37,426,262 


29,707,121 


1885 


42,231,-525 


43,242,323 


1,010,798 imports. 


1886 


72,463,410 


38,593,656 


33,869,754 exports. 


1887 


35,997,691 


60,170,792 


24,173,101 imports. 


1888 


33,195,504 


59,337,986 


26,142,482 


1889 


80,214,994 


28,962,073 


53,2.52,921 exports. 


1890 


35,782,189 


33,976,326 


1,805,863 


1891 


183,912,816 


54,491,014 


129,421,802 



Exposition, World's Columbian.— The World^s 

Columbian Exposition was created by an act of Congress 
approved April 2o, 1890, entitled, " An act to provide 
for celebrating the four hundredth anniversary of the 
discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, by 
holding an international exhibition of arts, industries, 
manufacturers and the products of the soil, mine and 
sea, in the city of Chicago, in the state of Illinois. The 
act provided for the appointment of commissioners, 
who should organize the Exposition, and when these pre- 
liminaries were completed, the President was required 
to make a public proclamation of the fact and officially 
invite ''all the nations of the earth ^' to participate in 
the Exposition. This proclamation was issued De- 
cember 24, 1890, The ceremonies established by the 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 195 

act are in two parts : those to be observed this year, 
1892, in the dedication of the buildings of the great 
Exposition, and those next year attendant upon the 
formal opening of the Exposition to visitors. The 
dedicatory ceremonies of this year are as follows : 
October 12, 1892, the four hundredth anniversary of the 
discovery of America by Columbus, the President of the 
United States, with the Governors of the various States, 
and other prominent military and civil dignitaries, will 
officially participate in imposing ceremonies at Chicago, 
dedicating the grounds and buildings of the Exposition. 
The ceremonies are to embrace a four days^ celebration. 
A military encampment will be held during these four 
days, at which will be present about 10,000 of the Na- 
tional Guard, and such of the regular army as are 
detailed for the duty. 

Wednesday, the 12th, will be ushered in by a salute 
of forty-eight battery volleys. At ten o^clock the troops 
will receive the President at the main building of the 
Exposition, which he will enter, attended by such offi- 
cials of the Government and members of the diplomatic 
corps as may be present. The representatives of the 
thirteen original States will be received with appropriate 
ceremonies, and of the remaining States in the order of 
their admission. 

On Thursday, October 13, there will be a grand civic 
and industrial display, moving through the principal 
streets of Chicago to Jackson Park. In this display, 
illustrations of the leading events in the life of Colum- 
bus and in the history of our country since its discovery 
will be given. A grand dedication ball will be given 
Thursday night. 

Immediately upon the conclusion of these dedication 
ceremomies the work of installing the exhibits will 
begin. 

Ex Post Facto Laws. — Strictly speaking, an ex 
post facto law is one that takes effect retroactively ; 
that IS, on transactions which took place before its pas- 
sage. The provision in the Constitution of the United 
States (Article 1, section 9, clause 3), that '^^no . . . 



196 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

ex post facto law shall be passed," has been interpreted 
to refer only to crimes, and in that sense the words are 
commonly used. The following have been decided to 
come within the scope of the phrase : Every law that 
makes an action done before its passage, and innocent 
when done, criminal, and punishes such action ; every 
law that aggravates a crime, or makes it greater than 
when committed ; every law that changes the nature 
of the punishment, or makes it greater than at the 
time the act was committed ; every law that alters the 
rules of evidence so as to make it easier to convict the 
offender ; every law that, while not avowedly relating 
to crimes, in effect imposes a penalty or the deprivation 
of a right ; every law that deprives persons accused of 
crime of some lawful protection to which they have 
become entitled, as a former acquittal. Such laws are 
therefore unconstitutional so far as they apply to acts 
committed before their passage. 

Expounder of the Constitution. — Daniel Webster 
was so called from his exhaustive discussions of the 
Constitution. 

Ex-Presidents. — {See Presidents.) 

Expunging Resolution, Benton's. — The high- 
handed manner in which President Jackson disposed of 
the United States bank — for a full account of which see 
elsewhere in this volume — gave great offense to Con- 
gress. As the President's friends in that body were too 
numerous, however, to make it at all possible to procure 
a vote for impeachment, the Senate determined to inflict 
an extra-judicial condemnation on the action of the 
Executive. Therefore, after an excited debate of three 
months, it resolved, March 28, 1834, by a vote of 26 to 
20, ''That the President, in the late executive proceed- 
ings in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon 
himself authority and power not conferred by the Con- 
stitution and laws, but in derogation of both.^' This 
resolution made the President quite indignant, and in 
a special message April 15, he protested against it on 
the ground that it accused him of perjury in his violating 
his oath of office, and was thus an indirect and illegal 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 197 

method of impeachment, a condemnation against which 
he had no opportunity to defend himself. The Senate re- 
fused to receive the protest or place it on record on the 
journal. Senator Benton, of Missouri, at once gave 
notice that he would bring forward, every year, a reso- 
lution to expunge the vote of censure. After a struggle 
of three years, the friends of the President carried the 
expunging resolution, and the resolution of censure was 
marked around on the journal with broad black lines, 
and the memorandum ^'Expunged by order of the Sen- 
ate, this 16th day of Januarj^, 1837.'^ 

Exterritoriality. — By a fiction of international law 
a sovereign, though temporarily in a foreign country, is 
considered as being on his o^vn territory. By an exten- 
sion of this principle diplomatic agents that represent 
the sovereign, and also those that represent the State (as 
embassadors of republics), are said to enjoy the privilege 
of exterritoriality, the privilege of living under their own 
laws while accredited to a foreign nation. They preserve 
their domiciles as if at home. Their persons, families, 
attendants and property are inviolable except in extreme 
cases. In case of a crime committed by a diplomatic 
representative, unless imperative necessity demands his 
seizure, the government to which he is accredited merely 
asks his recall. 

Extradition is the delivering up to justice of fugi- 
tive criminals by one country or State to another. Ex- 
tradition *^for treason, felony or other crime, ^^ between 
one State of the Union and another is provided for by 
the Constitution of the United States, Article 4, section 
2. An act of Congress passed in 1793 prescribed the 
form of the demand for the fugitive criminal. The 
usual course is as follows: He is indicted or a warrant 
issued for his arrest; a copy of the indictment or war- 
rant is submitted to the executive of the State who then 
makes a requisition for the criminal on the executive 
of the State in which he has taken refuge; the 
latter executive, if satisfied that the papers are reg- 
ular and sufficient, issues a warrant for the arrest and 
delivery of the fugitive to the agent of the State 



198 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

demanding him. The accused may have these proceedings 
reviewed by the courts under a writ of habeas cor- 
pus. If the governor on whom the requisition is 
made for any reason refuses to surrender the criminal 
there is no power that can compel him to do so. The 
words "or other crime ^^ in the section of the Constitu- 
tion referred to, have been interpreted differently, but 
the weight of opinion (though this has not always con- 
trolled) is that they mean any offense against the laws of 
the State making the demand. In June, 1887, Gover- 
nor Hill, of New York, suggested a conference of gover- 
nors to secure uniform action in inter-state extradition 
cases. Sevei'al States joined with New York in a call 
for such a conference, and as a consequence delegates 
representing the governors of nineteen States met at Al- 
bany in August, 1887. A committee was appointed by 
them to submit a bill to Congress for the purpose of 
making uniform in some respects the practice in these 
cases. — Extradition between foreign nations is some- 
times provided for by the internal laws of a state, and 
sometimes is a matter of comity, but usually it is pro- 
vided for by treaty. The latter is the case as between 
the United States and foreign nations, only one case in 
our history having occurred (the surrender of Arguelles 
to Spain in 1864 by Secretary of State Seward) that 
was done as a matter of comity. Treaties sometimes 
(those of the United States usually) provide that extra- 
dition shall not be granted for acts previously committed 
nor for political offenses. It is the general practice that 
a request for extradition shall not be granted before the 
courts of the country in which the criminal has taken 
refuge have determined that the evidence would warrant 
his arrest and commitment for trial where he is found 
if the offense had been committed there; without this 
judicial determination the President of the United States 
cannot surrender a fugitive, but even when rendered he 
is not thereby forced to do so. The weight of opinion 
(though the question is not entirely settled) favors the 
view that a person extradited for one offense cannot be 
tried for another until he has had an opportunity of 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 199 

leaving the country or another request for his extradi- 
tion on the new ground has been granted. The United 
States has extradition treaties or stipulations with Great 
Britain, France, Switzerland, G-ermany, Austria, Swe- 
den, Norway, Mexico, Italy, Spain and other states. 
The chief extraditable crimes under these treaties are 
murder, burglary, robbery, arson, forgery, piracy, coun- 
terfeiting and embezzlement; but many other crimes are 
mentioned in one or another. 

Extra Sessions. — Article 2, section 3, of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, gives the President power 
on ^^extraordinary occasions^" to convene either or both 
houses of Congress. A meeting in consequence of such 
a call is termed an extra session. Since the formation 
of our government but ten extra sessions have been held. 

Fabian Policy. {^See American FaMus.) 

Fairchild, Charles S., was born at Cazenovia, Madi- 
son County, New York, April 30, 1842. He is a lawyer 
by profession and a graduate of Harvard. He was in 
1874^appointed Deputy Attorney-General of the State of 
-NTew York, and subsequently elected Attorney-General. 
It was during his incumbency that the Canal Eing suits 
were finally disposed of. In 1885 he was appointed As- 
sistant Secretary of the Treasury, and on the resignation 
of Secretary Manning he was appointed to his place. 

Fait Accompli is a French phrase meaning literally 
an accomplished fact. In political and diplomatic lan- 
guage it means an event, which, having taken place, is 
to be accepted and acquiesced in as a fact, and the 
effects of which are to be left undisturbed. The phrase 
is not often used in this country, but is of continual re- 
currence in European politics. 

Farewell Addresses. — George "Washington, under 
date of September 17, 1796, issued a farewell address to 
the people of the United States in anticipation of his 
retirement from public life in March of the next year. 
The document is chiefly the work of Washington and 
Hamilton, though portions of it were taken from a draft 
prepared by Madison at Washington's request when the 
latter had expected to retire to private life after his first 



200 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

term. A farewell address was also issued by Andrew 
Jackson March 3, 1837, the last day of his official life, 
rehearsing the principles on which he had acted. The 
following is Washington's address: 

Fmends and Fellow-Citizens: 

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the 
executive government of the United States being not far dis- 
tant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must 
be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed 
with that'important trust, it appears to me proper, especially 
as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public 
voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have 
formed, to decline being considered among the number of 
those out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured 
that this resolution has not been taken without a strict re- 
gard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation 
which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that in with- 
drawing the tender of service which silence in ray situation 
might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your 
future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past 
kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step 
is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to 
which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uni- 
form sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a 
deference for what appeared to be your desire. 1 constantly 
hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, con- 
sistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, 
to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly 
drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this previous to 
the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address 
to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then per- 
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, 
and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, 
impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as 
internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incom- 
patible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am per- 
suaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, 
that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not 
disapprove of my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous 
trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge 
of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions 
contributed toward the organization and administration of 
the government the best exertions of which a very fallible 
judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the 
inferiority of any qualifications, experience in my own eyes, 
perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the 
motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing 
weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 201 

of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Sat« 
isfled that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to 
my services, they were temporary, 1 have the consolation to 
believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the 
political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to ter- 
minate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit 
me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of grati- 
tude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors 
it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confi- 
dence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportuni- 
ties I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attach- 
ment, by services faithful and persevering, though in useful- 
ness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our 
country from these services, let it always be remembered to 
your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that 
under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every 
direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some- 
times dubious — vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging — in 
situations in which not unfrequently want of success has 
countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your 
support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guaranty 
of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly pene- 
trated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my gi'ave, as 
a strong incitement to unceasing wishes that Heaven may con- 
tinue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence — that your 
union and brotherly affection may be perpetual — that the free 
constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly 
maintained — that its administration in every department may 
be stamped with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the happi- 
ness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, 
may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so 
prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory 
of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adop- 
tion of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your 
welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the appre- 
hension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an 
occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contempla- 
tion, and to recommend to your frequent review, some senti- 
ments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsid- 
erable observation, and which appear to me all-important to 
the permancy of your felicity as a people. These will be offered 
to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the 
disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly 
have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, 
as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my 
sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

Ihterwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of 
your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify 
or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, 
is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar 
in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your 
tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of 
your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly 



202 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes 
and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many 
ai tifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of 
this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against 
which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be 
most constantly and actively (though often covertly and in- 
sidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should 
properly estimate the immense value of your national Union, 
to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should 
cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it, 
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palla- 
dium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its 
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- 
ever might suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be 
abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning 
of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from 
the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together 
the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and inter- 
est. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that 
country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name 
of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, 
must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any 
appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight 
shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, 
habits and political principles. You have in a common cause 
fought and triumphed together ; the Independence and Lib- 
erty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint 
efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they address 
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those 
which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every 
portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for 
carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, 
protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in 
the productions of the latter great additional resources of 
miritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of 
manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, 
benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture 
grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own 
channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navi- 
gation invigorated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, 
to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navi- 
gation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime 
strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a 
like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the pro- 
gressive improvement of interior communications, by lani 
and water, will more and more find a valuable vent tor the 
commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at 
home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to 
its growth and comfort— and what is perhaps of still greater 
consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of 
indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, in- 
fluence and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side 
of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of inter- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 203 

est aA one nation. Any other tenure oy ■which the West can 
hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own 
separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connec- 
tion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels the immedi- 
ate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined 
cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, 
greater strength, greater resource, proportions bly greater se- 
curity from external danger, a less frequent interruption of 
their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable 
value, they must derive from union an exemption from 
those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently 
afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same 
government; which their own rivalship alone would be suffi- 
cient to produce, but wnich opposite foreign alliances, attach- 
ments and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence 
likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown mili- 
tary establishments, which under any form of government are 
inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as par- 
ticularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, 
that your Union ought to be considered as the main prop of 
your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to 
you the preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every 
reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of 
the Union as a primary ooject of patriotic desire. Is there a 
doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a 
sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere specula- 
tion in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope 
that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary 
agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will 
afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair 
and full experiment. With such powerful aud obvious mo- 
tives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experi- 
ence shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there 
will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who 
in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it 
occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should 
have been turn? shed for characterizing parties by geograpMcal 
discriminations — Norfhern aLd Southern — Atlaritic and West- 
ern; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief 
that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One 
of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within partic- 
ular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the 
jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrep- 
resentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those 
who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The 
inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful 
lesson on this head ; they have seen, in the negotiation by the 
Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of 
the treaty with Spain, and the universal satisfaction at the 
event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how un- 
founded were the suspicions propagated among them of a 
policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic States, 



204 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi t they 
have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with 
Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every- 
thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, to- 
ward confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom 
to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union 
by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be 
deaf to those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them 
from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Govern- 
ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however 
strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they 
must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions 
which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of 
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first es- 
say, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better 
calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for 
the efficacious management of your common concerns. This 
Government, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced 
and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature de- 
liberation, completely free in its piinciples, in ^he distribution 
of its powers, uniting security with eneigy, and containing 
within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just 
claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its 
authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its meas- 
ures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true 
liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the 
people to make, and to alter their Constitutions of Govern- 
ment. But the Constitution which at any time exists, until 
changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, 
is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power 
and the right of the people to establish Government, presup- 
poses the duty of every "individual to obey the established 
Government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combina- 
tions and associations, under whatever plausible character, 
with the real design to direct, control, counteract or awe the 
regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, 
are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal ten- 
dency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial 
and extraordinary force — to put in the place of the delegated 
will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful 
and enterprising minority of the community; and, according 
to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the pub- 
lic administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon- 
gruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent 
and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modi- 
fled by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above descrip- 
tion may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, 
in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by 
which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be en- 
abled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for 
themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterward the 
very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Toward the preservation of your government, and the per- 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 205 

manency of your preseot napx)y state, it is requisite, not only 
that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its 
acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care 
the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious 
the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the 
form of the Constitution alterations which will impair the en- 
ergy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be di- 
rectly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be 
invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessarv 
to fix the true character of governments, as of other human 
institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which 
to test the real tendency of the existing constitution -of a 
country — that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hv- 
pothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the 
endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, 
especiallyj that for the efficient management of your common 
interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of 
as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of lib- 
erty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a gov- 
ernment, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its 
surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where 
the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of 
faction, to confine each member of the society within the lim- 
its prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure 
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties m the 
state, with particular reference to the founding of them on 
geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more com- 
prehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner 
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, 
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. 
It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or 
less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popu- 
lar form it is seen in greatest rankness, and it is truly their 
worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharp- 
ened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, 
which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most 
horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads 
at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The dis- 
orders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of 
men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an 
individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing 
faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, 
turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on 
the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which 
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common 
and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to 
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage 
and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble 
the public administration. It agitates the community with 
ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity 
of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and 



306 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corrup- 
tion, which find a tacilitated access to the government itself 
through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and 
the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of 
another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are 
useful checks upon the administration of government, and 
serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain 
limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchial 
cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, 
upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular char- 
acter, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be 
encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there 
will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. 
And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to 
be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A 
fire not to be quenched, it demands uniform vigilance to pre- 
vent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it 
should consume. 

It IS important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a 
free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its 
administration, to confine themselves within their respective 
constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers 
of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of 
encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all depart- 
ments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of gov- 
ernment, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of 
power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the 
human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this po- 
sition. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of 
political power, by dividing and distributing it into different 
depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public 
weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by ex- 
peiiments ancient and modern ; some of them in our country 
and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as neces- 
gary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the 
distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in 
any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in 
the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be 
no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, 
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by 
which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must 
always greatly over-balance in permanent evil any partial or 
transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

Of ail the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable sup- 
ports. In vain would that man claim the tributes of Patki- 
OTiSM, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of 
human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and 
citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, 
ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not 
trace all their connections with private and public felicity. 
Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for 
reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert 
the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts 
of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition 
that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 207 

may be conceded to the influence of refined education on 
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid 
us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of 
religious principle. 

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary 
spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with 
more or less force to every species of free government. Who 
that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon 
attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? 

Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institu- 
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as 
the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it 
is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish 
public credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as spar- 
ingly as possible — avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating 
peace; but remember also that timely disbursements to pre- 
pare for danger frequently prevent much greater disburse- 
ments to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, 
not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous 
exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which un- 
avoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw- 
ing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to 
bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Repre- 
sentatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co- 
operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, 
it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that 
toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to 
haverevenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be de- 
vised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; 
that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selec- 
tion of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difQcul- 
ties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of 
the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit 
of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which 
the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations, cultivate 
peace and harmony with all : religion and morality enjoin this 
conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally en- 
join it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no 
distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the mag- 
nanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by 
an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but in 
the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would 
richly repay any temporary advantage which might be lost by 
a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not 
connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? 
The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment 
which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible 
by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothin is more essential than 
that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular 
nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be ex- 
cluded ; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings 
toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges 
toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is 



^08 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

in some decree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its 
affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its 
duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against an- 
other disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to 
lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and 
intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute 
occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and 
bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resent- 
ment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to 
the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes 
participates in the national propensity, and adopts through 
passion what reason would reject ; at other times, it makes the 
animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility in- 
stigated hy pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious 
motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of 
nations has been the victim. 

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for an- 
other produces a variety of evils. Sj^mpathy for the favorite 
nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common inter- 
est in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing 
into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a 
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without 
adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to conces- 
sions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, 
which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the conces- 
sions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been 
retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will and a disposition 
to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are 
withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded 
citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility 
to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, with- 
out odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with the 
appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable 
deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public 
good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, 
or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such 
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened 
and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they 
afford to tamper with domestic factions; to practice the arts 
of sedition, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the 
public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, to- 
ward a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the 
satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign 
influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the 
jealousy of a free people ought to be constanfl'j/ awake; since 
history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of 
the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that 
jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the 
instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a 
defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, 
and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actu- 
ate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even 
second the arts of influence on the other. Ileal patriots, who 
may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become 
suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 209 

applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their 
interest. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, 
is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them 
as little political connection as possible. So far as we have al- 
ready formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect 
good faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of jjrimary interests, which to us have none, 
or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign 
to our concerns. Hence, theref orCj it must be unwise in us to 
implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissi- 
tudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and col- 
lisions of her friendships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to 
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an 
efficient government, the period is not far off when we may 
defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may 
take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at 
any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when 
belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisi- 
tions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provoca- 
tion; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, 
guided by justice, shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why 
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by inter- 
weaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle 
our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, 
rivalship, interest, humor or caprice ? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances 
with any portion of the foreign world : so far, 1 mean, as we 
are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as 
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I 
hold the maxrm no less applicable to public than to private 
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, 
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine 
sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be un- 
wise to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish- 
ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust 
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are rec- 
ommended by policy, humanity and interest. 

But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors 
or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things; dif- 
fusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of com- 
merce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so dis- 
posed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights 
of our merchants, and to enable the government to support 
them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present 
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, 
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as ex- 
perience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping 
In view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested 
favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its in- 



"X 



310 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

dependence for whatever it may accept under that character; 
that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of 
having given fquivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being 
reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can 
be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real 
favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experi- 
ence must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old 
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the 
strong and lasting expression I could wish — that they will con- 
trol the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation 
from running the course which has hitherto marked the des- 
tiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself, that they 
may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional 
good ; but they may now and then recur to moderate the fury 
of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- 
trigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriot- 
ism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for 
your welfare by which they have been dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been 
guided by the principles which have been delineated, the pub- 
lic records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to 
you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own 
conscience is, that I have at last believed myself to be guided 
by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my procla- 
mation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanc- 
tioned by your approving voice, and by that of jomv Repre- 
sentatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that 
measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any 
attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights 
I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all 
the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was 
bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral positioni Hav- 
ing taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, 
to maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this con- 
duct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only 
observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, 
that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent 
Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, with- 
out any thing more, from the obligation which justice and 
humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free 
to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity 
toward other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will 
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With 
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time 
to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of 
strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, 
humanely speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I 
am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 211 

sensible of mj own defects, not to think it probable that I 
may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I 
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils 
to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the 
hope that my country will never cease to view them with in- 
dulgence ; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated 
to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent 
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be 
to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actu- 
ated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natural to a 
man who views it in the native soil of himself and his pro- 
genitors for several generations ; I anticipate with pleasing 
expectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, 
without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst 
of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under 
a free government — the ever favorite object of my heart, and 
the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and 
dangers. 

G. WASHLKraTON. 
United States, 

17th September, 1796. 

Father Abraham. — An affectionate nickname ap- 
plied to Lincoln. 

Father of His Country. — A popular title given to 
Washington in recognition of his services in establish- 
ing this government. 

Father of the Constitution. — This name is ap- 
plied to James Madison because he was the author of 
the resolution that led to the invitation for the Conven- 
tion of 1787, issued by the Virginia Legislature. 

Federalist. — The name of eighty-five essays on the 
Constitution that appeared in the Lidepevdent Gazetteer 
of New York, for the purpose of influencing public 
opinion in its favor while it was before the people for 
ratification. They were written by Hamilton, Madison, 
Jay and William Duer. The latter wrote but three 
numbers. The brunt of the task fell on Hamilton, and 
his name is most strongly associated with them. The 
first papers were signed A Citizen of Neic Yorh, and 
the later PuUius. The Federalist is an authority on 
the interpretation of the Constitution. The period of 
their publication extends from October, 1787, to March, 
1788. 

Federal Party. — This name was given to those that 



212 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

were in favor of the adoption of the United States Con- 
stitution. The looseness of the Union under the Ar-. 
tides of Confederation had unsettled business, and all 
citizens that were injured by this state of affairs were 
in favor of a stronger government. Moreover, the 
feeling that thus only -could we become a nation among 
nations had much weight in inclining the more thought- 
ful to favor the Constitution. Washington, Jefferson, 
Madison and Randolph were all Federalists in the earlier 
and wider meaning of the term. The adoption of the 
Constitution left the anti-Federalists without a cause, 
and the Federal party went into power with Washing- 
ton at its head practically unopposed. During the first 
session of Congress the departments of the government 
were organized. At the second session Alexander Ham- 
ilton introduced his financial measures. The foreign 
debt was to be paid in full, the continental debt was to 
be paid at par, and the debts of the several States were 
to be assumed. To the second of these propositions 
Madison dissented, but it was nevertheless carried. The 
third aroused enormous opposition, and it was hotly 
debated both in and out of Congress. After one defeat 
it was reintroduced and carried by means of a bargain. 
At the third session a bill taxing distilled spirits was 
passed and the Bank of the United States was incor- 
porated. These measures Jefferson and Randolph op- 
posed. The party had thus gradually strengthened the 
broad construction view of the Constitution and had 
attained real principles and party life. It stood com- 
mitted to protection of manufactures by import duties, 
to building up a navy and an army, and to strengthening 
the federal government. The opposition raised by these 
centralizing tendencies gradually took form, and headed 
by Jefferson, Madison and Randolph, formed the Repub- 
lican party, from which sprang the Democratic-Republi- 
can party. The work of the Federalists was carried on 
in the Second Congress. In the third, the Senate was 
theirs by but a small majority, while in tiie House there 
was a small majority against them. The assumption of 
the State debts had rendered the prompt establishment 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 213 

of a navy impossible, and its want now forbade the 
energetic assertion of our commercial rights. As a con- 
sequence, Jay^s Treaty was negotiated. In 1798 the 
party favored war with France, and the popularity of 
this measure tended to give it temporary prestige, but 
trouble was brewing. John Adams and his wing of the 
party was strongly opposed by Hamilton and his fol- 
lowers. The Alien and Sedition Laws had made the 
administration of the former thoroughly unpopular. 
Jefferson and Burr had completely organized the oppo- 
sition, and the election of 1800 bore heavily against the 
Tederalists and elected Jefferson. The Federalists, now 
in the minority, resorted to obstruction, and offered 
opposition even to measures that were in line with those 
previously advocated by themselves. Their opposition 
to the Louisiana purchase, certainly an instance of 
broad construction, is a fair example of these tactics. 
To the opposition of this last measure they were not, 
however, able to bring their full strength. In 1804 
Federalist electors were chosen from but three 6tates. 
The party opposed the embargo and other restrictive 
measures, and in this they were joined by Eandolph. 
Attempts to secure a navy, and opposition to the War of 
1812 and to the policy of protection of home manu- 
factures, now constituted its programme.. It had, in 
fact, gone so far as to adopt the strict construction 
theory. In the presidential election of 1812 it showed 
a decided increase in strength, but this soon fell off 
again, and although it still had influence in some of the 
New England States, its national importance was over. 
Its supporters became National Republicans, and were 
of the elements that subsequently formed the Whig 
party. One of the most serious defects of the party 
was that it never made any attempt to gain the confi- 
dence of the people — its leaders stood aloof. Among 
the prominent members of the party, besides those men- 
tioned, were John Jay, Fisher Ames, John Marshall, 
Roger Sherman, Rufus King and James A. Bayard. 

Federal- Republican. — In 1820 James Monroe was 
elected President, receiving all but one of the electoral 



214: DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

votes. It was an '^ era of good feeling," and most of 
the Federalists now called themselves Federal-Eepubli- 
cans, as indicating their satisfaction with the party in 
power. 
Female Suffrage. {See Woman Suffrage.) 
Fenians, or Fenian Brotherhood. — A political 
association which has aimed at the forcible separation of 
Ireland from English rule. The name comes from the 
ancient Irish warriors, the Finna, Fianna or Fionna. 
The brotherhood was founded in New York in 1857. 
John O^'Mahoney, William E. Eoberts, James Stephens 
and O^Donovan Eossa were prominent leaders, the first 
two especially so in this country. Their importance in 
our history arises from their attempts to make the 
United States a base for their operations in Ireland and 
Canada against the English. Large sums of money 
were collected here from time to time to carry on their 
work. Their first congress was held at Chicago in 
J^ovember, 1863. They seized on the differences which 
existed between the United States and Great Britain 
during the Civil War and afterward, and tried to widen 
the breach, hoping to precipitate these nations into war 
and thus increase their chances for freeing Ireland. 
Their schemes in this direction, however, were not suc- 
cessful. In 1866 they attempted to invade Canada 
from the United States. In the spring of that year 500 
men gathered at Eastport, Maine, but disbanded when 
the United States authorities captured 750 stand of arms 
that were intended for them. In May, government 
officials seized 1,200 stand of arms at Eouse's Point, New 
York, and about 1,000 stand at St. Albans, Vermont. 
On the first of June, 1,500 Fenians, commanded by 
Colonel O^Neill, crossed the Niagara Eiver at Buffalo. 
After a slight success they were routed, and about 700 
were captured on their return by the United States 
forces. A similar event took place on the Vermont line. 
Two of the prisoners who had been captured by the 
Canadian forces were sentenced to death, but were re- 
spited largely through the intercession of Secretary of 
State Seward and other Americans. Those who had 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 215 

been captured by tbe United States anthorities were 
released on parole or after a short imprisonment. In 
the spring of 1867 a brig, Erin^s Hope, sailed from New 
York for Ireland with arms and ammunition, but was 
unable to land them, and, after losing by capture some 
of her force, returned to New York. In the spring of 
1870 another invasion of Canada was attempted, but 
General Meade was sent to the scene of operations and 
seized the men and arms. Meanwhile, Fenian efforts in 
England and Ireland had not relaxed. The account of 
them is stirring but does not belong to our history. 
The brotherhood did not succeed in liberating Ireland, 
though it was perhaps due in some measure to their 
agitation that reforms were soon adopted in its govern- 
ment by England. Many of the leaders were im- 
prisoned and some sentenced to penal servitude for life. 

Few Die and None Resign. {See Civil Service 
Reform. ) 

Fiat Money. — The word fiat means decree. Money 
that is constituted money by a mere decree, and that 
has nothing of value on which to rest as a basis, is 
called fiat money. It is also called credit money. The 
only fiat money in circulation in this country is the legal 
tender notes. 

Fifty-four Forty or Fight. — A cry adopted during 
the Northwestern Boundary discussion by those who dis- 
approved of yielding our claims to the territory short of 
fifty-four degrees forty minutes of latitude, between the 
Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean. 

Fighting Joe. — A name applied to General Joseph 
Hooker during the Civil War. Hooker was born in 
1819 and died in 1879. He was at one time commander 
of the Army of the Potomac, but soon after his defeat 
at Chancellorsville he resigned his command. The 
battle in connection with which he is best known is 
Lookout Mountain, the Battle Above the Clouds. 

Fight it Out on this Line if It Takes all Sum- 
mer. {See I Propose to Fight it Out on this Line if 
It Takes all Sumrner.) 

Filibusters. — This word comes from the Spanish 



216 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

-filihusteros, who were West Indian pirates. Their name 
was derived from a small fast-sailing vessel which thej 
employed, called a filibote (originally fly-boat), and said 
to have been so styled from the river Vly in Holland. 
The term filibusters came to be applied to all military 
adventurers. In the United States it has two meanings. 
First, it is given to the members of the minority of a 
legislative body who seek to delay or defeat the adoption 
of measures obnoxious to them by obstruction and dila- 
tory tactics, such as constant motions to adjourn, or 
calls for yeas and nays. Secondly, the name filibusters 
is applied to the adventurers who organized expeditions 
in the United States to gain control of West Indian and 
Central American regions with the hope of having them 
annexed to the United States, and thus extending the 
slave territory of the nation. The first of these expedi- 
tions was organized by a Cuban, Narcisco Lopez. After 
making two attempts in 1849 and 1850 which proved 
failures, he sailed from !N'ew Orleans with about 500 
men and landed in Cuba in August, 1851. His force 
was overpowered by the authorities, and he and several 
other leaders were executed. The next filibustering 
expeditions were undertaken by General William Walker. 
In 1853 and 1854 he attempted to conquer Lower Cali- 
fornia and the State of Sonora, Mexico, but failed. In 
1855 he went to Nicarauga with a few followers. Profit- 
ing by internal dissensions in that country, he gained 
several victories and had himself elected President. He 
reestablished slavery and seized the property of the 
Vanderbilt Steamship Company. But his arbitrary acts 
created a revolution, and early in 1857 he surrendered 
himself to Commander Davis, of the United States 
JSTavy, who took him to New Orleans. He was released 
under bonds to keep the peace, but in November he was 
found once more in Nicarauga. In December, however, 
he surrendered again, this time to Commodore Paulding 
of our navy, who carried him to New York. Finding 
himself again at liberty, he attempted to start with a 
n^w expedition from New Orleans, but was prevented 
by the national authorities. His last expedition was 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 217 

directed against Honduras in 1860. In June of that 
year he landed with a small force at Trujillo, but was 
captured, court-martialed and, on September 12th, shot. 
Since then no filibustering expeditions from this country 
have been known. {See Ostend Manifesto; Tripartite 
Treaty.) 

Fillmore, Millard, was born in Cayuga County, 
New York, January 7, 1800. He died at Buffalo, 
March 8, 1874. His early education was obtained 
entirely by his own efforts. He served in Congress from 
1833 to 1835, and from 1837 to 1843, as a Whig. He 
was of the Silver-G-ray faction of the Whigs. In 1848 
he was elected Vice-President, and on President Taylor's 
death he succeeded to /the presidency. The principal 
measure passed during his administration was the Om- 
nibus Bill. 

Fire Eater is a term used to denote a person of 
extreme and violent Southern views. 

First in War, First in Peace, and First in 
the Hearts of his Countrymen. — These words are 
contained in the resolutions prepared by Henry Lee, of 
Virginia, that were passed by the House of Representa- 
tives on the death of Washington. 

First President of the Southern Confederacy. 
{See CaTJioun, John C.) 

Fiscal Tariff. (See Tariffs of the United States. ) 

Fishery Treaties. — The right of citizens of the 
United States to fish in the open sea has never been 
denied, but their privileges of fishing in British waters 
or landing on British territory (Canada and Newfound- 
land) to dry or cure their catch have been limited by 
treaty at various times. The Treaty of Paris of 1783 
excluded our fishermen only from drying fish on the 
coasts of Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island and 
Cape Breton. Our rights were of course suspended 
during the War of 1812, and the Treaty of Ghent 
(1814) failed to settle the question anew. Our fishing 
vessels were excluded from British harbors and coasts, 
and several were seized. On October 20, 1818, commis- 
sioners from both countries signed a convention in 



218 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

London, giving our fishermen the right to catch fish 
within extensive prescribed limits, and to land on the 
British coasts to dry or cure their catches, denying their 
right to fish within three marine miles of other British 
territory, and giving them admission to all British 
harbors for wood, water, shelter or the repair of 
damages. On June 5, 1854, a reciprocity treaty was 
signed (confirmed by the Senate, August 3d) which, 
besides providing for free trade in certain articles be- 
tween Canada and the United States, gave our fisher- 
men full rights on the Canadian coasts and British 
fishermen similar rights on our coasts north of Cape 
May, in latitude thirty-six degrees north, each nation, 
however, reserving its shad and salmon fisheries and 
certain rivers and mouths of rivers. This treaty ter- 
minated on March 17, 1867, in accordance with its pro- 
visions and the designated notice given by the United 
States. The Convention of London (1818) now came 
into operation once more, though for four years our 
fishermen could still follow their business in Canadian 
waters on the payment of a formal license fee. In 1870 
several of our vessels were seized and forfeited for not 
paying this license fee. The Treaty of Washington 
(1871) touched, among other subjects, on the fisheries, 
giving full rights to us on the Canadian coasts and to 
British fishermen on our coasts north of latitude thirty- 
nine degrees north, except that to each nation were 
reserved its shell, shad, salmon and river fisheries. 
Tree trade was established in most fishery products, and 
a commission was appointed to decide on the compensa- 
tion which the United States should pay for these privi- 
leges. {See Halifax Fishery Commission.) In 1878 
a difficulty occurred under the treaty, for which see 
Fortune Bay Outrages. On June 30, 1885, the Treaty 
of Washington, so far as it concerned the fisheries, 
ceased to be operative, owing to notice given by the 
United States in accordance with the treaty. The 
Canadian authorities permitted our vessels to finish out 
the season. In May, 1886, one of our fishing schooners, 
the David J. Adams, was seized on the charge of having 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 219 

purchased bait within forbidden limits. Several other 
seizures were made, ancl much excitement was caused in 
the United States and Canada. The abrogation of the 
Treaty of Washington revived the provisions of the 
Convention of London, which is not satisfactory to 
either party. One point of dispute is whether the three- 
mile limit rune! from headland to headland, or follows 
the indentations of the coast. The difficulties with 
Canada led Congress to pass what is known as the Ee- 
taliation Act, approved March 3, 1887. This act pro- 
vides that whenever the President shall be satisfied that 
our fishing vessels are illegally, unjustly or vexatiously 
restricted or harassed in the exercise of their business, or 
denied the privileges accorded to vessels of the most 
favored nations in respect to touching or trading, pur- 
chasing supplies and the like, by the authorities of the 
British North American dominions, he shall have the 
discretionary power to close our ports and waters against 
vessels of the British dominions of North America with 
such exceptions as to vessels in distress, etc., as he may 
deem proper, and to prohibit the importation of fish or 
other products of said dominions. The President is to 
exercise this power by proclamation; he may make it 
applicable to a part only of Canada, and he may revoke, 
qualify, limit or renew it as he sees fit. President 
Cleveland, however, considered it the part ot wisdom not 
to employ this weapon against Canada, preferring to 
reach an amicable settlement if possible. With this 
object in view, plenipotentiaries of each nation met in 
Washington in November, 1887. On the part of 
the United States the commissioners were Thomas F. 
Bayard, of Delaware, Secretary of State, William L. 
Putnam, of Maine, and James B. Angell, of Michigan. 
On the part of Oreat Britain the commissioners were 
Eight Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, Member of Parlia- 
ment, Sir Lionel Sackville West, Minister to the United 
States, and Sir Charles Tupper, Minister of Finance of 
the Dominion of Canada. On February 15, 1888, a 
treaty was signed and immediately laid before the gov- 
ernments concerned for their ratification. It provides. 



220 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

for a joint commission, two members to be named by- 
Great Britain and two by the United States, to mark 
out on charts the waters within which the United States 
by the Convention of London renounced the right to 
take, dry or cure fish. Great Britain abandons the ex- 
treme of her theory that the three-mile limit runs from 
headland to headland, and, except as specially mentioned, 
in case of bays more than ten miles wide the marine 
league is to be measured outward from a line drawn 
across them. The United States renounces the right to 
fish in certain specified bays, etc. United States fishing 
vessels are to have the same rights in Canadian ports as 
Canadian fishers and ordinary vessels, except that the 
purchase of bait is forbidden. They must procure 
licenses, which will be furnished without cost. The 
treaty, however, provides that whenever the United 
States shall remove its import duties on the products of 
Canadian fisheries and their coverings and packages, the 
free right shall be accorded our fishermen of purchasing 
bait, ice, seines, etc., of transshipping their catch and 
of shipping crews. A protocol signed on the same 
day as the treaty provides that pending the ratification 
of the latter, for a period not exceeding two years, these 
last privileges shall be accorded to our fishermen on the 
purchase of an annual license of $1.50 per ton of their 
vessels, and that these privileges shall be free if our 
duties on the products of Canadian fisheries and their 
coverings and packages shall be removed. This treaty 
seems to settle long disputed questions in a way satisfac- 
tory and just to both parties, by mutual concessions. 

Flag of the United States. — During the early 
days of the Eevolution flags of various designs, depend- 
ing on the taste of different commanders, were in use. 
In December, 1775, on the recommendation of a com- 
mittee of Congress, what was known as the ^^ grand 
Union '' flag came into use. It consisted of a field of 
thirteen red and white stripes like the present national 
flag, but its union, or corner, was the same as that of 
the British flag, allegiance to Great Britain not having 
as yet been renounced by the signing of the Declaration 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN P Oil TICS. 221 

of Independence. In June, 1776, when the issue of 
some such declaration appeared almost inevitable, "Wash- 
ington and a committee of Congress informally substi- 
tuted for the British union a union consisting of a five- 
pointed star. On June 14, 1777, Congress formally 
established a field of thirteen stripes and a union of 
thirteen white stars on blue ground, and this new flag 
was probably first used at the battle of Brandywine, 
September 11, 1777. On January 13, 1794, Congress 
ordered two more stripes and two more stars to be added 
to the flag, to typify the States of Vermont and Ken- 
tucky, admitted in the meanwhile. Notwithstanding 
the admission of several more States, the flag was then 
left unchanged until the Act of April 4, 1818, changed 
the number of stripes to thirteen, which number was to 
remain fixed. The number of stars was thereafter to be 
equal to the number of States. The arrangement of 
the stars in the union was not provided for. Thus the 
stripes typify the original States, the stars the present 
States. 

Flag, Presidential. — It is usual in other countries 
to have a special ensign to designate the presence on a 
vessel of the ruler of the nation. It was not until 
lately that the United States had such a flag. President 
Arthur suggested it in the early part of 1882, and, as his 
Cabinet concurred in his suggestion, decided on the 
design of a blue ground with the arms of the United 
States in the center. The Navy Department ordered 
that this flag should be displayed at the mainmast of 
any vessel that bore the President. Arthur first used 
it in 1883. 

Floaters. — Under the Ohio Constitution of 1851, a 
district or county having a fraction of population over 
and above the number of inhabitants necessary to the 
Senators or Eepresentatives apportioned to it, is treated 
as follows: If by multiplying the surplus inhabitants by 
five the result is equal to or exceeds the number of in- 
habitants required for one member, the county receives 
a member for, the fifth of the five terms of two years 
into which the period between reapportionments is 



222 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

divided. If equal to the number necessary to more 
than one member, then for the fifth and fourth terms, 
or for as many as required. These members are called 
floaters. 

Florida was acquired by purchase from Spain in 
1821. i^See Annexations II.) East and West Florida 
wera joined in the territory of Florida in 1822, and the 
State was admitted to the Union on March 3, 1845. An 
ordinance of secession was passed by a State convention 
on January 10, 1861, and the State was readmitted to 
the Union by Act of June 25, 1868. The capital is 
Tallahassee. The population in 1880 was 269,493, and 
in the last census (1890) 391,422. Florida is entitled to 
two members of the House of Eepresentatives and four 
electoral votes. It is claimed by the Eepublicans to be 
at least a doubtful State in national politics, but in 1880 
and 1884 it gave majorities for the Democratic candi- 
dates. In 1876 the Electoral Commission {ivMch see) 
decided that the Eepublican electors had been chosen. 
The name of this State was orginally applied to the 
whole neighboring region in 1512 by Ponce de Leon, 
who discovered it on Easter Sunday (in Spanish Pasqua 
Florida, or the Feast of Flowers). It is sometimes 
popularly known as the Peninsula State. {See Gover- 
nors; Legislatures.) 

Foot's Resolution. — A resolution introduced in 
the Senate in December, 1829, by S. A. Foot, of Con- 
necticut, designed to limit the sale of Western lands. 
Its importance lies in the fact of its having been seized 
on by the Southern members as the text for an attack 
on the North and the ^^centralization ^' theory. The 
debate is famous for the speeches of Daniel Webster and 
Eobert Y. Hayne. 

Force Bill. — The following acts of Congress are 
known by this name: A law passed by Congress, taking 
effect March 2, 1833. Its purpose was to enable the 
President to enforce the tariff in the face of the efforts 
of South Carolina to resist the collection of duty. 
Also, to two laws passed in 1870 and 1871, both aimed 
at the suppression of interference and intimidation in 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 223 

Southern elections. These laws gave exclusive jurisdic- 
tion on this subject to the United States courts. The 
second section of the law of 1871, directed at conspiracy 
against the Civil Eights Act, was declared unconstitu- 
tional by the Supreme Court in 1883. The second bill 
declared conspiracy of this nature, if abetted by the 
State authorities, to be rebellion, and authorized the 
employment of the army and navy and the suspension 
of the habeas corpus to aid in repressing it. The opera- 
tion of the habeas corpus section was not to extend 
beyond the end of the next session of Congress. Efforts 
for a renewal thereof failed. These latter bills were also 
known as the Ku-Klux Acts. {^8ee Ku-Klux Klan.) 

Foreign Service. — The officers of the foreign ser- 
vice of the United States are divided into two branches, 
diplomatic and consular. The former, called in general 
diplomatic agents, includes envoys extraordinary, minis- 
ters plenipotentiary, ministers resident and secretaries of 
legation. The first may be appointed for special pur- 
poses, but the title is usually added to that of ministers 
plenipotentiary. These embassadors have the right to 
negotiate treaties and generally to represent our govern- 
ment in the state to which they are sent. They are 
sent only to great nations. Ministers resident are ac- 
credited to less important nations, but their powers are 
about the same as those of ministers plenipotentiary. 
Secretaries of legation are appointed to assist principal 
embassadors. Consular officers include consuls-general, 
consuls and commercial agents. Their chief duties and 
powers are connected with our commercial interests, to 
protect ships, seamen and other Americans, to send 
home destitute seamen, and to give certificates for 
various purposes. They are sent to the principal ports 
or markets of a country. Some diplomatic powers also 
attach to their office, and in non-Christian countries 
they have sometimes the right, by treaty, to act in a 
judicial capacity between citizens of the United States. 
A consul-general has jurisdiction over several consuls. 
Commercial agents are accredited to smaller places. 
The various diplomatic and consular officers are ap-. 



224 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

pointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. 
The highest salary is $17,500, paid to ministers to great 
powers, as England, and from this figure the salaries 
run down to a very small amount. Ofiicers of the 
foreign service are under the control and direction of the 
State Department. 

Foreign Valuations. — At the present time the 
dutiable value of imports on which ad valorem rates of 
duty are levied is the market value at the time of ex- 
portation in the principal markets of the country 
whence the merchandise is exported. This is called a 
foreign valuation, and has been usually adopted by the 
tariff laws of this country. The most notable exception 
was Olay^s Compromise Bill of 1833, which adopted the 
plan of home valuations. 

Fortune Bay Outrages. — In January, 1878, the 
rights of our fishermen under the Treaty of "Washing- 
ton (1871) were infringed by the inhabitants of Fortune 
Bay, Newfoundland, who attacked several Gloucester 
vessels that were taking in cargoes of frozen herring, 
cut their nets and drove away the crews. A claim was 
made that local laws had been violated, but the British 
government took a correct view of the matter by decid- 
ing that these could not stand in conflict with the 
treaty. The claims of the injured fishermen amounted 
to $105,305: Great Britain paid £15,000 (nearly 
$73,000) to be divided among them as compensation 
for the damages inflicted. 

Forty-niners. — A term applied to those persons 
that rushed to California during the gold fever of 1849, 
just after the discovery of gold in that region. 

Franklin, or Frankland, State of. — This name was 
adopted in 1784 by a convention of the settlers of the 
western lands belonging to North Carolina. The tract 
was admitted as the State of Tennessee in 1796. {^See 
Tennessee. ) 

Fraud of '76. — The election of Hayes as President 
is thus called by the more violent Democrats. (/See 
Disputed Presidential and Vice- Presidential Elections^ 
Electoral Commission* 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 225 

Free Coinage. {See Coinage; Bi-metallism. 

Free Democracy, or Free Democratic party, is a 
name by which the Free Soil party was sometimes 
known. {See that title.) 

Freedmen's Bureau. — The number of slaves freed 
by the end of 1864 is estimated at 3,000,000. Of this 
number at least one-third was not only destitute, but 
absolutely helpless. Attempts to make them self-sup- 
porting by employing them on abandoned plantations 
had failed through the mismanagement of the govern- 
ment's agents, and they were now overrunning and en- 
cumbering the army. They were therefore gathered 
into camps, where they were easier to manage and could 
be forced to do at least some work. In 1864 the man- 
agement of these refugees was transferred to the Treas- 
ury Department. In March, 1865, after repeated fail- 
ures, a Freedmen's Bureau Bill was passed. To this 
bureau, under the control of the War Department, was 
given the control of ^^ refugees, freedmen and abandoned 
lands.'' It had power to assign not more than forty 
acres of abandoned or confiscated land to each refugee, 
for three years, and generally to regulate and supervise 
the refugees and their concerns. This law created the 
bureau for a term of one year. In 1866 a bill was 
passed by Congress continuing the bureau indefinitely 
and much enlarging its powers. It also gave the Presi- 
dent military jurisdiction of attempts to abridge the 
civil rights of the freedmen. It was vetoed, and so 
failed to pass. In July a new bill, differing from the 
February act only in that it extended the bureau for but 
two years, was passed, and being vetoed was repassed 
over the veto. In June, 1868, it was further extended 
for one year. The chief commissioner was General 0. 
0. Howard. A law passed in August, 1868, made him 
irremovable, and provided for the cessation of all but 
the educational functions of the bureau's work on Jan- 
uary 1, 1869. These latter did not cease until July 1, 
1870. 

Free Rum. — Prohibitionists are fond of using the 
phrase ^' free rum " to indicate the eas§ with which 



226 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

liquor can be procured under a license system in dis 
tinction from the difficulty of obtaining it under pro- 
hibitory laws. 

Free Soil Democracy. — A name by which the 
Free Soil party was sometimes known. (/See Free Soil 
Party. ) 

Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Men and Fre- 
mont. — A campaign cry of the supporters of Eremont 
for President in 1856. 

Free Soil Party. — The Southern leaders of the 
Democratic party had determined to prevent the nom- 
ination of Martin Van Buren for the presidency in the 
convention of 1844. This was accomplished by declar- 
ing the vote of two-thirds of the convention necessary 
to nominate. This rule once adopted, Van Buren's 
defeat followed naturally. These tactics caused a split 
in the Den^ocratic ranks, especially in Van Buren's 
State, New York. Van Buren^s faction was there known 
as the '^ Barn-burners/" the other as the *^ Hunkers.*' 
In 1848 both factions sent delegations to the national 
convention, which determined to give one-half of the 
State vote to each. Both sections withdrew dissatisfied. 
Van Buren's faction, joining with the remnants of the 
Liberty party, formed the Free Soil party, by which 
Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams were nominated. 
Their platform was a strong and frank protest against 
the extension of slavery, and contained such ringing 
3hrases as '^a free soil to a free people," and ^'^ Congress 
las no more power to make a slave than to make a 
dug.'' Van Buren and Adams received no electoral 
votes, but their popular vote was 291,342, against 
1,219,962 for Cass and 1,360,752 for Taylor. In 1852 
the party nominated John P. Hale, of New York, and 
again received no electoral votes. During its existence 
it always had from fifteen to twenty representatives in 
Congress, among them Charles Sumner, Salmon P. 
Chase and David Wilmot. It opposed the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, and was finally swallowed up in the 
Republican party. 

Free Soil to a Free People. — This sentenee was 



DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 227 

contained in the declaration of principles of the Free 
Soil Party. 

Free Trade is the doctrine of political economy- 
maintained by those who hold that trade should be un- 
restricted by governmental regulations or interference. 
The term is generally used with reference to govern- 
mental exactions on importations. Theoretically, free 
traders hold that our commerce with other nations 
should be as unrestricted as commerce between the 
various States of the Union, but practically they admit 
that duties on imports are a convenient way of raising a 
revenue; so that, as the term is generally used in this 
country, a free trader is one who believes in so regulat- 
ing the tariff as to raise the necessary revenue with the 
least restrictions on foreign commerce, and with abso- 
lutely no attempt to protect home industries. He be- 
lieves strictly in a tariff for revenue only, or a fiscal 
tariff, as it is sometimes called. A brief outline of 
some of the most important propositions on which the 
free trade argument rests may be given as follows: 
every man has a natural right to buy in the cheapest 
market and to sell in the dearest; all attempts to check 
this right on the part of the government result sooner or 
later in an artificial commercial condition and conse- 
quent financial disaster ; labor, production, manu* 
facture and commerce, being governed by natural laws, 
will regulate themselves best if not interfered with; a 
nation should devote itself to industries which are 
natural to it; to attempt to force others to growth is an 
artificial stimulus and a waste of energy ; if other 
nations can produce articles cheaper than we can, it is 
an unnecessary national extravagance to waste, in mak- 
ing them at home, strength that could more profitably 
be devoted to other pursuits ; protection benefits only a 
minority of the nation at the expense of the large 
majority; the advantages which have resulted from 
free trade between the several States of the Union 
prove that similar advantages would follow from free 
trade with foreign nations. In answer to some of the 
arguments of the protectionists, free traders say that it 



228 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

is ridiculous and untrue to insist that protectire duties 
compel foreigners to pay part of our taxes; that diver- 
sified industries are proven by history not to be neces- 
sary for a nation, since with wealth all things can be 
purchased in these days^, and the nation will gain wealth 
more rapidly if it devotes itself to natural pursuits and 
avoids wasting its energy in unnatural ones; that high 
wages in the United States are due to our natural ad- 
vantages, not to protection; that, in any case, with 
free trade the workman^s necessaries would cost much 
less and his wages would go as far as before; that it is 
unjust to tax the whole country to pay large profits on 
invested capital which could be equally well employed 
in other channels. A large majority of the Democratic 
party are free traders in the sense in which the term is 
used here — of favoring a tariff for revenue only; but a 
minority, powerful in influence if not in numbers, is 
protectionist. [^See Protection.^ 

Free Trade and Sailors' Rights. — A cry used 
before and during the War of 1812 by those that re- 
sented British interference with our commerce and the 
right England maintained of searching American vessels 
for seamen whom she claimed to be British subjects, and 
impressing them into her service. {See Embargo Act; 
War of 1812.) 

Fremont, John Charles, was born at Savannah, 
Georgia, January 21, 1813. He graduated at Charleston 
College, and entered the army as second lieutenant. He 
rendered distinguished service in the Mexican War, and 
his explorations of the Eocky Mountains gained the 
title of Pathfinder for him. From 1851 to 1853 he was 
United States Senator from California. He was a Free 
Soiler. In 1856 he was the Eepublican candidate for 
President. In 1864 the ^''radical men''^ of the Eepub- 
licans nominated him, but he declined in favor of 
Lincoln. 

French Spoliation Claims. — During the Eevolu- 
tionary War France and the United States made com- 
mon cause as the result of the treaty of 1778, by which, 
among other things, each government agreed to permit 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 2^9 

the other to carry on trade with an enemy, and even to 
carry the enemy's goods, provided these were not contra- 
band. After our treaty of peace in 1783 with G-reat 
Britain, France found herself once more engaged in 
war with that nation. France maintained that by the 
treaty of 1778 we were bound to assist her but as our 
government did not admit this and maintained a neutral 
position, France seized many cargoes of American ves- 
sels trading with England. The United States over- 
looked these acts for the time being, but in 1797 and in 
1799 the claims of those who had lost property by these 
'^French spoliations'"' were presented to France by our 
commissioners. France, however, would not recognize 
these unless the United States should admit the com- 
pensation which France claimed it owed to her for 
breaking the treaty of 1778. As the French position 
could not be changed by argument, our representatives 
finally agreed to allow one claim to offset the other, 
being desirous of effecting an agreement on other 
matters. The spoliation claimants now requested Con- 
gress to pay their claims, arguing that it was unfair for 
the federal government to secure the cancellation of a 
public debt at the expense of its individual citizens, and 
that having received an equivalent, it was bound to pay 
their claims. For four-score years renewals of this pe- 
tition came before Congress before the claimants se- 
cured any measure of justice. Twice an appropriation 
for their relief has passed Congress, but the first time 
it was vetoed by Polk (on which occasion but one vote 
was wanting in the Senate to override the veto) and the 
second time by Pierce. Finally, a bill passed Congress 
and was approved by President Arthur on January 20, 
1885, ordering the Court of Claims to investigate and 
report to Congress upon the French spoliation claims, 
so that now it would seem as if justice would be done. 
Fugitive Slave Laws. — Under the colonial govern- 
ments, as well as under the Articles of Confederation, 
the surrender of slaves that had escaped to another State 
was a matter of comity merely. The Constitution of 
the United States contains a clause in Article 4 



230 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

directing the return of escaped slaves to their masters. 
The word ^^ slave" is not, however, used. The first 
law under this provision was passed in 1793, and it pro- 
vided for the return of escaped slaves and criminals. 
One of its provisions, imposing on magistrates of the 
States duties under federal statutes, led to some conipli- 
cations, but an attempt in 1818 to amend it failed. The 
Compromise of 1850 provided a new and more stringent 
law, under which the refusal of a marshal to execute writs 
under the act subjected him to fine. He was also liable 
for the value of slaves escaping from his custody. All 
good citizens were required to aid the marshal, and a 
fine together with imprisonment was the punishment 
for obstructing an arrest or attempting a rescue. More- 
over, the testimony of the person claimed as slave was 
never to be taken. The fee of the commissioner was 
ten dollars if the prisoner was adjudged a slave, but 
only five dollars if he was declared free. Under this 
law the kidnaping of free blacks at the North became 
more frequent, and many cases of revolting, inhuman 
and almost incredible cruelty occurred. The North 
never heartily supported the law, many States passing 
^^ personal liberty laws^' to counteract its effect, and the 
South considered this course a breach of faith. The 
gulf between them grew still wider, the Civil War fol- 
lowed, but it was not until 1864 that the fugitive slave 
laws were repealed. 

Fusion. — Where a number of of&cers are elected on 
a general ticket, it will sometimes happen when more 
than two parties are in the field, that several of the 
parties will agree on a joint ticket. Such a ticket is 
called a fusion ticket. In the presidential election of 
1880, the Democrats and the Grreenbackers in Maine 
nominated such an electoral ticket. Had this ticket 
been elected, it would have cast three votes for the 
Democratic and four for the Greenback candidate. 
Gadsden Purchase. {See Annexations F.) 
Gag Laws. — On February 5, 1836, Henry L. Pinck- 
ney, of South Carolina, introduced a resolution into the 
House of Representatives providing that all memorials 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 231 

praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia, be referred to a select committee with in- 
structions to report that Congress had no power to inter- 
fere with slavery in the States, and that, in the opinion 
of the House, it would be a violation of public faith to 
interfere with the institution in the District. This was 
adopted. This committee recommended that all peti- 
tions or papers relating to slavery or its abolition ^^ shall, 
without either being printed or referred, be laid upon 
the table. ""^ Similar resolutions were adopted at follow- 
ing sessions in January, and, on motion of John M. 
Patton, of Virginia, in December, 1837. On December 
11, 1838, Charles G-. Atherton, of New Hampshire, in- 
troduced a set of resolutions declaring that Congress 
can not interfere with slavery in the States, that agita- 
tion of the subject in the District ^'^was part of the 
plan of operations to affect the institution ... in 
the several States,'' that Congress has no right to do 
indirectly what it cannot do directly, or to discriminate 
against or in favor of the institutions of any section, 
^'^ that all attempts on the part of Congress to abolish, 
slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories, 
or to prohibit the removal of slaves from State to State,'' 
is unconstitutional, and that all papers or memorials in 
any way affecting the subject '^ be laid on the table 
without being debated, printed or referred." This was 
adopted. Once more, in 1840, a similar resolution was 
adopted on motion of William Cost Johnson, of Mary- 
land, declaring that the reception of any such petitions 
shall be considered as objected to and the question laid 
on the table. This last was adopted as the twenty-hrst 
rule of the House. John Quincy Adams was the mouth- 
piece of the petitioners, and at length in December, 
1844, his annual motion to rescind the rule was carried. 
Gallatin, Albert^ was born at Geneva, Switzerland, 
January 29, 1761, and died at Astoria, New York, Au- 
gust 12, 1849. He was graduated at the University of 
Geneva. In this country he was instructor at Harvard 
University. In 1785 he settled in Western Pennsyl- 
vania where he took part in the Whisky Insurrection, 



232 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN' POLITICS, 

He was a member of the House of Eepresentatives from 
1795 to 1801. From 1802 to 1814 he was Secretary of 
the Treasury. In 1814 he negotiated the Treaty of 
Ghent; in 1815 he became minister to France, and in 
1826 minister to Great Britain. In 1827 he settled in 
New York City^ becoming president of a bank. 

G. A. R. — An abbreviation for the Grand Army of 
the RepuUic (which see). 

Garden of the West.— A name sometimes applied 
to the State of Kansas. 

Garfield, James Abram, was bom at Orange, Cuy- 
ahoga County, Ohio, November 19, 1831, and died at 
Elberon, New Jersey, September 19, 1881. At an early 
age he was obliged to work for a living, but by strenuous 
efforts he managed to get an education; he graduated at 
Williams College, and subsequently was admitted to the 
bar. In 1859 and 1860 he served in the Ohio Senate. In 
1861 he enlisted in the Civil War and rose to the rank of 
major-general. In 1862 he was elected to Congress, in 
which he served until 1881. In 1880 he was elected 
Senator^ but before he could assume the position he was 
nominated for President by the Eepublicans and elected. 
He did not long enjoy the position; a disappointed office- 
seeker named Guiteau revenged himself by shooting him 
July 2, 1881, and after lingering over two months he 
died. 

Garland, Augustus H., was born in Tipton County, 
Tennessee, June 11, 1832; in his childhood his family 
moved to Arkansas. He is a graduate of St. Joseph's 
College, Bardstown, Kentucky. He served in the Con- 
federate Congress. He was chosen to the United States 
Senate, but admission was refused to him. He was in 
ift74 elected Governor of his State, having previously 
served as acting Secretary of State. In 1876 he was 
elected to the United States Senate; in 1882 he was re- 
elected almost unanimously. He was appointed Attor- 
ney-General in the Cabinet of President Cleveland in 
March, 1885. 

Garrisonians. — A name applied to those abolitionists 
that adhered to. William Lloyd Garrison, when in 1838 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 233 

a large portion of that body seceded from his leadership. 
They were the radical wing, and went so far as to con- 
sider even voting a compromise with crime, inasmuch as 
the Constitution (as they claimed) supported slavery. 
They stood sqnarely on the right of every innocent 
human being to equal freedom with every other, and re- 
fused to support any other view, even by implication. 
At the South their lives were in danger; at the North 
odium was heaped upon them, and even there they were 
not always safe. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, was born at Newbury- 
port, Massachusetts, December, 1804. His parents were 
poor and his education was obtained by his own efforts. 
Having successively tried and abandoned shoe-making 
and cabinet-making, he became a printer, and finally 
started a newspaper, the Free Press, in his native town. 
Moving to Boston, he was the editor of a temperance 
journal. The National Philanthropist, until in 1828 he 
moved to Bennington, Vermont, to take charge of the 
Journal of the Times. Though ably edited, this journal 
was not a success, and in 1829 Garrison, at the instance of 
Benjamin Lundy, went to Baltimore as editor of The 
Genius of Universal Emancipation. Here his frank 
utterances caused him to be fined and imprisoned. 
Arthur Tappan, of New York, paid his fine, anticipat- 
ing Henry Clay, who had determined to do the same, 
aud soon afterward Garrison left for Boston, where in 
1831 he began the publication of The Liierator. This 
journal was the organ of the abolitionists, and its out- 
spoken views subjected the editor to much odium and 
abuse. The paper was published until 1865, when, 
slavery having disappeared its object was accomplished. 
Garrison died May 24, 1879. {See Garrisonians.) 

General of the Army is the highest grade in that 
service. It had been held by Washington for a short 
time in 1799, and then lapsed. It was revived especially 
for General IT. S. Grant, who was appointed thereto 
July 25, 1866. On his election to the presidency. Gen- 
eral William T. Sherman was nominated to succeed him. 
It was decreed by Congress that this grade and that of 



234 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Lieutenanfc-Getteral were to lapse after the retirement of 
Generals Sherman and Sheridan respectively. General 
Sherman having retired November 1, 1883, the grade is 
now non-existent. 

General Taylor Never Surrenders, was the re- 
ply of Mr. Crittenden, who had gone to Santa Annans 
headquarters, to an offer of protection to General Zach- 
ary Taylor if the latter would surrender. This was at 
the battle of Buena Vista, in the Mexican War. 

Genet, Citizen, was the name commonly given to 
Edmond Charles Genet, who arrived at Charleston, 
South Carolina, in April, 1793, as embassador from 
France to the United States. This was during the 
Erench Eevolution. Monarchy had been overthrown 
and the king beheaded. A reign of terror ensued and 
France was at war with England and other European 
nations. Genet^s object was to secure the active assist- 
ance of the United States, and he relied largely on the 
treaty of 1778 between our country and France. After 
consultation with his Cabinet, and by their unanimous 
advice, Washington on April 22, 1793, issued a procla- 
mation declaring the complete neutrality of the United 
States. Genet, trusting to the sympathy of the people 
for the country that had rendered so much assistance in 
the Revolution, and to their hatred for England, used 
violent language to our executive government, organized 
secret political societies, enlisted men for expeditions 
against Florida and New Orleans (then Spanish posses- 
sions), and fitted out privateers from our ports. His 
defiance of the government and his efforts to discredit 
the administration in the eyes of the American people 
finally alienated their support of his course, and led 
President Washington to ask his recall by the French 
government. In January, 1794; Washington was able 
to announce that this request had been complied with. 
Genet passed the remainder of his life in New York, 
where he was married and naturalized. 

Geneva Award. — The settlement of the Alabama 
Claims was referred by the Treaty of Washington to 
five arbitrators, to be appointed by the President of the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 235 

United States, the Queen of Great Britain, the King of 
Italy, the President of the Swiss Confederation and the 
Emperor of Brazil. These rulers, in the above order, 
named as arbitrators Charles Francis Adams, Lord Chief- 
Justice Sir Alexander Cockburn, Count Federigo Sclopis, 
Mr. Jaques Staempfli and Baron Itajuba. J. C. Ban- 
croft Davis and Lord Tenterden, respectively, repre- 
sented as agents the United States and Great Britain. 
The tribunal met at Geneva, Switzerland, on December 
15, 1871, and Count Sclopis was made president. Each 
government submitted its proofs and arguments, which 
were carefully considered by the arbitrators. The 
United States claimed damages both for direct and for 
indirect losses, and for injuries occasioned by thirteen 
vessels. The tribunal decided to allow only direct 
losses caused by the Florida and the Alabama, with 
their tenders, and by the Shenandoah during part of 
her cruise. Various rules of international law were 
laid down which supported most of the contentions of 
our government. It was decided that the expenses in- 
curred in pursuing the cruisers and the prospective 
earnings of the destroyed merchant vessels should not 
be included in the award; that net, and not gross, 
freights should be allowed, and that reasonable interest 
should be included. Finally, on the 14th of Sep- 
tember, 1872, the tribunal '^'^ awarded to the United 
States a sum of 115,500,000 in gold as the indemnity to 
be paid by Great Britain to the United States as the 
satisfaction of all the claims referred to the considera- 
tion of the tribunal. ^^ The English representative oast 
the only dissenting vote, but Great Britain accepted the 
decision and paid the award within a year. 

Gentleman George. — A name applied to George H. 
Pendleton, of Ohio. Pendleton was born in Ohio in 
1825. In 1879 he was elected United States Senator, 
and was in 1885 appointed United States Minister to 
Germany. He was a Democrat. Died Nov. 24, 1889. 

George, Henry, was born in Philadelphia Septem- 
ber 2, 1839. While very young he went to sea ; ulti- 
mately he settled in California where he became a Jour- 



236 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITIC^,. 

nalist. In 1879 his book, " Progress and Poverty/^ was 
published. In this he states his well-known theory that 
the rise of land values is the cause of want, and that the 
remedy lies in taxing land to its full rent value. In 1886 
he was nominated as mayor of the city of New York by 
the United Labor party, receiving 68,110 votes to 90,552 
cast for the Democratic and 60,435 for the Republican 
candidate. He subsequently founded the Standard, a 
weekly newspaper devoted to labor interests, which he is 
still editing. 

Georgia was one of the original States of the Union. 
On January 19, 1861, a State convention passed an ordi- 
nance of secession, and Georgia was re-admitted to the 
Union by act of June 25, 1868; but the State was con- 
sidered by Congress to have failed in compljdng with its 
reconstruction policy and the re-admission was not com- 
plete till made so by act of July 15, 1870. The capital 
is Atlanta. The population in 1880 was 1,542,180, and 
in the last census (l890) 1,837,353. Georgia sends ten 
representatives to Congress and has twelve electoral votes, 
which can always be relied on by the Democratic party. 
It was named as a colony in honor of George II, King of 
England, and is called popularly the Empire State of 
the South. i^8ee Cherohee Case; Governors; Legisla- 
tures', Territories; Yazoo Fraud.) 

German Vote. — The census of 1880 placed the total 
population of the United States at about 50,000,000, of 
which 43,500,000 was native and 6,500,000 foreign born. 
It showed, m^oreover, about 12,800,000 males of the age 
of 21 years or over. The total presidential vote in that 
year was 9,200,000. Of the foreign born inhabitants 
1,960,000 were of German and 1,850,000 of Irish birth. 
Many of these foreigners were of course not yet natural- 
ized. The political affiliations of children are apt to run 
on the same lines with those of their fathers, and in esti- 
mating the influence in elections of foreign voters the 
followmg will be of interest: The total of residents in 
the United States in 1880 whose fathers were foreign 
(regardless of whether they themselves were native or 
foreign born) was about 14,500,000. Of these 4,880,000 



DICTION^AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. %Z% 

were of German and 4,500,000 of Irish fathers. In 1884 
the total vote for President was about 9,550,000. In 
1888 the population of the United States was about 
63,000,000. The importance of these figures lies in the 
fact that political parties and demagogues are always 
ready to give their support to measures peculiarly adapted 
to enlist the sympathy and support of these voters. i^8ee 
Population of the United States. ) 

Gerry, Elbridge, was born at Marblehead, Massa- 
chusetts, July 17, 1744, -and died IS^vember 23, 1814. 
He was a graduate of Harvard. He was a member of 
the Continental Congress from 1776 to 1780 and 1783 to 
1785. He was a member of the Convention of 1787. 
He was in Congress from 1789 to 1793, and was a com- 
missioner to France. {8ee X. Y. Z. ifission.) He was 
elected Vice-President in 1812 on the Eepublican (Dem- 
ocratic-Eepublican) ticket, and died in office. 

Gerrymander. — Cerrymandering is the process of so 
arranging electoral districts as to give a majority of Con- 
gressmen, or State legislators, as the case may be, to the 
party having the minority in the total popular vote of 
the State. This is accomplished by combining a com- 
munity having a large majority in favor of the manipu- 
lating party, with another in which that party has a 
minority a little smaller than its majority in the former; 
the result of the union is a district in which the party 
has a small majority. This process has been practiced 
all over the Union. Its name arose as follows: In 1814 
"the Senate districts of Massachusetts were laid out with 
the aim of electing to that body a majority of Democrats. 
The result was great irregularity in the shape of many of 
the districts. One in particular was so distorted that 
the Boston Centinel published a colored map of it, to 
which a few artistic touches were added for the purpose 
of" giving it resemblance to some monstrous animal. 
This mythical animal they named ^^gerrymander," com- 
posed of the surname of Eldridge G-erry, Democratic 
Governor of the State, and of the termination of 
''^ salamander." 

Gettysburg Speech. — A speech delivered by Presi- 



238 DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

dent Lincoln, on the battle-field of Gettysburg, on the 
occasion of the dedication of a cemetery for the soldiers 
that had fallen in that battle. The speech is given in 
full under Lincoln , Abraham. 

Giddings' Resolutions.— On March 21, 1842, 
Joshua E. Giddings, of Ohio, offered a series of nine 
resolutions in the House of Eepresentatives relating to 
the Creole Case {wliich see). They were in effect that 
the States had never delegated their jurisdiction of the 
subject of slavery to the United States ; that slavery, 
an abridgement of a natural right, can exist only by 
positive law, and that a United States vessel on the 
high seas is under United States, and no longer under 
State, jurisdiction; and, finally, bringing the Creole 
into the above class of ships, they declared that no law 
was violated by the slaves in securing their freedom, and 
that attempts to reenslave the escaped slaves would be 
unconstitutional and unrepublican. The House at once 
put a stop to all discussion on these resolutions, and 
passed a resolution censuring Giddings. He resigned 
his seat, but was at once reelected by an overwhelming 
majority, with instructions to present the resolutions 
again, a thing which he did not, however, succeed in 
doing. 

Gilded Trap. — A nickname applied to the Consti- 
tution while it was before the people for ratification. 

Gilmore Peace Negotiations.— In 1864 Colonel 
J. F. Jaquess, of the Seventy-third Illinois Infantry, 
believing himself inspired by the Almighty to make 
peace between the North and the South, appealed to 
the president, through Mr. James R. Gilmore, for au- 
thority to visit Richmond and begin negotiations. Mr. 
Gilmore was an author, and a great friend of President 
Lincoln. The president positively declined to appear 
openly in the matter, but he rather wished Jaquess to 
go, in order to find out informally whether the Confed- 
erate government was disposed to treat for peace. Ja- 
quess was not successful in getting through the lines, 
but his plaji suggested to Mr. Gilmore the idea that if 
an offer of terms of peace were made to Jefferson Davis, 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 239 

and rejected by him, the publication of the fact would 
count for much in the presidential election. The North- 
ern Democrats were then proposing to run McClellan 
on a ^* peace with union " platform, and if it could be 
shown that the South would consent to nothing less 
than independence, the continuation of the war would 
appear inevitable. Moved by this argument, Lincoln 
allowed Gilmore to go to Richmond, informally and 
without diplomatic authority, to sound Davis as to his 
willingness to make peace on certain specified terms. 
These were briefly — (1) the restoration of the union, (2) 
the abolition of slavery, (3) full amnesty to all engaged 
in rebellion, (4) $400,000,000 in United States bonds 
to be distributed among the states to be used in pay- 
ment for slaves at one-half their value in 1860. The 
Southern states were to have immediate representation 
in Congress on the basis of their voting population, 
and a National Constitutional Convention was to be 
called to make such changes in the Constitution as 
might be necessary to perpetuate the new order of 
things. Gilmore went to Richmond and had several 
interviews with President Davis, but the latter refused 
to negotiate on any basis except those of complete 
Southern independence. Mr. Gilmore then returned, 
and wished to publish a full account of his mission, 
admitting its official character. President Lincoln, 
however, positively objected, and made Mr. Gilmore 
promise not to reveal the fact that he (Lincoln) had 
sanctioned the mission, or make public the terms offered. 
This was not done until 1887. 

Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death. — Patrick 
Henry delivered a speech in the Virginia Convention, 
in March, 1775, favoring a resolution "that the colony 
be immediately put in a state of defense,^' and con- 
cluded as follows : " Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, 
as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery ? 
Forbid it. Almighty God ! I know not what course 
others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or 
give me death T 

God Reigns, and the Government at Wash- 
ington Still Lives. — These were the closing words of 



MO DICTIOlSrAR V OF AMERICAN POLITIC^. 

a brief address made by James A. Garfield, then a repre- 
sentative in Congress, to a large assemblage in Wall 
Street, New York, on April 15, 1865, the morning after 
the assassination of Lincoln. The crowd were about to 
move for an attack on the World newspaper office, which 
had violently opposed Lincoln. Suddenly Garfield^s 
voice was heard to calm their passions. He spoke 
briefly as follows: '^Fellow-citizens! Clouds and dark- 
ness are round about Him. His pavilion is dark waters 
and thick clouds of the skies. Justice and judgment 
are the establishment of His throne. Mercy and truth 
shall go before His face. Fellow-citizens ! God reigns, 
and the government at Washington still lives!" 

Gold Bugs. — Those that oppose the compulsory 
coinage of standard silver dollars are so called by those 
that favor their compulsory coinage. i^See Silver Ques- 
tion.) 

Good Enough Morgan Till After Election. — 
Thurlow Weed was one of the foremost of the anti- 
Masonic agitators in New York State. The disappear- 
ance of Morgan and the discovery of what was supposed 
to be liis dead body, created intense excitement. [See 
Anti-Masonic Party.) Weed took full advantage of 
this feeling, and when doubt was cast on the identity of 
the body thus found, he is said to have remarked in 
private that it was a '''good enough Morgan till after 
election.*' 

Gotham. — A name sometimes applied to New York 
City. 

Government of the People, by the People, and 
for the People, Shall Not Perish from the Earth. 
— The last sentence of President Lincoln's Gettysburg 
speech. [See Lincoln, Ahraliam.) 

Grand Army of the Republic. — Soon after the 
close of the Civil War Dr. B. F. Stephenson, who had 
been surgeon in a volunteer regiment, suggested the 
organization of Union veterans into a national associa- 
tion for mutual assistance. In accordance with his sug- 
gestion and by his efforts the first post was founded at 
Decatur, Illinois, April 6, 1866. Other posts in that 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS 241 

and other States were rapidly formed. The ^^ post ^' is 
the local organization. The *' department" is the State 
or territorial organization. The whole is under a com- 
mander-in-chief and a national council of administra- 
tion consisting of one member from each department. 
Once a year there takes place a national convention or 
encampment at which the commander-in-chief is elected. 
A belief that the organization was intended for political 
purposes led to a considerable decrease of membership 
in 1868; to remedy which a rule was adopted forbidding 
any political use to be made of it. The first commander- 
in-chief was Stephen A. Hurlburt, elected at the national 
encampment at Indianapolis in 1866; the present incum- 
bent is John Palmer, elected at the encampment at 
Detroit in 1891. The membership is now 398,270. 

Grang'ers. — In 1867 a secret society known as the 
Patrons of Husbandry was formed in Washington. Its 
object was to aid the farmers by enabling them to co- 
operate and purchase their supplies at first hand, and by 
offering opportunities for social and educational im- 
provement. Lodges called Granges were established in 
several Western States. The association received a set- 
back through the financial reverses of many of its lodges, 
which had, without proper training, engaged in business 
enterprises. Nevertheless, they succeeded in 1873 and 
1874 in carrying the legislatures of Illinois and Wiscon- 
sin; these legislatures passed stringent laws directed 
against ** extortion and unjust discrimination in the 
rates charged for the transportation of passengers and 
freights. ■'' These acts were subsequently repealed but 
while they were in force had a very unfavorable effect 
on the railroads. In Congress their efforts led to con- 
siderable discussion regarding the regulation of inter- 
state commerce, since consummated by the act of Feb- 
ruary 4, 1887. Similar societies — the Farmers^ Alliance, 
in the South and Northwest, and the Agricultural Wheel, 
in the Middle South — are now becoming influential as 
social and agricultural powers. The Grangers have vir- 
tually passed out of politics. 

Grant, Ulysses Simpson, or Hiram Ulysses Grant, 
was born at Point Pleasant, Clermont County, Ohio, 



242 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

April 27, 1822, and died at Mt. McGregor, near Sara- 
toga, New York, July 23, 1885. His name was Hiram 
Ulysses, but an error on the part of the Congressman 
that named him for West Point caused his name to be 
entered there as Ulysses S., and by that name he has 
since gone; Simpson he adopted, it being a name in his 
mo therms family. He graduated at West Point in 1843, 
and remained in the army until 1854, serving in the 
Mexican War. In 1854 he resigned his commission and 
engaged in business. At the outbreak of the Civil War 
he raised a company; he was rapidly promoted, and in 
1862 had risen to the rank of major-general of volun- 
teers. He was made major-general in the regular army 
July 4, 1863, lieutenant-general March 2, 1864, and 
finally general of the army July 25, 1866. He was for a 
short time Secretary of War, ad interum, under John- 
son. The crowning event of his military career was the 
surrender of Lee to him at Appomattox, April 9, 1865. 
In 1868 he was nominated for the presidency by the 
Republican party and elected. In 1872 he was again 
elected. In 1880, one term having intervened, a strong 
effort to renominate him was made, but it failed. His 
second term was marked by various scandals like the 
Whisky Ring, but no one ever connected the President's 
name with them. Among the principal events of his 
administration are the completion of the Pacific Rail- 
ways and the settlement of the Alabama claims. He was 
a plain man, possessed of much common sense; unskilled 
in public afiairs and unfortunate in the choice of his 
civil subordinates; to these latter he clung even when 
their guilt was clear to other minds, and so made him- 
self the target for much abuse. His world-wide reputa- 
tion is due to his great military achievements. 

Gray-Eyed Man of Destiny. — A phrase sometimes 
applied to &en. William Walker, the filibuster. 

Greasers. — A name applied to the Mexicans, especi- 
ally during the Mexican War. 

Great Beast with the Great Belly.— A name 
which the early Republicans (Democrats) applied to the 
navy on account of its expense. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 243 

Great Commoner. — ^A title given to Thaddeus 
Stevens and also to Henry Clay. The phrase was origin- 
ally used with reference to William Pitt, a great leader 
in the English House of Commons in the latter part of 
the last century. 

Great Pacificator. — This name is applied to 
Henry Clay on account of his propensity to suggest 
compromises for the purpose of settling disputes. \8ee 
Missouri Compromise; Compromise of 1850; Compromise 
Tariff.) 

Greeley, Horace, was bom at Amherst, New Hamp- 
shire, February 3p 1811, and died near New York City, 
November 29, 1872. He was a printer by trade; turn- 
ing his attention to journalism he founded the New York 
Trihune in 1841. In 1848 and 1849 he sat in the House 
of Representatives as a Whig, and in 1872 he was the 
presidential nominee of the Liberal Republicans. His 
newspaper became one of the most prominent abolition 
papers; through it he also advocated a protective tariff 
and internal improvements. Personally he was very 
eccentric, one of his peculiarities being his custom of 
wearing a white high hat both winter and summer, 
a style that became known as '' Creeley ^^ hats. 

Greenback-Labor Party. — The demand for agri- 
cultural products on the part of the government during 
the war tended to render farmers prosperous; their pros- 
perity was inci eased by the payment in greenbacks of 
debts previously contracted, and these concurrent cir- 
cumstances have tended to make agricultural sections 
look on the unlimited issue of paper money as the cure 
for all economic evils. A convention of Greenbackers 
was held in 1874, and it was resolved that it was desir- 
able to have all bank currency withdrawn and only 
national currency issued, and, moreover, to have the 
principal of that portion of the national debt not in 
terms made payable in gold, paid in currency. As early 
as 1868 this plan had been known as the Ohio Idea* 
The Democratic party in 1875 showed some leaning to- 
ward these views, but it soon fell off from them. In 1876 
the Greenbackers held a national convention, and adopt- 



244 DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

ing the name of Independent party nominated Peter 
Cooper, of New York, for the presidency. The party 
polled a total of about 80,000 votes. Its strength lay 
mainly in the agricultural regions, in Illinois, Indiana, 
Iowa, Kansas and Michigan. In 1877 the party's vote 
in the State elections was about 185,000. About this 
time the labor reform parties assumed greater promi- 
nence, and in several States the labor and greenback par- 
ties united. In 1878 a national convention adopted the 
name of National party. In that year its vote rose to 
1,000,000, and a number of National representatives 
were elected usually by fusions with whichever party 
happened to be in the minority in any district. In 1880 
James B. Weaver, of Iowa, was nominated for President, 
polling about 300,000 votes; in 1884 the nominee was 
Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, who was also the 
Anti-Monopoly candidate, the joint ticket being known 
as the People's party, and the vote about 130,000. The 
principles of the party as constituted at that time are 
given under Party Platforms. 

Greenbacks. — A familiar name applied to the Na- 
tional bank notes and the Legal tender notes by reason 
of the appearance of the reverse side. 

Green Mountain Boys. — A name applied to the 
male inhabitants of Vermont, from the chief range of 
mountains in the State, and used especially in referring 
to regiments from Vermont in the Eevolution and the 
Civil War. 

Guano Statesman. {See Peruvian Guano TrouUes.) 

Gunboat System. — President Jefferson ana the Ee- 
publicans {see Democratic-Repuhlican Party) opposed 
the formation of a navy on the ground of its cost. As 
an alternative Jefferson proposed the building of gun- 
boats for defensive purposes, and the act of February 28, 
1803, appropriated 150,000 for the purpose. In the fol- 
lowing years the subject was further amplified and a 
complete system of coast defense on this plan was 
adopted yl 1806. G-unboats to the number of 250 were 
to be built, of these a few were to remain in active ser- 
vice, the remainder to be properly stored at the princi- 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 245 

pal seaports, and in case of danger to be manned by local 
seamen and militia trained for the purpose. This sys- 
tem of coast defense, moreover, included heavy movable 
batteries to be placed at convenient points on the coast; 
these were to be moved to the spot at which danger 
threatened^ and to be used against hostile fleets attempt- 
ing to land. During the war of 1812 the necessity of a 
sea-going fleet became apparent, and the gunboat system 
was abandoned. 

Habeas Corpus is a writ which takes its name from 
its characterizing Latin words ut liabeas corpus. There 
are several varieties of this writ, but the one referred to 
in the Constitution and generally meant is that of liabeas 
corpus ad subjiciendum, which is issued by a court di- 
recting that the body of a prisoner be produced before 
it, that it may inquire into the cause of his detention 
and discharge him if he is unlawfully restrained. It is 
granted as a matter of right on the verified petition of 
the prisoner or some one acting in his behalf. The 
right to this writ was secured to the English people by 
Magna Oharta and confirmeu by the Petition of Eight. 
The Constitution of the United States (Article 1, section 
9, clause 2) provides that '^ the privilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when in 
cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may re- 
quire it.''' The States, also, provide for the issuance of 
the writ in their several courts. Federal courts grant 
the writ when the imprisonment is under pretense of 
federal authority or federal rights are involved. The 
power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus has been held 
by the Supreme Court to rest with Congress alone, 
though that body may delegate its authority to the Presi- 
dent by statute. In sudden emergencies it is sometimes 
necessary for the President to suspend the writ without 
previous authority, but Congress may afterward validate 
his course. Previous to the Civil War the Federal writ 
of habeas corpus had never been suspended. At the 
commencement of that struggle Lincoln found it neces- 
sary to suspend it, and Congress subsequently validated 
Mb action, and in March, 1863, gave the President 



246 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

almost unlimited discretionary power to suspend the writ. 
This was accordingly done, and many arbitrary arrests 
were made of persons suspected of disloyalty, with the 
result of causing much bitter feeling in the North. In 
October, 1864, a court-martial in Indiana sentenced sev- 
eral persons to death for treasonable designs; from the 
name of the most prominent prisoner the affair was 
known as the '' Milligan Case.^'' The United States circuit 
court issued a writ of habeas corpus, and being divided in 
opinion as to releasing the prisoners, the case was taken 
to the Supreme Court. There it was held in 1866 that 
the privilege of the writ could not be suspended in dis- 
tricts where the action of the civil courts was not inter- 
rupted, except that military commissions might be given 
jurisdiction to try residents of rebellious States, pris- 
oners of war, and persons in the military and naval ser- 
vices. In December, 1865, President Johnson pro- 
claimed the restoration of the privilege of the T^rit 
throughout most of the North; in April, 1866, every- 
where except in Texas; and in August, 1866, in that 
State also. The Ku-Klux troubles led to an act author- 
izing the local suspension of the writ in 1871 for which 
see Ku-Klux Klan and Force Bill. One solitary instance 
has occurred of the suspension of the privilege of this 
writ in time of peace and when the public safety did not 
seem to demand it. In 1865 Mrs. Mary E. Surratt was 
in custody of the military authorities, having been con- 
demned to death by a military commission for conspiring 
in the murder of President Lincoln. A writ of habeas 
corpus to produce her and show by what lawful authority 
she was held was issued by Judge Wylie of the District 
of Columbia and served on Gen. Hancock, the com- 
mander of the district. President Johnson, fearing the 
defeat of, or a delay in, the execution of Mrs. Surratt, 
issued the following order: 

Executive Office, July 7, 1865, 10 a. m. 

To Major-General W. S. Hancock, Commanding, etc. : 

I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do here- 
by declare that the writ of habeas corpus has been heretofore 
suspended in such cases as this, and I do hereby especially sua- 



VICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 247 

pend this writ, and direct that you proceed to execute the 
order heretofore given upon the judgment of the Military 
Commission, and you will give this order in return to this 
writ. Andrew Johnson, President. 

Notwithstanding Johnson^s assertion to the contrary, 
his action seems to have been without precedent and 
wholly unwarranted; but it served the purpose and Mrs. 
Surratt was hanged. 

Hail Columbia. — The words of this national song 
were written by Judge Joseph Hopkinson during Presi- 
dent John Adams' administration. The air was composed 
by the leader of the orchestra of the only theatre in the 
capital, in honor of George Washington. The com- 
poser, named Pfyles, Feyles, or Fyles, called it the 
President's March, but after the words had been written 
for it, both air and words passed under the name of 
Hail Columbia, the opening words of the song. 

Half- Breeds. {See Stalwarts.) 

Halifax Fishery Commission. — In accordance 
with the provisions of the Treaty of Washington [see 
Fishery Treaties; Treaty of Washington), the joint 
commission to determine the compensation which the 
United States should pay to G-reat Britain for the privi- 
leges granted the former by the treaty referred to, met 
at Halifax, Nova Scotia, in the summer of 1877. It 
was composed of Hon. Ensign H. Kellogg, appointed 
by the President, Sir Alexander T. Gait, appointed by 
.the Queen, and Maurice Delfosse, selected by the Aus- 
trian Minister to Great Britain. Reliable statistics 
could not be obtained, but finally by the casting vote of 
Delfosse it was decided, in November, 1877, that the 
United States should pay to Great Britain $5,500,000. 
The award created general surprise and, in the United 
States, much indignation, but it was duly paid the next 
year. 

Hamilton, Alexander, was born on the Island of 
Nevis, West Indies, January 11, 1757, and died at New 
York, July 12, 1804, killed in a duel wiiji Aaron Burr. 
He left King's (now Columbia) College and entered the 
Continental Army. He was Washington's aide during 



248 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN' POLITICS. 

the Eevolution. He was a member of the Continental 
Congress from 1782 to 1783, and of the Convention of 
1787. From 1789 to 1795 he was Secretary of the 
Treasury, and in 1798, when Washington was appointed 
lieutenant-general, the actual command of the army fell 
to Hamilton. His perspicacity and power of thought 
were remarkable. In his own day one of the most 
abused as well as one of the most lauded of men, the 
correctness of his judgment has been again and again 
vindicated by events. He was the undisputed head of 
the nationalizing element in American politics, the 
leader of the Broad Constructionists. i^See WMshy In- 
surrection. ) His skill as a financier was well character- 
ized by Webster in the words: ''^He smote the rock of 
the national resources and abundant streams of revenue 
gushed forth. He touched the dead corpse of public 
credit and it sprang upon its feet.''^ 

Hamlin, Hannibal, was born at Paris, Maine, 
August 27, 1809. He was a lawyer. From 1843 to 1847 
he served in Congress, and from 1848 to 1857 in the 
Senate, as a Democrat. From 1857 to 1861 he was in 
theSenateas aKepublican, and again from 1869 to 1881. 
In this last year he was appointed Minister to Spain, 
but resigned in 1882. He died July 4, 1891. 

Hancock, Winfield Scott, was born February 24, 
1824, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. A gradu- 
ate of West Point, he served in the Civil War, rising 
to the rank of major-general. After the war he was- 
placed in command of the fifth military district. An 
order, issued by him in 1867 as commander, restoring 
the civil tribunals of his district, caused him to be 
severely criticised by Eepublicans, and made him corre- 
spondingly popular with Democrats, to whose party he 
belonged. He was the Democratic presidential nom- 
inee in 1880. He died February 9, 1886. 

Hard Cider Campaign. — In the presidential cam- 
paign of 1840 the political enemies of William Henry 
Harrison, the Whig candidate, told stories of his having 
lived in a log cabin with nothing but hard cider to 
drink. His friends claimed that this was rather to his 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 249 

credit than otherwise^ and log cabins were used in the 
parades of his adherents. "Hard cider/^ as well aa 
*' log cabin/^ became party cries. In fact, the whole 
campaign was based on Harrison's sturdy qualities and 
his military reputation. One of his best known victories 
was at Tippecanoe against the Shawnee Indians in 1811, 
while he was Governor of the Territory of Indiana. 
This, too, was turned to account, and the cry of " Tip- 
pecanoe and Tyler, too," figured prominently in the 
campaign. John Tyler was the nominee for Vice-Presi- 
dent. 
Hards or Hard Shells. (See Hunkers,) 
Harrison, Benjamin, was born in North Bend, Ohio, 
August 20, 1833. He was graduated at the Miami Uni- 
versity, Ohio, and moved to Indiana, where he practiced 
law. He served on the Union side in the Civil War, 
and became a brigadier-general. He was several times 
elected reporter of the State Supreme Court. In 1876 
he was defeated for Governor. In 1880 he was elected 
United States Senator; at the expiration of his term 
he retired to private life. In 1888 the Eepublican party 
named him for President. He is the grandson of Will- 
iam Henry Harrison. 

Harrison, William Henry, was born in Charles 
County, Virginia, February 9, 1773, and died April 4, 
1841. He was an officer of the regular army and fought 
against the Indians under General Wayne. In 1801 he 
was appointed Governor of Indiana Territory, having 
previously served as secretary. As Governor he won the 
famous battle of Tippecanoe against the Indians. After 
the surrender of Hull during the War of 1812, he was 
appointed to command the army in that region, with the 
rank, first of brigadier-general and subsequently of major, 
general. He served in the House of Kepresentative* 
from 1816 to 1819, and in the Senate from 1825 to 1828, 
representing the State of Ohio. From 1828 to 1829 he 
was Minister to Colombia. In 1836 he was defeated for 
the presidency, but at the next election, 1840, he was 
successful. He served but one month, dying in office. 
In politics he was a Whig. 



260 VICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN' POLITICS. 

Hartford Convention. — The War of 1812 against 
England had been entered into in the face of the 

Erotest of the New England and northern Middle 
tates. These being commercial in their pursuits had 
everything to lose by war; what they demanded was 
a strong navy to protect commerce. In politics they 
were Federalists. When the Democratic majority in 
Congress had forced the war on the Democratic Presi- 
dent, Madison, and hostilities had actually commenced, 
these States took no active part in the struggle; they 
opposed the war; finally, in October, 1814, Massa- 
chusetts passed a resolution inviting the other New 
England States to a convention having in view an ulti- 
mate convention of all the States for the purpose of a 
revision of the Constitution. Connecticut and Rhode 
Island and some counties of New Hampshire and Ver- 
mont signified their approval of this course, but these 
resolutions explicitly declared that the proposed action 
was to be within the limits of the Constitution. The 
reverses of the war had put the Democratic party into 
no humor for these proceedings; they were denounced; 
it was charged that there was a conspiracy to establish a 
grand duchy under an English prince; government 
agents were sent all over New England to find proofs of 
these facts. As a matter of fact the convention of 
twenty-six representatives from Massachusetts, Connecti- 
cut, Rhode Island, New Hampshire and Vermont met 
at Hartford, Connecticut, December 15, 1814; this con- 
vention disclaimed any intention to dissolve the Union 
at that time; such dissolution, it declared, must '' be the 
work of peaceable times and deliberate consent.^' Among 
the grievances it recited were the *^^easy admission of 
naturalized foreigners to places of trust, honor and 
profit,^' and the easy formation of new Western States; it 
desired the defense of every State to be entrusted to the 
State itself, and declared it to be '' as much the duty of 
the State authorities to watch over the rights reserved, as 
of the United States to exercise the powers which are 
delegated." It desired changes in the Constitution as 
follows: Abrogation of the right of Southern States to 



DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 251 

representation for three-fifths of their slaves; require- 
ment of a two-thirds vote of both Houses for the admis- 
sion of new States or the prohibition of commercial 
intercourse or to declare war or to authorize hostilities 
except in cases of invasion; embargoes to be limited to 
sixty days; foreigners to be disqualified from all civil 
offices under the ■United States; Presidents to be ineli- 
gible for a second term^ and no two successive Presidents 
to be from the same State. Massachusetts and Connecti- 
cut sent commissioners to Washington to attempt to 
carry out the suggestions of the report, but the war had 
in the meantime ended and the commissioners were 
ignored. The convention did not meet again; but the 
odium attaching to it was so great that its president 
placed a copy of the proceedings in the hands of the 
Massachusetts Secretary of State in order thus to disprove 
charges of treason. 

Hayes, Rutherford Birchard, was born at Delaware, 
Ohio, October 4, 1822. He was graduated at Kenyon Col- 
lege; by profession he was a lawyer. He was at one 
time city solicitor of Cincinnati. He served in the Civil 
War, rising to the grade of brevet major-general. In 
1864 he was elected to Congress. In 1867 he became 
Governor of Ohio, a post to which he was again elected 
in 1875. In the next year he was nominated for Presi- 
dent by the Republicans, and after a sharp contest 
elected. (^See Disputed Presidential and Vice-Presi- 
dential Elections; Electoral Commission.) The refund- 
ing of the National debt and the resumption of specie 
payments were the most important events of his admin- 
istration. Hayes has not held office since his retirement. 

Hayne, Robert Young", was born in St. PauFs Par- 
ish, South Carolina, 1791. He was admitted to the bar 
before he was twenty-one years of age. He served in the 
war of 1812, held various offices in his native State, and 
in 1823 was elected to the United States Senate; he is 
principally known for his debate in that body with Web- 
ster on Foot^s Resolution. The scope of the debate on 
this resolution concerning Western public land, took in 
the topic of ^^ State rights,^'' which was thoroughly dis- 



252 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

cussed, and the speeches on both sides are spendid ora- 
torical efforts. 

Headquarters, The, of the Army of the Po- 
tomac will be in the Saddle. — This rather boastful 
order is said to have been issued by General Pope on 
assuming command of that army during the Civil War, 
though he has always denied it. 

He Could Not be Kicked Into a War. — Presi- 
dent Madison^s extreme reluctance to enter into war 
with Great Britain in 1812 led to the above remark 
in Congress. 

Helderberg War. {See Anti- Renters.) 
Hendricks, Thomas Anderson, was born in 
Muskingum County, Ohio, Septembei- 17, 1819, and 
died at Indianapolis, l^ovember 24, 1885. In his child- 
hood his family moved to Indiana. He was graduated 
at Hanover College and admitted to the bar. He served 
in the State House of Eepresentatives and Senate, and 
in 1851 was elected to Congress, in which he served one 
year. From 1855 to 1859 he was Commissioner of the 
Land Office, and from 1863 to 1869 United States 
Senator. After being twice defeated he was in 1872' 
elected Governor of Indiana. In 1876 he ran for Vice- 
President and was defeated. In 1884 he was again 
nominated and this time elected. He was a Democrat. 
Henry Affair. {8ee Henry Documents.) 
Henry Documents. — Sir James H. Craig, the Gov- 
ernor of British JSTorth America, in January, 1809, sent 
an adventurer, John Henry by name, into the New 
England States to report the feeling of that section of 
the country on the question of secession from the 
Union, and possibly to increase the discontent already 
caused among these people of commercial interests by 
the Embargo Act and the Non-Intercourse system of 
the government. Failing of the reward he sought from 
the British ministry, Henry sold to President Madison 
for $50,000 his correspondence with the English officials, 
and these papers became known as the Henry docu- 
ments. Madison submitted the letters to Congress and 
claimed that they proved a design on the part of Eng- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 253 

land to annex the New England States. They do not 
make certain, however, that the Eastern States enter- 
tained seriously the idea of secession. This whole epi- 
sode is often referred to as the Henry affair. 

Hermitage. — By this name was known Andrew 
Jackson^s home, about twelve miles from Nashville, 
Tenn. 

Hero of Appomattox is the name applied to Gen- 
eral Ulysses S. Grant. It was at Appomattox Court 
House, Virginia, April 9, 1865, that General Lee's 
forces surrendered to Grant. 

Hero of New Orleans. — General Andrew Jackson 
was so called in allusion to his victory over the British 
troops at New Orleans on January 8, 1815. 

He Smote the Rock of the National Resources 
and Abundant Streams of Revenue Gushed 
Forth. — Said of Alexander Hamilton by Daniel Web- 
ster. 

He Touched the Dead Corpse of Public Credit 
and it Sprung Upon its Feet. — This was said by 
Daniel Webster of Alexander Hamilton. 

Higher Law. — William H. Seward, in a speech 
delivered March 11, 1850, declared, ^' There is a higher 
law than the Constitution,^^ referring to the moral law. 

High-flying Federalists. — A nickname applied in 
the first years of the government to that portion of the 
Federalists that were attached to official pomp and 
splendor. 

High License. — This term, as used generally at 
present, means the enforcement of a high tax on the 
retail sellers of intoxicating liquors so as to raise the 
price of liquor and prevent its consumption to some 
extent, and especially so as to drive out of the business 
the low groggeries, which are the birthplaces of most of 
the distress and crime that result from drunkenness. 
The evils resulting from intemperance are universally 
admitted, but how to prevent or decrease intemperance 
is a disputed question. Prohibitionists as a rule do not 
favor high license. They do not accept it even as a 
half-way measure. They contend that prohibition is 



254 niCTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

more effectual, and that any form of licensing the 
liquor traffic is an admission of its right to exist, which 
they deny wholly. Their opponents maintain that pro- 
hibition cannot be enforced and that high license can, 
as each of the persons who pay a high tax for the privi- 
lege of selling liquor is made an interested party to 
secure the enforcement of the law and thus to prevent 
those who avoid the tax from maintaining a ruinous 
competition 'with him. The advocates of high license 
also maintain that prohibition infringes the liberty of 
the individual, while there is no such objection to high 
license. There seems to be a tendency at present in 
both of the chief political parties to quiet the disturb- 
ing ^' temperance'^ element which has begun to play an 
important part in politics by passing high license laws. 
This tendency is hardly likely to accomplish the political 
results desired, for the prohibitionists, as we have 
noticed, do not favor it. But the moral objects of the 
movement may be more successful. Illinois passed a 
high license law in 1883, and Minnesota and Pennsyl- 
vania did likewise in 1887. Nebraska is also trying the 
plan. High license seems to meet with success where it 
is in force, but the experiment has not been long enough 
as yet to warrant a final conclusion. {^See Local Option; 
Prohihition. ) 

High-minded Federalists. — The defeat of the 
coalition of Clintonians and Federalists in !N^ew York 
State in 1815 practically killed the latter party in 
that State. What remained of it usually supported the 
Clintonians. A small section, however, opposed the 
Clintonians, which they called a personal party, and 
supported the Bucktails. Their reference to themselves 
as '^ high-minded '^ men led to the above nickname. 
{8ee Clintonians.) 

His Superfluous Excellency. — A title humorously 
suggested by the Democrats in 1791 for the Vice-Presi- 
dent, in mockery of the title desired by some of the 
Federalists for the President, namely, "His highness, 
the President of the United States, and protector of 
their liberties. ^^ 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 255 

Hoar*S Mission. — In 1835 South Carolina passed a 
law providing that any colored person arriving at any of 
her ports was to be arrested and imprisoned nntil the 
vessel was ready to sail. He was then to be restored to 
the vessel on payment of cost of arrest,, subsistence, etc. 
In 1844 Massachusetts, many of whose colored citizens 
had been thus detained, resolved to test the constitu- 
tionality of the law, and sent Hon. Samuel Hoar to 
Charleston for the purpose of arranging a test case. 
Mr. Hoar was but gruffly received, and after a short 
stay was practically compelled to leave the city. He 
accomplished nothing. 

Home Department. — In the title of the Act of 
1849 creating the Departmen-* of the Interior, it is 
called the Home Department. It is, however, never 
spoken of by that name. (/See Interior, Department of 
the.) 

Home Valuations. — Under the principle of home 
valuation merchandise on which ad valorem duties are 
collected is valued at its market price in this country. 
Henry Clay's Compromise Bill of 1833 adopted this 
principle, but the present tariff is based on the principle 
of foreign valuations, and this has been usually adopted 
by our tariff laws. 

Honest Abe. — An affectionate name by which Lin- 
coln was known. 

Honest John Sherman. — An appellation frequently 
applied to that Ohio Senator. 

Hoosiers. — The inhabitants of Indiana. The name 
is probably derived either from husher, a Western term 
for a bully, or from the '^ rough exclamation when one 
knocks at a door, 'wlio's yeref It is also said to come, 
however, from a corruption of the word ^'^ hussar,'' a 
term applied to the light cavalry of European arjnies. 
The name was adopted because the hussars were sup- 
posed to be noted for deeds of valor. 

Horizontal Tariff Bill. {Bee Morrison Tariff Bill. ) 

Hot Water War. — Soon after the Whisky Rebel- 
lion had been overcome a fresh trouble arose from a tax 
laid by the Federal government on honses, which were 



256 DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

classified according to their dimensions, the size and 
number of the windows, and so forth. The people ob- 
jected to these direct taxes, though they bore more 
lightly on the poor than on the rich, and Pennsylvania 
was again the scene of the chief resistance. When the 
officers went to make the necessary measurements, the 
women deluged them with hot water, and hence the dis- 
turbance was known as the Hot Water War. But 
further violence was offered, and when the United States 
Marshal in March, 1799, arrested some offenders, they 
were rescued in the town of Bethlehem by an armed 
band led by one John Fries. The militia were called 
out and they succeeded in restoring order. Fries was 
convicted of treason and sentenced to death, and a num- 
ber of his followers were condemned to imprisonment. 
President Adams, however, soon pardoned them all, and 
two or three years later, under Jefferson, the house tax 
was abolished. 

Holland Purchase, The. — When the territorial 
disputes between Massacliusetts and New York were 
finally settled, in 1786, the former State ceded all 
her claims to land west of the Hudson Eiver, except a 
pre-emption right to about 5,000,000 acres, which in- 
chided Genesee County and adjacent territory. This 
land was soon after sold by the State to two New York 
gentlemen for $1,000,000. These extinguished the In- 
dian title to part of the land, surveyed it into town- 
ships, and sold a large share of it to speculators and 
actual settlers. Eobert Morris became later a large 
purchaser of the land and resold several tracts of it, 
but finally had to mortgage an immense tract to one 
Wilhelm Willink, of Amsterdam, and eleven associates, 
called the Holland Land Company. This company 
foreclosed the mortgage, secured full title to the land, 
and opened their first land office in Batavia, New York, 
in 1801. This foreclosure was the financial ruin of 
Eobert Morris, and caused him to be be thrown into 
a debtor^s prison, where he remained some time. The 
tract held by these Hollanders was known as '* The 
Holland Purchase.'^ 



niCTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 257 

Homestead Laws. — The treaty of 1783» declared 
the territory of the United States to extend westward 
from the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi. A large 
part of this land was claimed by certain of the States, 
who contended that their original grants gave them the 
territory inland to the western boundary of the conn- 
try. Bnt when the confederation was formed it was de- 
cided to cede all this territory to Congress, and this was 
accordingly done. There were numbers of claims on 
these lands, and Congress created eight Boards of Com- 
missioners to examine into and settle these. But land 
not claimed was to be disposed of without delay, and 
Congress in 1785 drew up an ordinance directing the 
Secretary of War to draw by lot certain townships in the 
surveyed portion for bounties to the soldiers of the Con- 
tinental army, and the remainder was to be drawn by 
lot in the name of the Western States, to be sold by the 
officers of the Treasury at public sale for not less than 
11.00 per acre. This measure, however, was a failure, 
and it was intimated that the States which had any 
lands of their own to dispose of took pains to make it 
inoperative. Meanwhile, settlers began to make entries 
on public lands without authority, and the Government 
was obliged to resort to force to drive them off. A 
company of United States troops was kept going up and 
down the Ohio Eiver from the Pennsylvania line to 
Cincinnati from 1784 to 1786, burning all cabins and 
laying down and burning the fences of these *^ squat- 
ters.^^ Often this operation had to be repeated several 
times to drive away the determined pioneers. In 1787 
the price of public land was reduced to 66f cents per 
acre, and during the next year the regulation for draw- 
ing the land by States was repeated, and the Treasury 
Department, which then had charge of the sale of pub- 
lic lands, was empoAvered to sell them in any part of the 
United States at pleasure. The low price attracted set- 
tlers, and large tracts for settlement were purchased by 
associations of colonists, but the States had also much 
land for sale, and they eagerly pushed these in the 
market, underbidding the Government to check western 



258 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

immigration; and the Spaniards holding land in Illinois 
offered farms without charge to actual settlers. After 
the meeting of the first Congress under the Constitution 
the matter was all referred to Hamilton, who, in July, 
1790, submitted to the House of Representatives a plan 
for the disposal of the public territory. Congress, how- 
ever, was very slow to act in the matter, and neither 
adopted Hamilton's plan nor framed any other. In 
1796 the present system of surveying lands was in sub- 
stance adopted, and provision was made for the public 
sale of lands in sections one mile square at a price not 
less than $2.00 per acre. In 1800 land officers and land 
registers were established, and important changes were 
made in the provisions of the land laws that governed 
the terms of payment. The lands were to be sold at not 
less than $2.00 per acre, but only a fourth part of the 
purchase money was required at the time, and the 
payment of the balance was to be spread over three 
years. In case full payment was not made within one 
year after the last instalment had became due, the 
lands were to be sold, or to revert to the United States. 
The natural result of the scheme was the piling up of 
an enormous debt, which the Grovernment never could 
collect, and from 1809 to 1824 hardly a year passed 
without the passage of a ^^ relief act" by Congress to 
suspend or mitigate the operations of the law in partic- 
ular instances or to relieve settlers from their indebted- 
ness. In 1820 a law was passed abolishing the credit 
system and authorizing the selling of land in half- 
quarter sections, and making the minimum price of' 
$1.25 per acre. This caused great dissatisfaction on 
tlie part of the States, since as all lands were at the 
same minimum price, the best lands were taken up first 
and large tracts of inferior lands were left, which bore 
no share, as public lands, of State or local taxation. In 
1824, Benton introduced into Congress a bill for grant- 
ing pre-emption rights to actual settlers and for gradu- 
ating the price of lands, but it was rejected. The 
States were now becoming very eager to effect internal 
improvements, and regarded the existence of large 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 259 

tracts of public land within their limits as a hindrance, 
and began to clamor for the restoration of these lands. 
Schemes without number were now concocted for the 
disposal of the public lands, and in the session of 
1837-28 Congress actually gave away to States and indi- 
viduals — largely on the -plea of internal improvement — 
no less than 2,300,000 acres of public land, and 
the suggestion was seriously made to restore all 
the public lands in the States to the State governments. 
This was, however, strongly opposed, and many warm 
debates were carried on in Congress for several years on 
the public land question. These were in a measure 
checked by the fever for speculation in public lands 
which raged from 1834 till it precipitated the crash of 
1837, but were renewed with even greater ardor when 
the proposition came up to have the general government 
assume the debts of the States which had lost heavily 
in the speculative era. The plan of giving the public 
lands to States was again thrust forward, and was ad- 
vocated by President Tyler in his first message, but 
though a number of bills were brought before Congress 
proposing such a distribution none actually became 
laws, except one providing for a gift of land to new 
States, which was passed in 1841, as a part of the first 
pre-emption law. The cession of public lands to rail- 
roads on a large scale was begun in 1850, and has since 
led to the disposal of a very large proportion of the 
public lands. About 1852 a homestead law, which was 
warmly advocated by the free soil Democracy, became 
a national question. Several bills passed one house of 
Congress, but failed in the other. In 1860 a homestead 
bill actually passed, but was vetoed by President Bu- 
chanan, on the plea that its provisions were not fair to 
all classes concerned. It was not until 1862 that the 
homestead law, as we have it to-day, was adopted. The 
public lands undisposed of and open to settlement are 
divided into two classes with respect to price, one class 
being held at $1.25 per acre as the minimum price, the 
other at $2.50 per acre; being the alternate sections re- 
served by the United States in land grants to railroads. 



260 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

etc. Such tracts are sold on application to the regis- 
ters and receivers of the district land offices to legally 
qualified parties upon conditions of actual residence and 
improvement under the pre-emption laws. Widows, 
heads of families, or single persons, over twenty-one 
years of age, if citizens of the United States, or aliens 
who have declared their intention to become citizens, 
have the right of pre-emption to the maximum quan- 
tity of 160 acres each on becoming settlers and com- 
plying with the regulations. Under the homestead 
laws a citizen, or an alien having declared his intention 
of becoming a citizen, has the right to 160 acres of 
either the $1.25 or $2.50 class after actual residence and 
cultivation for five years. Under the timber culture 
law a citizen, or one who has declared his intention to 
become such, if the head of a family, or a single person 
over twenty-one years, may acquire title to 160 acres on 
cultivating 10 acres of trees thereon for eight years. 
Not more than 320 acres can be acquired by one person 
under all the land laws. A person who served for 90 
days in the army, navy, or marine corps of the United 
States during the rebellion, has remained loyal to the 
United States government, and has been honorably dis- 
charged, is allowed 160 acres of public land, and such 
homestead settler shall be allowed six months after 
locating his homestead, and filing his declaratory state- 
ment, within which to make his entry and commence 
his settlement and improvement. The time the settler 
has served in the army, navy, or marine corps shall be 
deducted from the time heretofore required to perfect 
title; or if discharged on account of wounds received or 
disability incurred in the line of duty, then the term of 
enlistment shall be deducted from the time heretofore 
required to perfect title, without reference to the time 
he may have served, but no 'patent shall issue to any 
homestead settler who has not resided upon^ improved, 
and cultivated his homestead for a period of at least 
one year after he shall have commenced his improve- 
ments. The desert land act applies only to the States 
of California, Oregon, Nevada, Washington, Idaho, 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 261 

Montana, Wyoming, and North and Soutli Dakota, and 
the Territories of Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico. 
Any person desiring to make entry of desert land in any 
of these States must file with the officers of the land 
office for the district wherein the land is situated a 
declaration showing that he is a citizen, or intends to 
become a citizen, that he intends to reclaim the tract of 
land — giving its situation — which he enters; that the 
land will not produce crops without irrigation; that 
there is no timber growing upon it, and not to his 
knowledge any kind of valuable mineral deposited in it. 
It is necessary also to procure at least two disinterested 
and credible witnesses to make affidavit that the land 
is actually desert land. These witnesses must not only 
bring presumptive proof of their honesty, but must 
also show that they are acquainted with the situation 
and character of the land of which they speak. The 
applicant for the land must then pay for it at the rate 
of twenty-five cents per acre, and he is not allowed to 
take up more than one section. If within three years 
after this application he can make satisfactory proof 
that he has irrigated the land, the applicant can receive 
a patent for the land on paying the additional sum of 
$1 therefore. It is provided that the right to use water 
from any contiguous natural sources for irrigating 
desert land thus taken up shall depend npon bona fide 
prior appropriation, and shall not in any case exceed 
the amount of water actually needed for reclaiming the 
land. The only public land that can be sold to parties 
not actual settlers is that situated in the State of 
Missouri. 

House of Representatives is the name of the 
lower House of the Legislature in many of the 
States, also of the corresponding House of the United 
States Legislature. Article 1, section 2, of the Consti- 
tution, treats of the House of Kepresentatives. Its 
members are apportioned on the basis of population, 
the larger States thus having greater influence than the 
smaller. {See Ap]portionment; Coyigress; Senate.) Its 
members are elected for two years. The salary of Kep- 



262 DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

resentatives is 15,000 a year, 1125 a year additional for 
stationery and newspapers, and mileage at the rate of 
twenty cents a mile to and from AVashington at every 
session of Congress, Unexcused absence causes a de- 
duction from the salary. To be elected a Congressman 
a person must be at least twenty-five years of age, and 
he must have been seven years a citizen; he must, more- 
over, at the time of his election be an inhabitant of the 
State for which he is chosen. The House of Eepre- 
sentatives chooses its Speaker and other officers. The 
power of the Speaker is enormous. Unless otherwise- 
ordered by the House (which is seldom the case) he 
appoints all committees and the method of the House 
in transacting its business renders the committees of first 
importance. All measures are referred to the standing 
committees, and the power over the life or death of a 
bill is practically unlimited. A majority of the mem- 
bers elected constitute a quorum. The House has sole 
power of impeachment; all bills for raising revenue 
must originate in the House, and on it falls the duty of 
electing the President of the United States when the 
vote of the electors fails to result in a choice. Repre- 
sentatives being elected more frequently than Senators, 
and being elected directly by the people, are apt 
to be more thoroughly informed of the present feelings 
of their constituents, and are thus more apt to sway by 
them than the Senate. The latter is more conserva- 
tive. These differences have led to the terms popular 
or lower House, and upper House as applied to the 
House of Representatives and the Senate respectively. 
Each Territory has a delegate in the House, with the 
right to debate on matters pertaining to his Territory, 
but no vote. 

Houston, Samuel, was born in Rockbridge County, 
Virginia, in 1793. In his early life he had wandered 
to Tennessee, where he had lived three years among 
the Cherokee Indians. He was then, successively, "a 
gallant soldier in the War of 1812, an Indian agent, a 
lawyer, district attorney, major-general of militia, mem- 
ber of Congress and Governor of Tennessee. '' About 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICA JV POLITICS. 263 

1830 he again suddenly joined the Clierokees, among 
whom he lived three years as a chief. Leaving them, 
he and a number of other adventurers set out for Texas 
with the intention of causing a revokition there and 
ultimately annexing it to the United States. Texas 
declared her independence in 1836, and Houston, 
though at first compelled to retreat before a large force 
under Santa Anna, finally succeeded in dividing and 
utterly defeating the. opposing army. This assured the 
independence of Texas, which was during the next year 
acknowledged by the United States. Other powers 
soon did the same. Houston had meanwhile been 
elected President of the new republic. He served in 
that capacity in 1836-8 and 1842-4. Texas was an- 
nexed to the United States in 1845. Subsequently 
Houston represented her in the Senate in 1846-59, and 
in 1859 he was elected Governor. Though elected as a 
Union man, it was his lack of energy that threw Texas 
into the hands of the secessionists. In 1861 he resigned, 
and soon after, in 1863, he died. 

How Gold and Silver Coins are Tested. — The 

testing of gold and silver coins, which takes place 
yearly at the Philadelphia mint, is called the trial of 
the pyx. It is a custom of very ancient origin and de- 
rives its name from the pyx or chest in which the coins 
to be examined are kept. The examination is made in 
the presence of the director of the mint and a board of 
examiners. For each delivery of coins made by the 
chief coiner a certain number are reserved for trial and 
deposited in the pyx under the charge of the superin- 
tendent of the mint and the assayer. Coins from the 
coinage of other mints are transmitted quarterly to the 
Philadelphia mint. The examiners make a certified 
report of the trial after examination. If this shows the 
coins to be within the limit of tolerance in fineness and 
weight it is filed, but if not the fact is certified to the 
president, and he has power to order- all the officers im- 
plicated in the error thenceforward disqualified for 
holding their offices. 



264 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

The word pyx is derived from a Greek word meaning 
a box, and is applied in the Roman Catholic Church to 
the box in which the sacred host is kept, and mariners 
also apply it to the receptacle wherein the compass is 
suspended. In early times the mint master in England 
was simply a person under contract with the govern- 
ment for the manufacture of the coinage, and period- 
ical examinations were consequently necessary to see 
that the terms of the contract were complied with. 
The mint master is now an officer of the crown, but 
the manner of conducting the ceremony is substantially 
unchanged. The finished coins are delivered to the 
mint master in weights called journey-weights — that is, 
15 pounds troy weight of gold, containing 701 sover- 
eigns, or 1,402 half-sovereigns; of silver 60 pounds 
troy. From each journey-weight a coin is taken and 
placed in the pyx for the annual trial. The examina- 
tion of the coins is made by the Goldsmiths' Company, 
under the direction of the crown, in the presence of the 
" Queen's remembrancer,'' who administers the oath to 
the jury and presides over the proceedings. The coins 
are compared with pieces cut from trial-plates of stand- 
ard fineness, which are in keeping of the '^ warden of 
the standards." If the coins are found to be of stand- 
ard fineness and weight, within certain limits, a state- 
ment to that effect is testified to by the jurors, and 
handed over to the treasurer. The coins to be tested 
are kept in the ancient chapel of the pyx at Westmin- 
ster Abbey, in joint custody of the lords of the Treas- 
ury and the comptroller general. This custom was first 
ordered during the thirty-second year of the reign of 
King Henry II. (1154-1189), and took place occasion- 
ally in subsequent reigns, whenever royalty chose to 
order it. King James was present at one of the cere- 
monies in 1611. There was one held at the exchequer 
office July 17, 1861, and the next February 15, 1870. 
During the year 1870 a coinage act was passed by Par- 
liament providing for an annual trial of the pyx, and 
the ceremony has been observed each year since then. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 265 

Hub of the Universe. — A name applied to Boston, 
Massachusets, in derision of its pretensions to great im- 
portance. 

Hudson's Bay Company. — This company was 
started in 1670 by means of a charter granted to Prince 
Eupert and seventeen other noblemen and gentlemen by 
Charles II. The charter secured to them, the absolute 
proprietorship, subordinate sovereignity, and exclusive 
traffic of an undefined territory which, under the name of 
Kupert's Land, comprised all the regions discovered, or 
to be discovered, within the entrance of Hudson^s 
Strait. In 1821 they obtained a license for the mo- 
nopoly of trade in the vast regions lying to the west of 
the original grant. At this time the Hudson^s Bay Com- 
pany and the Northwest Fur Company amalgated, and 
the monopoly of trade was held conjointly. In 1838 
the former company obtained a renewal of the license 
for themselves alone, which ran until 1859. Since that 
date the district has been open to all. 

Hunkers. —A name applied to the faction of the 
Democratic party in New York opposed to the Barn- 
burners. They were the conservative wing, and were 
in harmony with the Democratic national administra- 
tion. Subsequently they were known as the Hards, or 
Hard Shells. {See Free Soil Party.) The origin of 
the name Hunkers is uncertain. This name has at 
various times been applied to the conservative wing of 
the Democratic party in other States. 

I am a Republican, Who Carried His Sover- 
eignty Under His Own Hat — This remark, origin- 
ally made by A. W. Campbell, of West Virginia, in the 
Eepublican national convention of 1880, was quoted 
with approval by George William Curtis, on June 4, 
1884, at the Eepublican national convention held in 
Chicago. The occasion was similar, namely the opposi- 
tion of a motion declaring that every member of the 
convention was in honor bound to support the candidate 
it might select, whoever he might be, and that no man 
who would not agree to give such support was entitled 



266 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

to hold a seat in the convention. Curtis made a brill- 
iant speech, commencing, ''A Eepublican and a free 
man I came to this convention, and by the grace of G-od 
a Eepublican and a free man will I go out of \i" and 
the obnoxious motion was withdrawn. ^'I carry my 
sovereignty under my hat/^ has become the watchword 
of the Independents. Curtis was one of the prominent 
leaders against Blaine, the Eepublican candidate, in the 
campaign of 1884. 

I am Not Worth Purchasing ; but, such as I 
am, the King of Great Britain is Not Rich 
Enough to do It. — This was the reply of General 
Joseph Eeed, a member of the Continental Congress, to 
an offer of £10,000 and any colonial office in the king's 
gift, as the price of his influence to restore the colonies 
to Great Britain. The offer was made through a lady 
soon after the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British 
in 1778. 

Idaho was acquired by the Louisiana purchase. 
{See Annexations I,) It formed successively a part of 
Oregon and of Washington Territories. It was sep- 
rately organized by Act of March 3, 1863, and was ad- 
mitted to the Union as a State by Act of July 3, 1890. 
It is entitled to one seat in the House of Eepresenta- 
tives and three electoral votes. The population accord- 
ing to the last census (1890) was 84,385. The capital is 
Boise City. {8ee Governors; Legislatures.) 

I do not Feel that I Shall Prove a Dead-head 
in the Enterprise if I Once Embark in it. I See 
Various Channels in which I Know I Can be 
Useful. — These are the closing sentences of James Gr. 
Blaine^s letter to Warren Fisher, dated June 29, 1869. 
They came into common use in the presidential cam- 
paign of 1884. [8ee Mulligan Letters.) 

I'd Rather be Right than be President of 
the United States. — Henry Clay, though he favored 
a high tariff, in 1833 introduced a bill reducing the then 
existing duties. {See Tariffs of the United States.) Its 
object was to pacify the agricultural States, which had 
objected vehemently. In South Carolina the oppositioii 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 267 

had taken a very serious form. (/See XulUfication.) His 
friends told Clay that his chances for the presidency 
would be injured thereby. His reply is given above. 

If a Crow Wants to Fly Down the Shenan- 
doah, He Must Carry His Provisions With 
Him. — In 1864^ after defeating the Confederate General 
Early, General Sheriden devastated the valley of the 
Shenandoah in order to prevent any further movements 
on Washington from that quarter. So thoroughly was 
this done that the above remark is said fairly to describe 
its condition at that time. 

If Any One Attempts to Haul Down the 
American Flag, Shoot Him on the Spot. — In 
December, 1860, General John A. Dix, Secretary of the 
Treasury, ordered two revenue cutters from New Orleans 
to New York. New Orleans was at that time practically 
in the hands of secessionists, and the captain of one of 
the cutters refused to obey the order. Dix telegraphed 
to the lieutenant to place the captain under arrest, and 
closed his dispatch as above. 

I Have Just Given to England a Maritime 
Rival that Will Sooner or Later Humble Her 
Pride. — The remark made by Napoleon on the purchase 
of Louisiana from France. 

mini. {See American Knights.) 

I'll Try, Sir. — During the battle of Dundy's Lane in 
the War of 1812, a certain British battery was doing 
great damage to the Americans. Colonel Miller was 
asked if he could take it and answered as above. The 
saying has become historic. 

lUuminati. — A Latin word meaning the enlightened. 
It had been used by different sects in Europe at differ- 
ent times. In United States history the name was 
used to denote certain societies of French sympathizers 
about the year 1799. 

Immigration. — Prior to the year 1820 no official 
records of the arrival of alien passengers were kept. It 
is estimated, however, that the total number arrived in 
the IJnited States from 1775 to the year 1820 was 250,- 
000, It has been estimated that prior to the year 1856 



268 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



about 98 per cent, of the total aliens arrived were immi- 
grants. The following table shows the number of aliens 
up to 1859, and the number of immigrants subsequent 
to that date arriving in the United States between 1824 
and 1892: 



Year. 



Alien 
Passengers. 



1824 7,912 

1825 10,199 

1826 10,837 

1827 18,875 

1828 27,382 

1829 22,520 

1830 23,322 

1831 22,633 

1832 60,482 

1833 58,640 

1834 65,365 

1835 45,374 

1836 76,242 

1837 79,340 

1838 38,914 

1839 68,069 

1840 84,066 

1841 80,289 

1842 104,565 

1843 52,496 

1844 78,615 

1845 114,371 

1846 154,416 

1847 234,968 

1848 226,527 

1849 297,024 

1850 369,980 

1851 279,466 

1852 371,603 

1853 368,645 

1554 427,833 

1855 200,877 

1856 195,857 

1857 246,945 

1858 , 119,501 

1859 118,616 



Year. 



Immigrants. 



1860 150,237 

1861 89,724 

1862 89,007 

1863 174,524 

1864 193,195 

1865 247,453 

1866 167,757 

Fiscal Year Ending June 30: 

1867 298,967 

1868 282,189 

1869 352,768 

1870 387,203 

1871 321,350 

1872 404,806 

1873 459,803 

1874 313.339 

1875 227;498 

1876 169,986 

1877 141,857 

1878 138,469 

1879 177,826 

1880 457,257 

1881 669,431 

1882 788,992 

1883 603,322 

1884 518,502 

1885 395,346 

1886 *334,303 

1887 *490, 109 

1888 546,889 

1889 444,427 

1890 455,302 

1891 560,319 

Total *. 15,814,923 



* Immigrants from Canada and Mexico not included. 



The nationality of immigrants to the United States for the year ending June 
30,1891, was as follows: Gtermans, 113,554; English, 53,600; Irish, 55,706; Italians 
76,055; Swedes, 36,880; Scotch, 12,557; Norwegians, 12.568; Danes, 10,659; 
Swiss, 6,811; French, 6,766; Europe, not specified, 158,829: total Europe, 543- 
985; all others, 16,334. Of the whole number of immigrants, 448,403 came 
through the customs district of New- York, 40,694 through Baltimore, 30,951 
through Boston, 26,152 through Philadelphia, and 114,119 through all others. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 269 

The reported occupations of immigrants who arrived during the year 
ending June 30, 1891, were as follows: Laborers, 139,365; farmers, 29,296; 
servants, 28,625; carpenters, 3,776, miners, 3,745; clerks, 3,653; tailors, 3,879; 
shoe-makers, 2,232; blacksmiths, 1,792; The total number of professional 
men was 3,236, of skilled laborers, 44,540; of unskilled and miscellaneous, 
211,756. (See Population of the United States.) 

Illinois. — From the old Indiana Territory {see Terri- 
tories) Michigan Territory was separated in 1805 and 
Illinois Territory in 1809, the latter including much of 
the region north of the present limits of the State. 
Illinois was admitted as a State on December 3, 1818. 
The capital is Springfield. The population in 1880 was 
3,077,871, and in the last census (1890) 3,826,351. Illi- 
nois is entitled to twenty seats in the House of Eepre- 
sentatives and twenty-two electoral votes. The latter 
can be relied on by the Eepnblican party. The name is 
taken from its principal river, which in turn is derived 
from the Indian tribe of the Illini, supposed to mean 
'^^ superior men.*^ Popularly the State is called the 
Prairie, or Sucker, State, and its inhabitants ^^ suckers.^'' 
{See Governors; Legislatures.) 

Impeachment is the accusation and prosecution by 
a legislative body of an officer for mal-administration. 
The portions of the Constitution relating to impeach- 
ment are as follows: Article 1, section 2, clause 5; Ar- 
ticle 1, section 3, clauses 6 and 7; Article 2, section 4. 
The President, Yice-President and all civil officers of 
the United States are liable to impeachment for treason, 
bribery or other high, crimes and misdemeanors. The 
House of Eepresentatives has the sole right of impeach- 
ment, drawing up the accusation and appointing persons 
to conduct the prosecution before the Senate. The 
accused is tried by the Senate, over which, when the 
President is impeached, the Chief -Justice of the Supreme 
Court presides. A two-thirds vote of the Senators pres- 
ent is necessary to conviction. Punishment only ex- 
tends to removal from, and disqualification to hold, 
office under the United States, but the convicted person 
is still liable to an ordinary trial according to law. The 
President has not the power to pardon in cases of im- 
peachment. Impeachments of State officers are pro- 



270 DICTIQNAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

vided for by the Constitutions of the various States. 
kSeven impeachments of federal officers are known to 
our history. Only two of these resulted in convictions. 
I. — William Blount was a Senator from Tennessee. Cer- 
tain papers which President Adams transmitted to Con- 
gress in July, 1797, showed that Blount had, while 
Governor of his State, been engaged in a scheme for 
transferring by force from Spain to G-reat Britain the 
territory on the Lower Mississippi. He was expelled 
from the Senate. A year later the House presented 
articles of impeachment, and the trial commenced in 
December, 1798. One of the points raised by Blount's 
counsel was that he, as Senator, was not a *^^ civil 
officer,^' and consequently not liable to impeachment, 
and the Senate upheld this plea and acquitted Blount 
for want of jurisdiction. II. — John Pickering was United 
States District Judge for the district of New Hampshire. 
In March, 1803, he was impeached and tried for making 
unlawful decisions, and for drunkenness and profanity 
on the bench. By a party vote, the Federalists voting 
in his favor, he was convicted on March 12th and re- 
moved from office. III. — Samuel Chase, of Maryland, 
was an Associate-Justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. In the latter part of 1804 he was im- 
peached for unwarranted actions in several political 
trials, and for language reflecting on the government. 
The trial began on January 2, 1805. On some of the 
articles of impeachment a majority were in his favor; 
on others a majority were against him. The largest 
vote for conviction on any one article was nineteen to 
fifteen. He was therefore acquitted on March 1, 1805, 
and held his judicial position till his death, about six 
years later. lY. — James H. Peck was United States Dis- 
trict Judge for the district of Missouri. He was im- 
peached for arbitrary conduct in a judicial proceeding. 
The trial commenced on December 13, 1830, and he was 
pronounced not guilty, twenty-one voting for convic- 
tion and twenty-four for acquittal. V. — West H. 
Humphreys was United States District Judge for the 
district of Tennessee. He failed to resign his seat 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 271 

though engaged on the Confederate side during the 
Civil War^ and was consequently impeached and con- 
victed on June 26, 1862, by a unanimous vote. VI. — 
Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, had 
come into sharp conflict with Congress on the questions 
connected with reconstruction, and the breach between 
the executive and the national legislature widened till 
it grew into an impeachment — the only impeachment of 
a President in our history, and one of the most noted 
in the world^s history. On March 2, 1867, Congress 
passed what is known as the Tenure of Office Act. [See 
Term and Tenure of Office.) It was vetoed by the 
President and passed over his veto. Edwin M. Stanton,. 
Secretary of War, was not willing to lend himself to 
Johnson^s schemes of reconstruction. Therefore, on 
August 12, 1867, the President suspended him and 
appointed General Grant secretary ad interim. "When 
the Senate met, the President laid his reasons for the 
suspension before it, but that body, in January, refused 
its sanction, and Stanton therefore resumed his office. 
On February 21, 1868, Johnson again removed Stanton 
and appointed in his place General Lorenzo Thomas. 
Stanton, supported by a resolution of the Senate, re- 
fused to vacate his office. The House of Representatives 
on February 24tli adopted a resolution for the impeach- 
ment of Johnson by a vote which stood: yeas 126, nays 
47, not voting 17; and on the 25th a committee of the 
House appeared before the Senate and impeached the 
President. The House appointed to conduct the prose- 
cution, John A. Bingham, of Ohio; George S. Bout- 
well and Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts; James 
F. "Wilson, of Iowa; Thomas "Williams and Thaddeus 
Stevens, of Pennsylvania, and John A. Logan, of Illi- 
nois. The President was represented by the following 
counsel: Henry Stanbery and W. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio; 
William M. Evarts, of l^ew York; Thomas A. R. Nel- 
son, of Tennessee, and Benjamin R. Curtis, of Massa- 
chusetts. The articles of impeachment, eleven in 
number, were presented to the Senate on March 5th. 
In brief, they charged that the President, in violation 



2^^ DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

of the Tenure of Office Act, had removed Stanton and 
appointed Thomas; that he had been guilty of intimi- 
dation of the former and of an attempt to seize unlaw- 
fully the property and money of the War Department; 
that he had declared that the Thirty-ninth Congress 
was not a legally constituted body; and that he had 
failed to properly execute its acts. The counsel for the 
President replied that the removal of Stanton and the 
appointment of Thomas did not come within the pro- 
visions of the Tenure of OMce Act, but were legal ac- 
cording to the laws of 1789 and 1795, which were the 
only controlling ones in this case; that he was not 
guilty of the other charges, except those in regard to 
his declarations concerning Congress, and that as to 
those he was protected by the rights of freedom of 
opinion and freedom of speech. The Senate was or- 
ganized as a court for the trial of the President on 
March 5th, Chief-Justice Salmon P. Chase, presiding. 
After various preliminaries, the taking of evidence com- 
menced on March 30th. This was finished by April 
20th, and by May 6tli the counsel had finished their 
arguments. On May 16th a vote was taken on the 
article which concerned Johnson^s declaration as to the 
constitutionality of the Thirty-ninth Congress and his 
desire to prevent the enforcement of its acts. The vote 
lacked one of a sufficient number to convict. It stood 
thirty-five for conviction and nineteen for acquittal, 
seven Eepublicans voting in the minority with the twelve 
Democratic members of the Senate. On May 26th a 
vote was taken on the articles involving the legality of 
Thomas' appointment with the same result. No vote 
was taken on the other articles, the court adjourned sine 
die, and by direction of Chief -Justice Chase a verdict of 
acquittal was entered. YII. — William W. Belknap in 1876 
was Secretary of AYar under Grant. On the 2d of 
March, 1876, the House unanimously voted to impeach 
Belknap for having received at different times $24,450 
for appointing and retaining in office a post-trader at 
Port Sill, Indian Territory. A few hours before this 
resolution was passed Belknap had resigned his office 



blCTlON^ARV OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



273 



and Grant accepted the resignation. On April 4tli the 
articles of impeachment were presented to the Senate. 
Belknap claimed that being no longer a civil officer of 
the United States he was not liable to impeachment. 
During May the Senate debated this question, and finally 
by a vote of thirty-seven to twenty-nine, declared that it 
had jurisdiction notwithstanding the resignation. Dur- 
ing July the trial proceeded, and on August 1st a vote 
was taken. On three of the articles the vote stood 
thirty-six to twenty-five for conviction, on another 
thirty-five to twenty-five for conviction, and on another 
thirty-seven to twenty-five for conviction, the minority 
holding that Belknap, being out of office, was not liable 
on impeachment proceedings. As the necessary two- 
thirds vote was not obtained, Belknap was acquitted. 

Imports. (^See Exports and Imports.) 

Impressment. {8ee War of 1^12.) 

Incidental Protection. {8ee Tariffs of the United 
States. ) 

Income Tax. — An income tax has been levied by 
the United States Government but once in its history, 
and then it was established because of the necessity for 
revenue caused by the Civil War. An act passed in 1861 
created a tax of three per cent, on incomes of $800 per 
annum and over. The rates of taxation, the amounts 
of the incomes taxed, and the proportion of the income 
exempt from taxation, were changed by various acts till 
in 1872 it was abolished. The amounts collected by this 
tax are given in the following table: 



1863 $ 2,741,858 

1864 20,294,732 

1865 32,050,017 

1866 72,982,159 

1867 66,014,429 



1868 $41,455,598 

1869 34,791,856 

1870 37,775,874 

1871 19,162,651 

1872 14,436,862 



Some arrears have since been collected, making the 
total derived from the income tax $346,911,760.48. {8ee 
Internal Revenue.) 

Independents. — This name is applied in politics to 
voters whose party fealty is not so strong as to bind them 
to the support of the nominee of their party if they dis- 



274 DICrjONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

approve of him personally, or to members of a legislative 
body acting separately from parties either because chosen 
so to do or chosen on a fusion ticket. The latest instance 
was the movement caused by the nomination in 1884 of 
Blaine by the Republicans in causing the defection of a 
large body of Independents whose action in the State of 
New York probably decided the contest. {^8ee Pivotal 
State. ) The leaders in this revolt were George W. Cur- 
tis, Carl Schurz and others. 

Independence Now and Independence Forever. 
i^8ee Sink or Swim, etc.) 

Independent Party. — The formal name of the 
Greenback-Labor party in 1876. The nominees of the 
party in that year were Peter Cooper and Samuel F. 
Cary. 

Independent Treasury. {See Suh- Treasury Sys- 
tem. ) 

Indiana. — In 1800 the Northwest Territory [see Ter- 
ritories) was divided, Ohio being separated and the re- 
mainder being called Indiana Territory; from this in 
1805 Michigan Territory was cut off, and in 1809 Illinois 
Territory; what remained was admitted as a State to the 
Union December 11, 1816. The capital is Indianapolis. 
The population in 1§80 was 1,978,301, and in the last 
census (1890) 2,192,404. Indiana has thirteen Congress- 
men and fifteen electoral votes. In national politics the 
State cannot be considered sure for either party, though 
it is generally Eepublican. Since 1860 it has been Ee- 
publican, except in 1876 and 1884 when it was Demo- 
cratic, owing probably to the name of one of its popular 
citizens, Hendricks, on that ticket. The name of the State 
was formed from the word '^^ Indian^'; popularly its 
name is the Hoosier State and the inhabitants are called 
Hoosiers. (See Hoosiers; Governors; Legislatures.) 

Indiana Territory. (See Territories.) 

Indian Territory. — Tlie larger part of this region 
was acquired by the Louisana purchase. (See Annexa- 
tions I.) It is an unorganized territory of the United 
States, set aside for Indian tribes and public lands by act 
of June 30, 1834, but its extent has been diminished 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POIITICS. 275 

from time to time. The population in 1880 v/as esti- 
mated at 70,000. i^See Ohlalioma Boomers; Cimarron.') 
Indian Wars. — From the earhest years of our history 
difficulties have been constantly occurring with the In- 
dians within our borders. Only one of these has had 
any special political significance, and but a brief refer- 
ence to some of the principal Indian wars will be at- 
tempted. From 1790 to 1795 a war was waged with the 
Miami Confederacy in Ohio and neighboring territory. 
Generals Harmar and St. Clair met with reverses, but 
General Wayne crushed the outbreak in 1793. The In- 
dians of the West formed a conspiracy some years later 
under Tecumseh and Elkswatama the Prophet, renewed 
hostilities, and were defeated in 1811 at Tippecanoe by 
General Harrison. During the war of 1812 the Northern 
Indians joined their forces with the British and gave us 
much trouble; they, together with the British, were de- 
feated at the Eiver Thames in 1813 by Harrison, and 
Tecumseh was killed. In the same year and the next 
General Andrew Jackson conducted operations against 
the Creeks in the South, who were brought to terms by 
victories at Tallushatchie, Talladega and the Horse Shoe 
Bend of the Tallapoosa Eiver. In 1817 the Seminoles 
in Georgia and Alabama showed signs of hostility. Gen- 
eral Jackson subdued them in the spring of the next 
year. In carrying out his campaign, thinking the Span- 
lards had encouraged the Indians, Jackson entered 
Florida, then a Spanish possession, and captured St. 
Marks. He seized two Englishmen, Arbuthnot and Am- 
brister, who were tried by court-martial on a charge of 
inciting the Indians, found guilty and executed. He 
then took possession of Pensacola and captured Fort 
Barrancas on the shore of the bay after a slight resist- 
ance. The execution of two British subjects raised such 
a storm of indignation in England that another war was 
threatened, but the English ministry admitted the justice 
of the act. Jackson^'s enemies endeavored to have Con- 
gress pass a vote of censure, but that body and the Presi- 
dent supported him. Spain also complained of his pro- 
ceeding, but without effect. (^8ee Annexations II.) In 



276 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

1831 and 1832 the Sacs, Foxes and Winnebagoes, led by 
Black Hawk, refused to leave lands which they had ceded 
to the government, but the Black Hawk War, as the result- 
ing disturbance is called, was soon ended and the leader 
captured. In 1836 and 1837 there were minor disturb- 
ances in the South with the Creeks and Chicopees, con- 
nected with their removal west of the Mississippi. From 
1835 to 1843 the Seminoles in Florida, led by Osceola, 
were in arms, refusing to remove to Western reserva- 
tions. In December, 1835, Major Dade with a force of 
over a hundred men fell into an ambush and all but four 
of the command perished. Various battles were fought, 
but the Indians prolonged the war among the swamps of 
Florida for seven years. Colonel Zachary Taylor was 
among the leaders of our troops. Finally, after the ex- 
penditure of many men and much money the persistent 
Indians were removed to the West. In 1872 the Modoc 
Indians in Oregon refused to go upon a designated reser- 
vation. They retreated before the troops to a volcanic 
region known as the lava-beds and could not be con- 
quered. A peace conference held with them in April, 
1873, was broken up by their treacherous murder of 
General Canby and Dr. Thomas.. About the first of 
June, however. General Davis forced them to surrender; 
Captain Jack, their leader, and others were executed. 
In 1876 the Sioux Indians gave trouble in the Black 
Hills region on the borders of Montana and Wyoming. 
A large force of regulars was sent against them under 
Generals Terry, Crook, Custer and Eeno. On June 25, 
1876, the two latter attacked at different points a large 
Indian village situated on the Little Horn Eiver. Gen- 
eral Custer was killed with 261 men of the Seventh Cav- 
alry and 52 were wounded. Eeno held his ground till 
saved by re enforcements. Additional troops were sent 
to the spot and the Indians were defeated in several en- 
gagements, and in the beginning of 1877 the Indian 
chief. Sitting Bull, escaped to Canada. In 1877 trouble 
with the Nez Perce Indians of Idaho, led by their chief 
Joseph, came to a head. General Howard was sent 
against them, they were soon hemmed in, and in October 



Die TIONA RY OF A M ERICA N POII TICS 277 

were completely defeated by Colonel Miles. In 1879 
an outbreak of the Ute Indians cost the lives of the gov- 
ernment agent Major Thornburgh and a number of 
soldiers before it was quelled. 

Ingalls, John James, was born in Middleton, 
Massachusetts, December 29, 1833. He is a graduate 
of Williams College and a lawyer by profession. In 1858 
he moved to Kansas, holding several territorial offices. 
In 1873, he entered the United States Senate and was 
constantly re-elected until 1891 when he was defeated 
by the Farmers Alliance candidate. He was President 
pro tempore of the Senate from 1887 to 1891. 

Innocuous Desuetude. — March 1, 1886, President 
Cleveland sent a special message to the Senate on the 
subject of removals from office. In it he used the above 
words in referring to certain laws which had become 
dead letters. 

Insolvent Laws. {See Banhruptcy.) 

Insurrection. — The Constitution, Article 1, section 
8, clause 15, gives Congress the power to call forth the 
militia to suppress insurrections. Acts were passed in 
1792, 1795 and 1807, giving the President power to call 
forth the militia when notified by an associate justice of 
the Supreme Court or a district judge that the execution 
of the laws is obstructed, and on application of a legis- 
lature or a governor, when the legislature could not be 
convened, and to employ also the land and naval forces 
of the TJnited States. The Whisky Insurrection was 
directed against the federal authority, and the President 
employed force to suppress it on notification by the fed- 
eral judge. During the Buckshot War the Covernor of 
Pennsylvania asked for assistance, but it was refused. 
The Grovernor of Ehode Island made a similar applica- 
tion during the Dorr Eebellion and the regulars were 
held ready for action, but their aid proved unnecessary. 
These last two cases came under Article 4, section 4, of 
the Constitution, which provides that '^ that the United 
States shall protect^" each State ^^on application of the 
legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature 
cannot be convened), against domestic violence.^'' When 



278 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

the Civil War broke out, the President was obliged to 
take prompt steps in calling out the militia, though no 
application had been made to him as required by the 
acts of 1792 and 1795. His action was jastified by Ar- 
ticle %, section 3, of the Constitution, providing that 
'^ he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, ^^ 
but Congress on August 6, 1861, formally validated and 
made legal all Lincoln^s previous acts, proclamations and 
orders. The Force Bill of April 20, 1871, gave the 
President power to call forth the militia and to employ 
the forces of the United States to suppress disorders in- 
tended to deprive any portion of the people of their con- 
stitutional rights, even if the State authorities should be 
unwilling to restore order. During the reconstruction 
period federal troops were called for in all the States 
that had seceded, except G-eorgia and Florida, to pre- 
serve the peace, which had been disturbed by attempts 
to overthrow the newly established Eepublican adminis- 
trations in those States. During the railroad strikes in 
1877 federal troops were employed with good effect in 
Pennsylvania and in Baltimore. 

Interior, Department of the. -One of the executive 
departments of the government, established in 1849 and 
called Home Department in the title of the act creating 
it. To it was assigned the charge of patents, copy- 
rights, censuses, public documents, public lands, mines 
and mining, judicial accounts, Indian affairs and pen- 
sions. To these were subsequently added railroads, pub- 
lic surveys, territories, Pacific railways and the charge of 
certain charitable institutions of the District of Colum- 
bia. The Secretary of the Interior is at the head of the 
department; his principal subordinates and their salaries 
are given below: 

SALAKY 

Assistant Secretary $4,500 

Assistant Secretary 4,000 

Chief Clerk 2,750 

Commissioner of Patents 5,000 

Commissioner of Pensions 5,000 

Commissioner of Land Office 4,000 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs 4,000 

Commissioner of Railroads 4,500 

Commissioner of Education 3,000 

Commissioner of Labor 5,000 

Director Geological Survey 6,000 

. Chief Census Division ,...,. 6,000 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 279 

The Secretary receives a salary of $8^000; he is ap- 
pointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, 
and is (by custom, not by law) a member of the Presi- 
dent's Cabinet. A list of the Secretaries of the Interior 
is appended: 



Thomas Ewing-, Ohio.. 1849-1850 

James A. Pearce, Maryland 1850-1850 

Thomas M. T. McKennon, Pennsylvania 1850-1850 

Alexander H. H. Stuart, Virginia 1850-1853 

Robert McClelland, Michig-an ... 1853-1857 

Jacob Thompson, Mississippi 1857-1861 

Caleb B. Smith, Indiana 1861-1863 

John P. Usher, Indiana, Jan. 8, 1863, and re-ap- 
pointed March, 4 and April 15, 1865 1863-1865 

James Harlan, Iowa 1865-1866 

O. H. Browning, Illinois 1866-1869 

Jacob D. Cox, Ohio 1869-1870 

Columbus Delano, Ohio, 1870, and re-appointed 

March 4, 1873 1873-1875 

Zachariah Chandler, Jlichigan 1875-1877 

Carl Schurz, Missouri 1877-1881 

Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa 1881-1882 

Henry M. Teller, Colorado 1882-1885 

L. Q. C. Lamar, Mississippi 1885-1887 

William F. Vilas, Wisconsin 1887-1889 

John W. Noble, Missouri 1889 .... 

Interior, Secretary of the. {See Interior, Depart- 
ment of the.) 

Internal Improvements. — Prom the beginning of 
this government until the year 1 860 the question of a 
system of internal improvements carried on by the gen- 
eral government was a party question. The Republican 
(Democratic-Republican)^ and after it the Democratic 
party as the party of strict construction^ opposed such 
a system. Improvements, the property in which remains 
in the general government, as light-houses and the like, 
were not opposed, but improvements on rivers and roads, 
the benefits of which passes to the States, were the objects 
of attack. Most of the earlier States were on the sea- 
coast, and the improvement of their harbors was at first 
carried on by means of tonnage taxes on the commerce 
of the port, levied with the consent of Congress (see 
Constitution, Article 1, section 10, clause 3). Bat a tax 
on tonnage is a tax on the consumer of the goods carried 
in the vessel, and the growth of inland States rendered 



280 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

it unjust thus indirectly to tax them in the price of ar- 
ticles consumed in order to improve the harbors of the 
sea-coast States, and although this practice was in iso- 
lated cases continued until the middle of the century, it 
was generally discontinued much earlier. As early as 
1806 the improvement of roads by the National gov- 
ernment was conceived in order to indemnify the in- 
terior States {see Cumlerland Road), and in 1823 the 
improvement by the National government directly of 
rivers and harbors was begun. The Republican (Demo- 
cratic-Eepublican) Presidents, Jefferson, Madison and 
Monroe, opposed these improvements as unconstitu- 
tional, although toward the end of his term Monroe be- 
came more favorable to the system. John Quincy Adams 
was a warm advocate thereof and Jackson its stern op- 
ponent. Although the Democrats opposed any general 
system of improvements they continued to apply funds 
to particular purposes. The Whigs now adopted the 
system originated by the Democrat Jackson, namely, the 
distribution of the surplus among the States. {See Sur- 
plus. ) But once did the Whigs attempt to put this into 
execution, and then in 1841 the veto of President Tyler, 
at odds with his party in Congress, put an end to that 
scheme, which has not since been revived. The intro- 
duction of railroads has done away with the question of 
improvements for roads, while a system of assistance to 
the railroads by means of the grant of land along the 
line of their route has sprung up. These grants have 
been made to many railroads in new sections of the 
country; enormous tracts, in several cases between forty 
and fifty million acres being so granted. From this 
policy a revulsion has now set in, and the present ten- 
dency is to the recovery of as much of the land so granted 
as has not been earned by a strict compliance with the 
terms of the grant. To this both of the great political 
parties stand committed. {See Party Platforms.) The 
aid rendered the Pacific railroads is referred to under 
that head. In 1860 both parties favored the completion 
of this work by the government. {See also River and 
Harlor Bills.) 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 281 

Internal Revenue. — The moneys collected under 
the internal revenue bureau in the Treasury Department 
are called the internal revenue of the IJnited States. 
The term includes most of the receipts from national 
taxes except customs duties^ but as commonly restricted 
it does not embrace receipts from the sale of public 
lands, patent fees, postal receipts, and the like, which 
are really sources of internal revenue. Under Article 
1, section 8, clause 1, of the Constitution, Congress has 
power ^' to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
excises . . . but all duties, imposts and excises 
shall be uniform throughout the United States. ^^ Sec- 
tion 9, clause 4, of the same article, provides that direct 
taxes shall be apportioned among the States only in 
proportion to the population. The first internal revenue 
tax imposed by Congress was by the Act of March 3, 1791, 
which provided for a tax on distilled spirits of domestic 
manufacture, discriminating in favor of those produced 
from domestic materials and against those produced 
from foreign materials. The enforcement of this tax 
led to the Whisky Insurrection (which see). In 1794 
taxes were levied on carriages, retail selling of wines 
and foreign distilled liquors, on snuff, sugar and sales 
at auction. In 1797 taxes were laid on stamped vellum, 
parchment and paper. In 1798 the first direct tax of 
its kind, one of 12,000,000, was apportioned among the 
States, and it was proposed that it should be levied on 
dwelling-houses, slaves and lajid. The tax of 1791 was 
levied to establish the principle of national taxation; 
that of 1794 from fear of hostilities with England* that 
of 1798 because of the threatened war with France. 
On Jefferson^s accession to the presidency, and on his 
recommendation, all internal taxes were repealed in 
1802, and no others were authorized till 1813. Then 
the war with England necessitated an increased revenue, 
and most of the old taxes were re-imposed. These were 
to cease a year after the close of the war, for the main- 
tenance of which they were levied, but they were after- 
ward continued for a while for the payment of the 
national debt. In 1814 increased need of money led to 



282 DICTION AR V OF AMERICA AT POLITICS. 

an augmentation in the amount of these direct and 
other internal taxes, and to the first imposition of taxes 
on other domestic manufactures than sugar, snuff and 
spirits, such as iron, candles, hats, playing-cards, um- 
brellas, beer, ale, harness, boots, plate, household furni- 
ture, gold and silver watches, etc. The return of peace 
brought the abolition of direct taxes, excise duties and 
other internal taxes, and from 1818 to 1861 none of 
these were levied. The Civil War forced a renewal of 
the internal revenue system, and in 1861 a direct tax of 
120,000,000 was apportioned among the States, though 
it was not collected till a year later. On July 1, 1862, 
an exhaustive internal revenue act was passed, levying 
taxes on all sorts and kinds of articles too numerous to 
mention, on trades, incomes, sales, manufactures, lega- 
cies, etc. The bill was ill-considered and needed 
frequent modifications. More than twenty-five acts on 
the same subject were passed within the next six years. 
A few industries were taxed out of existence, but all 
were more or less disturbed. However, enormous reve- 
nues were raised and the people submitted without 
opposition to the necessities of the case. Extensive 
reductions were made after the war had ceased, by 
various acts in 1866, 1867 and 1868. Further reduc- 
tions were made in 1872, when, among others, stamp 
taxes, except that of two cents on checks, drafts and 
orders, were abolished. Various acts since 1872 have 
reduced the subjects of internal revenue taxation to 
their present numbers, tobacco, spirits, fermented 
liquors, bank circulation and, by Act of August 2, 
1886, oleomargarine. 

The total amount derived from internal revenue from 
1865 to 1891 inchisive, including commissions allowed 
on sales of adhesive stamps, was $3,965,454,451. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 283 

International Expositions. — The idea of an ex- 
hibition of the industries of all nations is said to have 
been suggested by Mr. Whishaw, secretary of the So- 
ciety of Arts, London, in 1844. The first direct move- 
ment in favor of it, however, was made by Prince 
Albert, the husband of Queen Victoria. He was presi- 
dent of the Society of Arts, and June 30, 1849, called a 
meeting of the society at Buckingham Palace, and pro- 
posed that it should take the initiative in getting up an 
industrial fair, to which all the countries of the world 
should be invited to contribute. The society at once 
took up the idea and used all the means in their power 
to promote it. Early in 1850 they appointed a formal 
commission, with Prince Albert at its head, to promote 
the scheme. A few days later a meeting was held at 
the Mansion House, London, to raise funds, and £10,- 
000 were at once subscribed. In a short time a guaran- 
tee fund of £200,000 was obtained and the project was 
fairly begun. The first nation to follow the brilliant 
example of Great Britain was, of course, the United 
States, and the second '^^ Exhibition of the Industry of 
All Nations " was opened at New York, July 14, 1853. 
It was held like that of Great Britain in a crystal pal- 
ace, a building constructed entirely of glass and iron, 
and built expressly for it. The preparation and man- 
augement of this exhibition were undertaken by a 
stock company. The exhibition on this occasion was 
probably even more complete and magnificent than that 
of Great Britain, for the idea had gained in favor now 
with all nations, and no civilized country failed to send 
samples of its best work in art and manufacture. This 
fair was open four months. Since then international 
exhibitions have been held in all the principal cities of 
Europe, and in this country the Centennial Exposition 
held at Philadelphia in 1876 demonstrated the popu- 
larity of these exhibitions. 

International Law consists of rules for the conduct 
of different nations and their subjects with respect to 
each other, which rules are deducted from reason, justice 



S84 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

and the nature of governments. In the ancient world 
one nation had few rights which another was bound to 
respect. International law in anything like a systematic 
shape is a modern product, and the general recognition 
of it is yet more recent. Many of its important princi- 
ples are still in the stage of development, though minor 
questions, such as the treatment of embassadors, have 
long been settled. Treaties, declarations of war and in- 
ternational documents and discussions generally, together 
with the works of great writers, constitute the body of 
international law. It may be divided into three depart- 
ments: first, principlesi&regulating the conduct of states 
to each other; second, principles regulating the rights 
and obligations of individuals arising out of international 
relations; third, principles regulating the conduct of in- 
dividuals as affected by the internal laws of other 
nations. International law differs from the internal law 
of States in this, that there is no final authority to com- . 
pel its observance or punish its breach; yet public 
opinion and combinations of other nations are a potent 
check on the one that would disregard its obligations. 
During the last generation much has been done to secure 
recognition from civilized nations of certain general 
rules governing their actions toward each other, such as 
the rights of neutrals and the question of blockades, and 
long steps have been taken toward the substitution of 
arbitration in place of war in the settlement of interna- 
tional disputes. 

Inter-State Commerce Act, The, was passed by the 
Senate January 14, 1887, by a vote of 45 to 15, and by 
the House on January 21, 1887, by a vote of 178 to 41; 
it was approved by President Cleveland February 4, 1887. 
The act provides for the appointment of an Inter-State 
Commerce Commission, consisting of five members. 
These shall not be connected in any way with common 
carriers subject to the provisions of the act, nor are they 
to engage in other business; not more than three are to 
be of the same political party; they are appointed by the 
President and confirmed by the Senate, the first mem- 
bers for the terms of two, three, four, five and six years 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICA JV POLITICS, 2S6 

respectively, ana their successors for ttie terms of six 
years each; they each receive a salary of 17,500 per an- 
num. The act applies to common carriers conveying 
merchandise or passengers between one State, Territory 
or the District of Columbia, to another one of those di- 
visions. Unjust and unreasonable charges and unjust 
discrimination are prohibited; the latter is defined to be 
the demanding from one person of greater compensa- 
tion than is asked from another for a like service. It is 
made unlawful to give undue advantage to one person, 
locality or kind of traffic over another, or to discriminate 
between connecting lines. The ^^long and short haul 
clause " provides that the rate for a short haul shall not 
equal nor exceed the rate for a long haul under like con- 
ditions, except as the Commission may provide or may 
relieve from the operations of this section. Freights 
cannot be pooled with connecting lines; schedules of 
rates, which must be conformed to, are to be made pub- 
lic, and ten days notice of any advance must be given. 
Combinations to prevent continuous carriage are pro- 
hibited. Persons suffering by reason of violations of the 
act may secure damages in the United States Courts, or 
they may complain to the Commission, who have power 
to compel the attendance of persons and the production 
of papers, and who shall investigate and order reparation 
or the ceasing of the violation of the act, and the circuit 
courts of the United States are given power to enforce 
these orders, subject to an appeal to the Supreme Court 
in certain instances. Each willful violation of the act is 
a misdemeanor punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000. 
Common carriers subject to the act are to submit annual 
reports to the commission; the commission is to make a 
yearly report to the Secretary of the Interior who shall 
transmit the same to Congress. Certain exceptions are 
made in the operation of the act; reduced rates may be 
granted on property for governmental and charitable 
purposes, for purposes of exhibitions and fairs, reduced 
rates may be made for excursion tickets, etc., and for 
ministers, and passes may be given to officers or em- 
ployes of railroads. The commission is at present 



286 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

constituted as follows: Jas. W. McGrill, of Iowa, chair- 
man; William R. Morrison, of Illinois, Augustus Schoon- 
maker, of New York, Alfred 0. Ohapin, of New York, 
and Wheelock G. Veazey, of Vermont. 

Inter-State Extradition. {See Extradition,) 

In the Line of Succession. — Thomas Jefferson was 
Secretary of State under Washington; James Madison 
held the office under Jefferson; James Monroe under 
Madison; John Quincy Adams under Monroe. Each 
one of these secretaries had subsequently become Presi- 
dent, in every case, except that of Jefferson, immedi- 
ately after the President under whom he served in that 
capacity. Henry Clay was Secretary of State under 
John Quincy Adams, and when in 1832 he ran for the 
presidency against Andrew Jackson, he was therefore said 
to be in the lineof succession. 

In the Name of the Great Jehovah and the 
Continental Congress.— In May, 1775, Ethan Allen 
surprised Fort Ticonderoga, then in the hands of the 
British. To AUen^s demand for surrender the com- 
mander replied, ^^By whose authority ?^^ to which Allen 
answered: ^'In the name of the Great Jehovah and the 
Continental Congress.''^ 

Invisible Empire. — A name by which the Ku-Klux 
Klan was sometimes known. 

Iowa. — This State originally constituted part of the 
region acquired by the Louisiana purchase. {See An- 
nexations /.) It formed at one time part of the Terri- 
tory of Missouri. {8ee Territories.) After the admis- 
sion of Missouri to the Union, Iowa was neglected till 
1834 when it was placed under the jurisdiction of Michi- 
gan; in 1836 it was transferred to Wisconsin, and in 
1838 was erected into the separate Territory of Iowa; it 
was admitted as a State December 28, 1846. The capital 
is Des Moines. The population in 1880 was 1,624,615, 
and inthe last census (1890) 1,911,896. Iowa is entitled 
to eleven Congressmen and thirteen electoral votes; it 
is Eepublican in politics. Its name is derived from its 
principal river, which in the Indian tongue is variously 
stated to mean ''the beautiful land,'^ ^'fche sleepy ones," 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 287 

and '^ this is the place ;^^ popularly it is called the Hawk- 
eye State. i^See Governors; Legislatures.^ 

I Propose to Fight it out on this Line, if it 
Takes all Summer. — This sentence was contained in 
the dispatch of General G-rant to the Secretary of War 
after the battle of Spottsylvania, May, 1864. 

Irish Vote. {See German Vote.) 

Iron-clad Oath of Office. — A popular name for the 
oath of office prescribed July 2, 1862, in which the 
person not only promises to defend the Constitution of 
the United States against all enemies, foreign or domes- 
tic, but also swears that he has never given aid or en- 
couragement to its enemies, or accepted office under any 
government hostile to the United States. 

Irrepressible Conflict. — The conflict beetween free- 
dom and slavery was referred to by William H. Seward 
in a speech delivered October 25, 1858. He declared 
that '''it is an irrepressible conflict between opposing 
and enduring forces. ''' 

I Was Born an American, I Live an Ameri- 
can, I Shall Die an American. — This sentence is 
from a speech of Daniel Webster, delivered July 17, 
1850. 

Jackson, Andrew, was born at Waxhaw Settlement, 
North Carolina, March 15, 1767, and died at ''The 
Hermitage,^' his residence near Nashville, Tennessee, 
January 8, 1845. As a boy he fought in the Eevolu- 
tionary army. He then studied law and was admitted 
to the bar. His early education had been neglected, nor 
was this shortcoming ever thoroughly repaired. He 
served in the House of Eepresentatives from 1796 to 
1797, and in the Senate from 1797 to 1798. He had 
made a name for himself in Tennessee as prosecuting 
attorney. He had won military glory in fights with the 
Indians, and his services in the Creek War increased 
his reputation. He was made a Major-General, and in 
1815 won the battle of New Orleans against the British. 
From 1823 to 1825 he again served as Senator, and in 
1824 was defeated for the presidency by John Quincy 
Adams. In the next presidential contest he defeated 



288 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Adams. As President he served two terms, from 1829 
to 1837. The principal events of his administration 
were Indian wars, controversies about the United States 
Bank, nullification troubles, tariff agitation and changes, 
and the removals from office effected by him. At the 
end of his second term he retired to private life at 
^'The Hermitage. '"^ Jackson was a Democrat. {^8e& 
Democratic- Repudlican Party.) From his time dates a 
new departure in the politics of this country, namely, 
the principle of rotation in office for the subordinate 
employes of the government and the distribution of the 
offices to political retainers as spoils of the campaign. 
In character Jackson was stern, bluff, uncompromising 
and most determined. It was due to his energy that 
the nullification troubles were so promptly quelled, and 
this same trait was well shown in the persistence of his 
fight against the United States Bank. His comment 
on a decision by the Supreme Court in the Cherokee 
Case is indicative of the man. He said: " Well, John 
Marshall has made his decision. Now let him enforce 
it.'^ {8ee Cherokee Case.) 

Jackson Men. — A name assumed by the followers 
of Andrew Jackson about 1828 to distinguish them 
from the followers of John Quincy Adams and Henry 
Clay. These latter, called at first Adams and Clay 
Eepublicans, came to be known as National Eepublicans, 
and they were one of the elements that subsequently 
formed the Whig party, while the Jackson men soon 
came to be known as Democrats merely. Jackson men 
were known also as Jackson Eepublicans. {See Demo- 
cratic-Republican Party; National Republican Party; 
Wliig Party.) 

Jack the Giant-Killer..— A nickname applied to 
John Eandolph, of Virginia, because in debate he com- 
pared himself to David and his opponent to Goliah. 

Jay, John, was born in New York City, December 
23, 1745, and died at Bedford, New York, May 17, 
1829. He was a graduate of Columbia and a lawyer by 
profession. He took part in the formation of a State 
Constitution in 1776, and served in the Continental 



DICTION A R r OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 389 

Congress from 1774 to 1777 and in 1778 and 1779, dur- 
ing the latter years as its president. He was also Chief- 
Justice of his State. In 1779 he became Minister to 
Spain, and in 1783 was one of the negotiators of the 
Treaty of Paris. He then became Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs until 1789, when he was appointed Chief -Justice 
of the United States. He was next engaged in the 
negotiation of the treaty that became known as Jay^s 
Treaty {which see). From 1795 to 1801 he was Gover- 
nor of New York State. He then retired to private 
life. 

Jay's Treaty. — The treaty of 1783, which closed the 
Eevolution, provided that the British should evacuate 
all forts within the territory of the United States. En- 
gland's delay in fulfilling this stipulation, her authoriza- 
tion to privateers to seize neutral vessels trading in the 
French West Indies, and the rights of search and im- 
pressment which she claimed, led President Washington 
in the early part of 1794 to appoint Chief -Justice John 
Jay minister extraordinary to Great Britain for the pur- 
pose of negotiating a treaty. The result of Jay's efforts 
was submitted to the Senate for ratification in June, 
1795, and soon received the sanction of that body and 
was completed by Washington's signature. It provided 
for a speedy evacuation of the forts on what were then 
our northern and northwestern frontiers, arranged for 
compensation for illegal seizures, and regulated commer- 
cial questions to some extent, but it recognized by impli- 
cation the right of search and was not wholly satisfactory 
in other points. The question of its endorsement by the 
government led to a bitter discussion, during which copies 
of the treaty and effigies of Jay were publicly burned 
and the most outrageous charges were made against 
Washington '^^ in terms," as he said, ^'^so exaggerated and 
indecent as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notori- 
ous defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket." The 
President, nevertheless, believing the treaty on the 
whole to be the best that could be obtained, lent the 
weight of his influence in its favor, and the House of 
Kepresentatives in Aprils 1796, by a Yote of 51 to 46 



290 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

finally decided to carry it into efiect. The discussion in 
the House gave occasion to Fisher Ames^ of Massachu- 
setts, for a remarkable speech in defense of the treaty. 

Jefferson Democrats. {See Clintoyiian Democrats.) 

Jeffersonian Democrat. — Democrats delight in ap- 
plying this designation to any public man of their party 
whose simplicity, directness, sympathy with the people 
and views on public economy meet their approbation. 

Jeffersonian Simplicity. — Thomas Jefferson in- 
tensely disliked all display. He objected even to the 
title of Mister; he refused to wear knee-breeches and 
wore pantaloons; he abolished the presidential levees, 
and in going to the Capitol to his inauguration he rode 
on horseback alone. The Democratic party, deriving as 
it does, many of its principles from Jefferson, has always 
affected to follow him in the matter of simplicity. 

Jefferson, Thomas, was born at Shadwell, Virginia, 
April 2, 1743; he died on the same day with John 
Adams, July 4, 1826, at Monticello^ Yirginia. He 
graduated at William and Mary. College and became a 
member of the bar. He was a member of the House of 
Burgesses from 1769 to 1774; between 1775 and 1778 he 
was a member of the Continental Congress; it was he 
that wrote the Declaration of Independence (but few 
changes were made in his draft of that document). In 
1779 he became G-overnor of Virginia, and retained the 
post until 1781. He represented this country abroad 
first generally and then in France. He became Secre- 
tary of State under Washington, and represented in the 
latter^s Cabinet those principles of strict construction 
that formed at least the theoretical basis of the party 
founded by him, the Democratic-Eepublican. Elected 
Vice-President under Adams in 1797, he was elected in 
1801 to succeed the latter, and served as President two 
terms. The principal events of his administration were 
the purchase of Louisiana (by far the most important) 
{see Annexati07is I.), the war with the Barbary pirates, 
and the embargo. At the end of his second term he 
retired to his home at Monticello where he passed the 
remainder of his life. He was the founder of the Demo- 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 291 

cratic-Republican party, a party that has existed to the 
present day. Though of aristocratic birth his sympa- 
thies were intensely popular; he hated display and pomp 
and carried his love of simplicity to the exijreme of ob- 
jecting even to so harmless a title as Mister. His influ- 
ence on the government has been to check the tendency 
to extreme centralization which, if developed, might 
have led to a nation too unpliable and unwieldy for 
long life, and has made it the admirable combination of 
pliability and resistance that it is. {^See State Sov- 
ereignty; Kentucky Resolutions o/1798.) 

Jingoism. — This word arose in British politics. Dur- 
ing the war between Eussia and Turkey, English sympa- 
thy was most strongly with Turkey and hostile to Russia. 
A song became popular the refrain of which was: 

" We don't want to fight, but, by Jing-o, if we do — 
We've g-ot the ships, we've got the men, we've g-ot the money, too." 

From this arose the name jingoism as applied to the 
war feeling against Eussia. The term has, however, 
come to mean in politics, any advocacy of national 
bluster. It is sometimes used in this country. 

Johnny Reb was a name by which the Union soldiers 
during the Civil War familiarly called the Confederates. 
Eeb is of course an abbreviation for rebel. 

Johnson, Andrew, was born at Ealeigh, North Car- 
olina, December 29, 1808, and died in Carter County, 
Tennessee, July 31, 1875. He was mayor of Greenville, 
Tennessee; member of the State Legislature in 1835 and 
State Senate in 1841; Congressman from Tennessee 
from 1843 to 1853. He was at this time a Democrat. 
From 1853 to 1857 he was Governor of Tennessee, and 
United States Senator from 1857 to 1862. In 1862 he 
was appointed Military Governor of Tennessee, and in 
1864 the Eepublicans nominated him as Vice-President. 
On Lincoln's assassination he became President. He 
began almost at once to quarrel with Congress, and his 
impeachment marked the culmination of that conflict. 
{See InhpeacJiments.) The most important matter during 
his administration was Eeconstruction (which see). 



292 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Johnson's early education had been neglected to such an 
extent that it was only after his marriage that he learned 
to read and write. He was persistent and determined, 
but blind to the political signs of the times. In 1875 he 
was elected United States Senator, but served only at the 
extra session, dying in July. 

Johnson, Reverdy, was bom at Annapolis, Mary- 
land, May 21, 1796, and died at the same place February 
10, 1876. He was a lawyer. He served as Senator from 
1845 to 1849, and as Attorney- General under Taylor; 
during this time he was a. Whig. From 1863 to 1868 
he was again Senator, this time as a Democrat, and in 
1869 he was Minister to Great Britain. 

Johnson, Richard Mentor, was born at Bryant's 
Station, Kentucky, October 17, 1781; he died IN'ovember 
19, 1850. He served in the War of 1812. He was a 
Democrat, and as such served in Congress from 1807 to 
1819; from 1820 to 1829 he was in the Senate, and from 
1829 to 1839 again in the House. He was the Demo- 
cratic vice-presidential candidate in 1840. 

Judge Lynch. — A popular name for a body of per- 
sons who take the law into their own hands in punishing 
criminals or those suspected of being such. (See Lynch 
Law.) 

Judiciary. — 1. N"ational. The third Article of the 
Constitution provides for the establishment of United 
States courts to have jurisdiction both in law and in 
equity. This jurisdiction is in general distinct from, 
but is sometimes concurrent with, that of the State 
courts. The system which Congress adopted at its first 
session remains unaltered in its essentials to the present 
time, except for the addition of the Court of Claims in 
1855. The judges are nominated by the President and 
confirmed by the Senate. They retain office during 
good behavior. The judicial power of the United 
States is vested in a Supreme Court, nine Circuit 
Courts and sixty-one District Courts, besides the Court 
of Claims. The Supreme Court has original jurisdic- 
tion only of '' cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 293 

be a party;^^ tliat is^ only such cases can be commenced 
therein, but cases decided in the other federal courts, 
under certain prescribed conditions, can be reviewed by 
the Supreme Court by virtue of its appellate jurisdic- 
tion. The limits of the original jurisdictions of the 
District and Circuit Courts, and the appellate jurisdic- 
tion of the latter over the former, are provided by law. 
Beside other matters, the Circuit Court has exclusive 
jurisdiction of patent suits and the District Court of 
admiralty cases. The Court of Claims has jurisdiction 
of claims against the United States. The Justices of 
the Supreme Court, besides their functions as such, are 
each assigned to one of the circuits, being then known 
as Circuit Justices. There is also a separate Circuit 
Judge for each circuit, and a District Judge for each 
district. Circuit Courts may be held by the Circuit 
Justice, by the Circuit Judge or by the District Judge 
sitting alone, or by any two of these sitting together. 
As constituted at first, the Supreme Court consisted of 
a Chief -Justice and five Associate- Justices, but the 
number of the latter has been changed from time to 
time, and there are at present eight. i^See Chief- 
Justice.') The salary of the Chief -Justice is $10,500, 
and of Associate- Justices 110,000 per annum. The 
Court is at present constituted as follows: Chief -Justice, 
Melville W. Fuller, of Illinois; Associate-Justices, 
Stephen J. Field, California; Joseph P. Bradley, New 
Jersey; Jno. M. Harlan, Kentucky; Horace Gray, Mass- 
achusetts; S. Blatchford, New York; L. Q. C. Lamar, 
Mississippi; D. J. Brewer, Kansas; H. B. Brown, Mich- 
igan. Besides these regular federal courts, the Senate 
sits when necessary as a court of impeachment; the 
District of Columbia has a Supreme Court over which 
the Supreme Court of the United States has appellate 
jurisdiction; and Territorial Courts are provided, the 
judges of which are nominated for terms of four years 
by the President, and confirmed by the Senate, and 
over which the Supreme Court has also appellate jurisdic- 
tion. Cases decided in the highest court of any State 
may also be reviewed by the Supreme Couit. but only 



294 DICTION AR r OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

when federal questions are involved; that is, when the 
controversy deals with the Constitution, laws or treaties 
of the United States. 

II. State. The judicial systems of the several States 
are too widely different to permit of brief explanation. 
In some of them courts of equity are distinct from 
those of law, while in others the same tribunals exercise 
both functions, and in still others all distinction between 
actions at law and suits in equity is abolished. The man- 
ner of selecting judges also varies in different States ^nd 
from time to time. At the period of the formation of 
the United States the election of judges by the people 
was unknown except in Georgia. At the present time, 
however, the people elect judges in twenty-four of the 
States. Judicial terms vary from two to twenty-one 
years, the average being about ten years. The question 
has been much discussed whether the judiciary should 
be elective by the people, or appointive by the executive 
or Legislature, or ''^councils of appointment.'''' Most 
of the States have decided in favor of the former alter- 
native, but many of these have found it necessary to 
lengthen the terms of their elective judiciary in order to 
lessen the necessary evils of the system, w^hich tends to 
supplant judicial justice by political shrewdness. The 
elective system seems to have been a growth of the 
*' spoils '^ doctrine as a means of rotation in office. 

Junketing". — Any trip, excursion or entertainment 
by an official at public expense under the guise of public 
service, is popularly called a ^^ junket.^^ The form these 
junkets most frequently take, is a legislative investigation 
requiring travel to various points and large hotel bills. 

Jury. — A jury is a body of impartial persons sworn to 
inquire into the truth of facts presented to them and to 
render a verdict or decision on the evidence. The right 
to a trial by jury is insured by the fifth, sixth and 
seventh amendments to the Constitution of the United 
States and by most of the State constitutions. In crim- 
inal cases the right is universal in this country; in civil 
cases it is general, but may usually be waived by consent 
of both parties. The petit or trial jury is usually com- 



DiCTlONARY OF AMFklCAN POLITIC^;. 295 

posed of twelve persons, but sometimes a smaller num- 
ber is used. Their verdict must be unanimous in. crim- 
inal cases and generally in civil cases. A special or 
struck jury is ordered by the court in extraordinary 
cases where it is shown that a fair and impartial trial 
cannot be had by an ordinary jury. A struck jury is 
obtained as follows: From the complete list or panel of 
jurors an officer selects forty-eight whom he considers 
most impartial and in every way best fitted to try the 
case at issue; from this list each party strikes off, alter- 
nately, twelve names; from the remaining twenty-four 
the trial jury is selected in the ordinary way. A grand 
jury is composed of twenty-three persons; its function 
is to inquire concerning the commission of crimes and 
to present indictments against offenders, where it thinks 
proper, to a court having jurisdiction to try the case; 
twelve must concur to find an indictm^ent, or a true bill, 
as it is called; its proceedings are secret. The Consti- 
tution of the United States and all the State constitu- 
tions provide that no person shall be tried for a capital 
or otherwise infamous crime except after indictment by 
a grand jury. A coroner^s jury, or jury of inquest, is 
composed of from nine to fifteen persons, and its duty is 
to inquire into the causes of sudden deaths or dangerous 
woundings. Sheriff^s juries try the title to property held 
by the sheriff when it is claimed by a third party. 
Juries are also employed for other special purposes, 
among which is the determination of the value of prop- 
erty taken under the right of eminent domain. The 
province of a jury is usually to judge merely of the truth 
or falsity of the facts alleged, the court deciding ques- 
tions of law; but in some cases and in a few of the States 
the jury decides both as to the law and the facts. 

Justice, Department of. — This department was 
organized June 22, 1870, and the Attorney-General, 
whose office was created by act of September 24, 1789, 
was placed at its head. The Attorney- General is ap- 
pointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate; 
his salary is 18,000; he is a member of the Cabinet. 
The establishment of this department brought under his 



296 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

control all United States district-attorneys and marshals, 
and secured uniformity in the trial and prosecution of 
cases. The Attorney-General rarely argues cases, this 
work being done by his subordinates. These are as 
follows: 

SALARY. 

Solicltor-G eneral $7,000 

Assistant Attorney-General 5,000 

Assistant Attorney-General 5,000 

Assistant Attorney-General for the Interior Department.. 5,000 

Assistant Attorney General 5,000 

Assistant Attorney Genferal for the Post-Offlee Department 4,000 

Solicitor of the Treasury 4,500 

Solicitor of Internal Revenue 4,500 

Examiner of Claims (State Department) 3,500 

The Solicitor-General takes the place of the Attorney- 
General in the latter's absence. He has charge of the 
conduct of cases in the courts at Washington. The At- 
torneys-General of the United States are given below: 

Edmund Eandolph, Virginia 1789-1794 

William Bradford, Pennsylvania 1794-1795 

Charles Lee, Virginia 1795-1801 

Theo. Parsons, Massachusetts 1801-1801 

Levi Lincoln Massachueetts 1801-1805 

Robert Smith, Maryland 1805-1805 

John Breckenridge, Kentucky 1805-1807 

Caesar A. Rodney, Pennsylvania 1807-1811 

William Pinkney, Maryland 1811-1814 

Itichard Rush, Pennsylvania. 1814-1817 

William Wirt, Virginia 1817-1829 

JohnM. Berrien, Georgia 1829-1831 

Roger B. Taney, Maryland 1«31-1833 

Benjamin F. Butler, New York 1833-1838 

Felix Grundy, Tennessee 1838-1840 

Henry D. Gilpin, Pennsylvania 1840-1841 

John J. Crittenden, Kentucky 1841-1841 

Hugh S. Legare, South Carolina 1841-1843 

John Nelson, Maryland 1843-1845 

John Y. Mason, Virginia 1845-1846 

Nathan Clifford, Maine 1846-1848 

Isaac Toucey, Connecticut. -. 1848-1849 

Reverdy Johnson, Maryland 1849-1850 

John J. Crittenden, Kentucky 1850-1853 

Caleb Gushing, Massachusetts. 1853-1857 

Jeremiah S. Black, Pennsylvania 1857-1860 

Edwin M. Stanton, Pennsylvania 1860-1861 

Edward Bates, Missouri 1861-1863 

T. J. Coffey, Pennsylvania 1863-1864 

James Speed, Kentucky 1864-1866 

Henry Stanbery, Ohio 1866-1868 

William M. Evarts, New York 1868-1869 

E. Rockwood Hoar. Massachusetts 1869-1870 

Amos T. Ackerman, Georgia 1870-1871 

George H. Williams, Oregon 1871-1875 

Edwards Pierrepont, New York 1875-1876 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 2^7 

Alphonso Taf t, Ohio , 1876-1877 

Charles Devens, Massachusetts 1877-1881 

Wayne McVeag-h, Pennsylvania 1881-1881 

Benjamin H. Brewster, Pennsylvania 1881-1885 

Augustus H. Garland, Arkansas 1885-1889 

W.H. H. Miller, Indiana 1889- 

Kanawha is a name at first proposed for West Vir- 
ginia [which see). 

Kansas. — The larger part of Kansas constituted a 
portion of the Louisiana purchase [see Annexatio7is I.), 
but the southwestern corner was ceded by Texas to the 
United States in 1850. It formed part of Missouri 
Territory [see Territories) till 1821, and then remained 
unorganized till, in 1854, by the Kansas-Nebraska Bill 
[lohich see) the Territory of Kansas was erected, which 
included part of the present State of Colorado. After 
much trouble and not a little bloodshed, caused by the 
opposing attempts to make Kansas a slave State and a 
free State [see Border War; Brotu7i, John) it was ad- 
mitted to the Union under the Wyandotte Constitution, 
which prohibited slavery, January 29, 1861. The capi- 
tal is Topeka. The population in 1880 was 996,096, 
and in the last census (1890) 1,427,096. Kansas has 
seven Congressmen and nine electoral votes. It is 
solidly Republican. The State is called after the river 
of the same name, which in the Indian tongue means 
'^ smoky water. ^^ Popularly it is known as the Garden 
State, or the Garden of the West. [See Governors; 
Legislatures.) 

Kansas Aid Society, was a congressional society 
formed in 1854 for the purpose of aiding free-state 
emigration to Kansas^ in which region the struggle be- 
tween the free State and the slave parties was then at 
its height. [See Border War.) 

Kansas-Nebraska Bill. — The Missouri Compromise 
ef 1820 had excluded slavery from the Louisiana pur- 
chase north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north 
latitude, except from the State of Missouri, and the 
Compromise of 1850 was not regarded as having dis- 
turbed that arrangement. That part of this region 
lying west and northwest of Missouri, and stretching to 
the Eocky Mountains, was known as the " Platte Coun- 



298 DICTION A R V OF AMERICA AT POLITICS. 

try/^ In 1851-52 petitions for a territorial organization 
of this region were presented to Congress, and in 1853 
a bill organizing it as the Territory of Nebraska was re- 
ported in the House. This bill failed in the Senate. 
In the next Congress substantially the same bill was 
reported to the Senate from the Committee on Terri- 
tories by Stephen A. Douglas. In the meantime, A. 
Dixon, of Kentucky, had given notice that he would 
move an amendment exempting this Territory from the 
operations of the Missouri Compromise. Donglas, not 
to be outdone in the service of slavery, had the bill re- 
committed, and reported the following measure: Two 
Territories were to be organized, Kansas to include all 
of this region in the latitude of Missouri and west of 
that State, and JSTebraska the remainder. The southern 
boundary of Kansas was moved to thirty-seven degrees 
north latitude, the strip between thirty-six degrees thirty 
minutes and thirty-seven degrees being left to the In- 
dians. Moreover, in order to carry into effect the prin- 
ciple of the Compromise of 1850 (so said the bill), it was 
provided that: 1. The question of slavery was to be left 
to the people. 2. Questions involving the title to slaves 
were to be left to local courts with the right to appeal 
to the United States Supreme Court. 3. The fugitive 
«lave laws were to apply to the Territories. Further^ 
so far as this region was concerned, the Missouri Com- 
promise was declared repealed. In this shape the bill, 
known as the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, was passed and 
signed by President Pierce. This measure divided the 
Whig party, most of the Southern Whigs joining the. 
Democrats. All Northerners opposed to the measure 
were known as ^^Anti-Nebraskas,^' and these joined the 
party known soon after as Eepublican. 

Kentuc. — A name applied to the Kentucky boatmen 
about 1800. They are described as '^ half -horse, half 
alligator, tipped with snapping-turtle,^" lawless and a 
terror to the reighborhood. 

Kentucky was originally a parr of Virginia, but was 
ceded to the national government in 1784, though the 
cession was not finally settled for several years. {^See 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 299 

Territories.) In 1790 it became a separate Territory. 
By Act of February 4, 1791, taking effect June 1, 1792, 
Kentucky was admitted to the TJnion. During the 
Civil War it did not secede, though represented in the 
Confederate Congress by members chosen by Ken- 
tuckians who were fighting on the Southern side. Mar- 
tial law was proclaimed in Kentucky by Lincoln on 
July 5, 1864, and the State was restored to the civil 
authorities by Johnson on October 18, 1865. The 
capital is Frankfort. The population in 1880 was 
1,648,690, and in the last census (1890) 1,858,635. Ken- 
tucky is entitled to eleven members of the House of 
Eepresentatives and thirteen electoral votes. It is 
solidly Democratic. The name is of Indian derivation, 
and means '^the dark and bloody ground,^^ alluding to 
the frequent battles of the Indian tribes. Popularly it 
is called the Corn Cracker State, and its inhabitants are 
known as Corn Crackers. [See Governors; Legislatures.) 

Kentucky Resolution of 1799. {See Kentucky 
Resolutions of 1798.) 

Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, were introduced 
in the Kentucky Legislature in that year by Greorge 
Nicholas, but Thomas Jefferson is now known to have 
been the author. They were directed against the Alien 
and Sedition Laws, and against acts passed to punish 
frauds on the Bank of the United States. They opposed 
broad construction of the Constitution, and affirmed 
that instrument to be a '' compact,'^ each State being 
one party, '' its co-States forming as to itself the other 
party."' These resolutions and similar ones, prepared by 
James Madison, passed by Virginia in 1799, were sub- 
mitted to other States for their approval, but such States 
as returned answers expressed non-concurrence in the 
views there formulated. The Kentucky Resolution of 
1799 repeated the former statements regarding the Con- 
stitution, and entered a solemn protest against the 
abuses complained of. 

Kickers. — To kick means to show opposition, and in 
politics kickers are members of a party that do not 
accept its nominations or fiats with good grace. When 



300 DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

a kicker carries his dissatisfaction to the length of with- 
arawing from his party, he becomes a bolter (which see). 

Kid-glove Politics. — Movements looking to reform, 
especially in local politics, are frequently undertaken by 
those classes of the community that are in good circum- 
stances. This is natural, as these have more leisure to 
devote to the task. Such movements are naturally 
odious to corrupt machine politicians, and as one means 
of discrediting these efforts among laboring men, they 
seek to awaken class prejudice. Kid-glove .politics and 
kid-glove politicians are terms employed to create this 
prejudice. 

King" Caucus. — A term applied to the Congressional 
Caucus by reason of its absolute power. {8ee Congress- 
ional Caucus.) 

King of the Feds was a nickname applied to Alex- 
ander Hamilton, the ablest of the Federalist leaders. 

King, Rufus, w^as born at Scarborough, Massachu- 
setts (now Maine), March 24, 1755. He died at Jamaica, 
New York, April 29, 1827. He was a graduate of Har- 
vard, served in the Continental Congress, and in 1788 
moved to JN'ew York. From 1789 to 1796 he was United 
States Senator, from 1796 to 1803 Minister to Great 
Britain, from 1813 to 1825 again Senator, and in 1825 
and 1826 again Minister to Great Britain. He was a 
Federalist, and from 1800 to 1812 he was each time his 
party^s nominee for Vice-President. 

King, William Rufus, was born in Sampson 
County, North Carolina, April 7, 1786, and died at 
Cahawba, Alabama, April 18, 1853. He was graduated 
at the University of North Carolina. By profession he 
was a lawyer, in politics a Democrat. He served in 
Congress from 1811 to 1816, and in the Senate from 
1819 to 1844. From 1844 to 1846 he was Minister to 
France, and from 1846 to 1853 again a Senator. In 
1852 he was elected Vice-President. 

Kitchen Cabinet is a name applied to a certain 
circle of intimate friends of President Andrew Jackson. 
These friends were said to have more influence with the 
President than his official Cabinet. The principal 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 301 

member of the Kitchen Cabinet was Duff Green, of 
St. Lonis, who established the newspaper. The United 
States Telegraph, in Washington. This paper was the 
Presidents organ until 1831, when Green, siding with 
Calhoun against Jackson, lost the latter^s confidence. 
The Globe, John 0. Eives and Francis P. Blair, editors, 
then became the President^'s organ, and Blair became a 
member of his Kitchen Cabinet. Other members were 
William B. Lewis, of Nashville, who was appointed Second 
Auditor of the Treasury; Isaac Hill, of Kew Hampshire, 
who was made Second Comptroller of the Treasury, and 
Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, who was made Fourth 
Auditor of the Treasury and finally in 1835 joined the 
the official Cabinet as Postmaster-General. The term 
has also been applied to certain advisers of President 
John Tyler and of President Andrew Johnson, but 
Jackson^s Kitchen Cabinet is meant when the term is 
used without qualification. 

Knifing is a form of political treachery practiced by 
political organizations against candidates of their own 
party distasteful to the organization. Although openly 
pretending to support and aid the candidate of the 
party, the organization secretly uses its influence against 
him, and on election day either fails to furnish ballots 
bearing the candidate's name, or distributes those bear- 
ing the name of his opponent. This form of treachery 
is allied to trading, but differs from it in motive. The 
motive in trading is not directly a desire to defeat this 
particular candidate of its own party, but the desire 
either to elect some other member of the party or to 
gain the pecuniary reward offered, the defeat of the 
candidate traded off being merely incidental. In knif- 
ing the motive is revenge or hate of the candidate 
knifed, the trading necessary to accomplish this end 
being merely incidental. Both of these forms of treach- 
ery may usually be discovered by comparison, district 
by district, of the votes for the particular candidate 
with the vote for other candidates of the party, and 
with the vote of previous years. i^See Trading.^ 

Knights of Labor. {See Order of Knights of Labor.) 



302 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Knights of the Golden Circle. {See American 
Knights. ) 

Knights of the Mighty Host. {See American 
Knights. ) 

Knights of the Order of the Sons of Liberty. 
[See American Knights.) 

Knights of the White Camelia. — One of the 
names by which the Ku-Klux Klan was known. 

Know- Nothing Party. {See American Party.) 

Koszta Affair. — One of the leaders in the Hungarian 
rebellion of 1849 against Austria was Martin Koszta. 
When the revolt was crushed he fled and finally took 
refuge in the United States where he commenced the 
steps necessary to secure full citizenship in this country. 
In 1854 he went to Turkey on business^ received a pass- 
port from the American consul at Smyrna, and went 
ashore. The Austrian consul caused him to be thrown 
into the bay, from which he was picked up and put on 
board an Austrian frigate. Our representative de- 
manded his release, which was refused. Thereupon Cap- 
tain Ingraham of the United States sloop of war St. 
Louis cleared his ship for action and threatened to open 
fire. This spirited action caused the Austrian officials 
to surrender Koszta to the charge of the French consul 
until the question should be settled, A lengthy discus- 
sion ensused between Baron Hlilseman, Austrian min- 
ister at Washington, and William L. Marcy, then Secre- 
tary of State under Pierce. As a result of Marcy^s able 
arguments Koszta was released and he returned to the 
United States. 

Ku-Klux Klan was an organization that sprung up 
at the South during the period of reconstruction. Its 
objects were the suppression of the negro as a factor in 
politics; its means, terrorization, ending in many cases 
in murder. It was a secret organization; its origin is 
unknown, but it is supposed to have sprung about 1867 
from numerous local associations all having the same 
end in view. Such information as we have in regard to 
it is founded on a copy of its constitution (prescript as 
it was termed), and on a congressional investigation 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 303 

made in 1871. In this prescript the name of the asso- 
ciation is never mentioned, two asterisks (**) being in- 
serted instead; their local lodges were called dens; the 
masters, cyclops; the members, gliouls. A county was a 
province; governed by grand giant and four goblins. A 
congressional district was a dominion, governed by a 
grand Titan and six furies. A State was a realm, gov- 
erned by a grand dragon and eight hydras. The whole 
country was the empire, governed by a grand wizard 
and ten genii. Their banner was triangular, a black 
dragon on a yellow field with a red border; their mys- 
teries were never to be written, but only orally communi- 
cated; the distinctive feature of their dress was a cover- 
ing for the head descending to the breast, holes being 
cut for the eyes and mouth; the covering being decor- 
ated in any startling or fantastic manner. The order 
succeeded in its purpose; the midnight raids of men 
thus clad, who administered whippings or other punish- 
ment, had the effect intended, and the Ku-Klux became 
a terror to all negroes, keeping them either from exer- 
cising their political rights or else causing them to act 
with their persecutors. The order, however, outran its 
original purpose, and where mere whippings did not ac- 
complish the desired end as with Northern whites that 
had come South and with the bolder negroes, murder 
was resorted to. The disorders grew, and in March, 
1871, a congressional investigating committee was ap- 
pointed; in the same month President G-rant in a mes- 
sage to Congress asked for legislation to enable the 
restoration of order at the South, as neither life nor 
property were there secure, and as the transportation of 
the mails and the collection of the revenue were interfered 
with. The Ku-Klux Act or Force Bill was promptly 
passed. This bill provided for the punishment by fine 
or imprisonment, or both, of attempts to interfere with 
the privilege of any citizen to vote, giving the federal 
courts cognizance of suits arising thereunder and giving 
federal judges power to exclude from juries persons 
whom they judged to be in sympathy with the accused. 
In cases where State authorities were unable or unwilling 



304 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

to give adequate protection the President was authorized 
to employ the military and naval power of the United 
States to secure the same, and suspend the writ of habeas 
corpus. The second section of the bill, declaring the 
punishment for any conspiracy to prevent a person from 
enjoying his legal rights was declared unconstitu- 
tional by the Supreme Court in 1883. The habeas cor- 
pus provision was to remain in force only to the end of 
the next session of Congress. An attempt to renew it 
failed in 1872. In October, 1871, President Grant 
issued two proclamations, the first ordering certain asso- 
ciations in South Carolina to surrender their arms and dis- 
guises within five days; the second, at the expiration of 
the five days suspending the writ of habeas corpus. 
Many arrests and convictions followed, and the associa- 
tion was crushed within four months. The Ku-Klux 
Klan was known by various other names, as White 
League and Invisible Empire. The name Ku-Klux has 
ever since been applied in a general way to troubles be- 
tween the negroes and whites at the South. 

Labor Parties. {See Progressive Labor Party; 
Union Labor Party; United Labor Party.) 

Laissez Faire — Laissez Passer are two French 
phrases, in the imperative, meaning let work and allow 
exchange. They sum up the demands of those econom- 
ists that advocate freedom of labor and freedom of com- 
merce. Their meaning has at times been perverted and 
made to extend to the theory of freedom from all re- 
straint for the individual in morals and in politics. But 
the well recognized application of the terms is to the 
theory of political economy that demands the abolition 
of restraints on labor and trade. 

Lamar, Lucius Q. C, was born in Putnam County, 
Georgia, September 17, 1825. He graduated at Emory 
College, and was admitted to the bar. In 1849 he 
moved to Mississippi, where he was for a while professor 
of mathematics in the State University. Keturning to 
Georgia and the practice of law, he was in 1853 elected 
to the Legislature. In 1854 he again moved to Missis- 
sippi, which State he represented in the Thirty-fifth and 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 305 

Thirty-sixth Congress. In 1860 he resigned, seceding 
with his State. He served in the Confederate army and 
also as emissary to Eussia for the Confederacy. He 
acted as professor, first of political economy and then of 
law, in the University of Mississippi. He served in the 
Forty-third and Forty-fourth Congress, and in 1876 
was elected to the Senate. He was reelected, but re- 
signed in order to accept the post of Secretary of the 
Interior in President Cleveland's Cabinet. In January, 
1888, his nomination as Associate-Justice of the Su- 
preme Court was confirmed by the Senate, and he now 
occupies that place. 

L'Amistad Case. {See Amistad Case, The.) 
Land Grants. — By this name is known the grant of 
land to corporations to encourage and aid the construc- 
tion of railroads in portions of the country in which it 
would otherwise be unprofitable. These grants are 
usually made directly to the companies. Before 1862 
they were made to the States in order to enable them to 
extend aid to corporations within their borders. To 
every State, at its admission. Congress has granted five 
per cent, of the public lands within its limits on condi- 
tion of the exemption of the remainder from State taxa- 
tion. In 1850 the first grant for railroad purposes was 
made. It consisted of about 2,500,000 acres granted to 
the State of Illinois, and it was used to aid the Illinois 
Central Eailroad. In 1856 about 2,000,000 acres went 
to Florida, a similar amount was received by Arkansas, 
while various other States received large tracts all more 
or less used to encourage railroad building. But the 
grant of colossal areas began with the construction of 
the Pacific Eailroads {which see). The Union Pacific 
received 2,000,000; the Kansas Pacific 6,000,000; the 
Central Pacific (as successor of the Western Pacific) 
1,100,000, and on its Oregon Branch 3,000,000; the 
Oregon and California 3,500,000; the Southern Pacific 
6,000,000; and the Southern Pacific branch line 3,500,- 
000 acres. Among others that received large grants 
were the Burlington and Missouri Eiver and the Hanni- 
bal and St. Joseph. But the most stupendous grants 



306 DTCTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

were those of 47,000,000 acres to the JSTorthern Pacific 
and of 42,000,000 acres to the Atlantic and Pacific. 
From these generous grants a revulsion has set in, and 
at every session of Congress bills are now introduced 
and every effort is made to forfeit such portions of the 
land as are not earned by a strict compliance with the 
terms of the grant, thus saving the land for settlement. 
Bills revoking the grant of lands not as yet earned have 
been passed; among the principal roads affected are 
the Atlantic and Pacific, Texas Pacific and Iron Mount- 
ain, and over 60,000,000 acres have thus been recovered. 
{Bee Suhsidies.) 

Land of Steady Habits. — The State of Connecticut 
is sometimes so called. 

Late Unpleasantness, The, is a euphemistic 
phrase sometimes used in speaking of the Civil War. 

Latter Day Saints. — The name by which the Mor- 
mons call themselves. 

Lava Beds. {See Indian Wars.) 

Law and Order League. {See Citizens' Law and 
Order League of the United States.) 

Law and Order Party. — While there have been 
many local parties calling themselves by the above name, 
it is generally understood in United States history as 
applying to the opponents of Dorr in the Dorr Eebellion 
{which see). 

Law of Nations. '{See International Law.) 

Laws, Sumptuary. — Sumptuary laws are those in- 
tended to limit the expenses of citizens in the matters . 
of food, clothing and the like. They were very common 
in ancient times and still exist in many countries. In 
the colonies, before the formation of the United States, 
sumptuary laws were generally adopted, but at present 
they are rare, or, if found on the statute books, are 
seldom enforced. The tendency of to-day is to supply 
their place by levying higher taxes on luxuries than on 
other articles. 

Laying Pipes. — A politician is said to be laying 
pipes when he is making extensive plans and prepara- 
tions to accomplish some particular end, frequently his 
own political advancement. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 307 

Lecompton Constitution. — In 1857 the majority 
of the inhabitants of the Territory of Kansas were of 
the Free State party. In former years the intimidation 
and frauds of armed bands from Missouri, called border 
ruffians, had invariably resulted in the election of pro- 
slavery Legislatures. The election of October, 1857, 
resulted in the choice of a Free State Legislature The 
old Legislature, foreseeing this, had met at Lecompton, 
in September, 1857, and had adopted a pro-slavery 
Constitution. The Free State party had never recog- 
nized the old Territorial Legislature, and had not voted 
on the only clause of the Constitution that was sub- 
mitted for popular approval, and so that clause was of 
course carried. The new Free State Legislature sub- 
mitted the whole Constitution to the people and it was 
overwhelmingly rejected. President Buchanan favored 
the Lecompton Constitution, as did also the Senate, but 
the opposition of the Northern Democrats sufficed to 
turn the House against it. A conference committee of 
Congress therefore submitted a proposition for certain 
changes to the people of Kansas, and it was agreed to 
regaid the rejection thereof as the rejection of the Le- 
compton Constitution. The vote was largely against it. 

Legislature. — This word as applied to the federal 
government refers to Congress, composed of the Senate 
and the House of Representatives, and is discussed under 
those heads. In the States and Territories the term is 
commonly used to designate the legislative branch of the 
government, though the official title in twenty-three of 
the States is *' general assembly" in two "general 
court,^^ and in one State and the Territories '^^ legislative 
assembly," the remaining twelve using "legislature" as 
the official as well as the popular title. In all the States 
the Legislature is composed of two houses, though Penn- 
sylvania up to 1790 and Vermont up to 1836 had but one 
house. The upper House is called the Senate in the 
States and the Council in the Territories; the lower is 
called the House of Eepresentatives in the Territories 
and in most of the States, but is known as the House of 
Delegates, the Assembly or the General Assembly in a 
few of the States. 



308 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Locke's Carolina Constitution. — In 1669 Lord 
Shaftesbury, one of the proprietaries of the Carolina 
colony, had a constitution prepared by the philosopher 
John Locke, for the government of that colony, by 
means of which an endeavor was made to establish in 
America what can only be called a feudal empire. The 
constitution contained 120 articles. The eight proprie- 
taries who held the grant of the Carolina colonies were 
to combine the dignity and power of a Governor and an 
upper house of the Legislature. Their position and rule 
were to be hereditary, and their number was never to 
be increased or diminished ; for in case of death of a 
member without heirs his survivors elected a successor. 
The territory contained in the grant was divided into 
counties, each containing 480,000 acres, and this was 
again divided into five parts, of which one remained 
the inalienable property of the proprietaries, and 
another formed the inalienable and indivisible es- 
tate of the nobility, of which, according to the 
constitution, there were two orders — one earl and 
two barons for each county. The remaining three-fifths 
were reserved for the people, and might be held by 
lords of the manor who were not hereditary legislators. 
The members of the nobility might neither be increased 
nor diminished, election supplying all places left vacant 
for want of heirs. All political rights were dependent 
upon hereditary wealth. The cultivators of the soil 
were each allowed the use of ten acres at a fixed rent, 
but could not purchase land or exercise the right of 
suffrage. They were adscripts to the soil, were under 
jurisdiction of their lord without right of appeal to the 
courts. The supervision of everything in the colonies 
was vested in a Court of Appeals and seven inferior 
courts, but no lawyers were allowed to plead for 
money or reward The religion was to be that of the 
Church of England. Of course all attempts to foist 
such a scheme of government on the few scattered 
Huguenots, who formed the population, met with de- 
served failure, and after twenty years was abandoned. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 309 

League, Republican. {^See Republican League of 
the United States.) 

Legal Tender Notes. {See Currency.) 

Legislative Caucus. {See Caucus, Legislative.) 

Let No Guilty Man Escape. — When the revela- 
tions in regard to the Whisky Eing in 1875 were laid 
before President G-rant^ he endorsed the above sentence 
on one of the papers. 

Letters of Marque and Reprisal. {See Priva- 
teer. ) 

Lewisites. {See Clintonians.) 

Liberal Republican Party.— Many Eepnblicans 
were dissatisfied with Grant^s first term as President. 
They believed that the national government had ex- 
ceeded the proper limits of its power in its treatment .of 
reconstruction problems. These Eepublicans met in 
Convention at Cincinnati in 1872. Carl Schurz was 
elected chairman. A platform was adopted demanding 
civil service reform^ local self-government and universal 
amnesty^ recognizing the equality of all men, recom- 
mending the resumption of specie payments,, but re- 
mitting the questions of protection and free trade to 
Congress because of the existence in the convention of 
^•'honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion''^ on 
that subject. Horace Greeley and B. Gratz Brown were 
named for President and Vice-President. This plat- 
form and these nominations were adopted by the regular 
Democratic convention of that year. STevertheless, 
about 30,000 members of that party voted for Charles 
O'Conor, of JSTew York, and John Quincy Adams, of 
Massachusetts, the nominees of a purely Democratic 
convention, notwithstanding that these candidates had 
declined the nomination. Some of the members of the 
Cincinnati convention, deeming the nominations there 
made to be a mistake, met in New York in June 
and named William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, and Fred- 
erick L. Olmstead, of JSTew York. The Eepublican 
nominee. Grant, was elected by an enormous majority, 
and the Liberal Eepublican party was thereafter prac- 
tically dead, although a few Congressmen still clung to 
the name. 



310 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Liberty and Union Now and Forever, One and 
Inseparable. — The concluding words of Daniel Web- 
ster^s second speech in reply to Hayne in the debate of 
Foot^s Eesolution (wMcJi see). 

Liberty Party. — A meeting of abolitionists held at 
Warsaw, New York, in 1839, had incidentally nominated 
James G. Birney for President and Francis J. Lemoyne 
for Vice-President. The nominations were confirmed 
by a convention, ostensibly national, that met at Albany, 
April 1, 1840, and here the name ^^ Liberty party '^ was 
adopted. Its platform was the abolition of slavery. 
These candidates received 7,059 votes in spite of their 
having declined the nominations. Thereafter candi- 
dates for various local offices were put in nomination. 
On August 30, 1844, the national convention of the 
party met. The topic of greatest interest at that time 
was the annexation of Texas^ and the consequent in- 
crease in our slave territory. On August 16th, a letter 
of Clay's had been published in which he declared 
''that, far from having any personal objection to the 
annexation of Texas, / should he glad to see it, without 
dishonor, without war, with the common consent of the 
Union and upon just and fair terms." This caused the 
convention to name its own candidates, and Birney and 
Thomas Morris, of Ohio, were nominated. The total 
vote for Birney was 62,263. Had the electoral vote of 
New Tork gone to Clay, it would have elected him. In 
that State the popular vote stood: Polk 237,588, Clay 
232,482, Birney 15,812. Had Birney not been nomi- 
nated, it is probable that enough of his vote to elect 
Clay would have been so cast — certainly none of it 
would have gone to Polk. The same is true in Michi- 
gan. Thus Polk, the candidate representing annexa- 
tion, was elected by the votes of those opposed to the 
project. This lesson was not forgotten, and the party 
did not again name its own candidates. In 1848 and 
1852 they supported the Free Soil party, and thereafter 
the Republicans. 

Liberty Poles were poles, frequently surmounted by 
flags bearing inscriptions, erected during the early history 



DICTIO^-AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 3II 

of the country by the Democrats, as the partisans of 
France were then known. These opposed the first ex- 
cise tax, thus causing the Whisky Insurrection. These 
poles came to be regarded as one of the distinctive em- 
blems of the party, and were variously known as Sedition 
poles or Anarchy poles. 

Lieutenant- General is at present the highest grade 
in the United States Army. The grade of General of 
the Army {ivliicli see) was created for a particular pur- 
pose, and while in existence ranked that of Lieutenant- 
General. This latter office was first created by Congress 
for George Washington in 1798 during our troubles with 
France. It then lapsed until renewed by Congress for 
General Winfield Scott, who was made Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral by brevet. In 1864 it was once more revived for 
General Grant and continued for Generals Sherman and 
Sheridan. The latter was the last incu mbent. Upon his 
death in 1888, Congress decreed that the grade should 
be again stricken from the list. The senior major-gen- 
eral, Jno. M. Schofield is now commander of the army. 

Lincoln, Abraham, the sixteenth President of the 
United States, was born in Hardin County, Kentucky, 
February 12, 1809. In 1830 he moved with his father 
and family to Macon County, Illinois. From there he 
made several trips to New Orleans as flat-boatman, and 
on his return superintended a flouring-mill near Spring- 
•field. In 1832 he enlisted in the Black Hawk War and 
was elected captain. When he returned to civil life he 
entered politics and ran for the State Legislature, but 
was defeated, his first and only defeat in a p'bpular elec- 
tion. He then returned to business pursuits, in which he 
was unsuccessful. His schooling had. been inconsider- 
able, but he had taken advantage of every opportunity 
for improvement, and after his want of success in business 
he was for a while a surveyor, but financial troubles com- 
pelled him to drop that employment in 1837. During 
this time he was studying law in his leisure hours, and in 
1836 he was admitted to the bar. In 1834 he had been 
elected to the Legislature of Illinois, in which he served 
four successive terms; he twice received the vote of his 



312 DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

party, the Whigs, for the speakership, but was neither 
time elected. After retiring from the Legislature he 
practiced law, and in 1846 was elected to Congress, being 
the only Whig Congressman from Illinois. He declined 
a renomination and was defeated as a candidate for the 
Senate, and then returned to his law practice. Lincoln 
and Douglas had been opposed to each other in so many 
debates that people naturally turned to the former to an- 
swer any of Douglas^ speeches. In 1858 Douglas stumped 
the State to aid his canyas for the IJnited States Senate; 
Lincoln was nominated to oppose him, and the two held 
seven joint debates at different points in the State. This 
debate attracted universal attention and largely increased 
Lincoln^s reputation. The Eepublican popular vote was 
larger than the Democratic, but the election was by the 
Legislature, which chose Douglas. In 1859 the Ohio 
Democrats summoned Douglas to aid them in their can- 
vass for Governor, and the Republicans naturally appealed 
to Lincoln, who responded. In 1860, at the request of 
the Young Menu's Republican Club of New York, he de- 
livered an address in that city on the political situation, 
closing with the words: ^'Let us have faith that right 
makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to 
do our duty as we understand it.''' On May 18, 1860, the 
Republican National Convention met at Chicago and 
nominated Lincoln for the presidency. He was elected, 
and March 4, 1861, he was inaugurated. His adminis- 
tration was marked by the Civil War, for particulars 
in regard to which see Amnesty Proclamation; Civil War; 
Emancijoation Proclamation; War Powers, etc. In 1864 
he was reelected. On the evening of April 14, 1865, he 
was shot while attending a performance at Ford's Thea- 
ter, Washington, by John Wilkes Booth, a Southern 
sympathizer. He lingered until the next morning, when 
he died. As before stated Lincoln was self-educated, and 
the simplicity and generosity that characterized his early 
life was maintained by him throughout his career. Even 
during the darkest hours of the war, with the weight of 
the whole struggle resting upon him, while numberless 
matters engrossed his attention, none were refused an 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 313 

audience, and in every case of appeal to executive 
clemency relief was granted if there were any miti- 
gating circumstances. Though abhorring slavery and 
opposing its extension,, he was not an abolitionist, 
as has frequently been charged; he was of the people, 
and always kept in touch with them. His humor 
was irrepressible, and even the gravest subject was en- 
livened by a story; but in his disposition there was a 
streak of profound melancholy most strongly manifest 
while the responsibility of the war lay heaviest upon him. 
Below are given the speech made by Lincoln at the dedi- 
cation, in November, 1863, of a portion of the battle-field 
of Gettysburg as a cemetery for those that had fallen 
there, and the close of his second inaugural address: 
Gettysburg Speech — ^'^ Four-score and seven years ago 
our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new 
nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposi- 
tion that all men are created equal . Now we are engaged in 
a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation 
so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are 
met on a gTcat battle-field of that war. We have come to 
dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for 
those who here gave their lives that that nation might 
live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should 
do this. But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we 
cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The 
brave men, living and dead," who struggled here have 
consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. 
The world will little note, nor long remember, what we 
say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It 
is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the 
unfinished work which they who fought here have thus 
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here 
dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that 
from those honored dead we take increased devotion to 
that cause for which they gave the last full measure of 
devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall 
not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall 
have a new birth of freedom, and that government of 
the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not 



314 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

perish from the earth/' Close of his second inaugural 
address — ^^ With malice toward none, with charity for all, 
with firmness in the right as Grod gives us to see the 
right, let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the 
battle, and for his widow and his orphans, to do all which 
may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves and with all nations/' 

Lincoln Brotherhood. — A name given to many of 
the organizations effected among the negroes at the 
South during the reconstruction period for the protec- 
tion of their newly-acquired rights. 

Line of Succession. (/See In the Line of Succes- 
sion. ) 

Little Band. {See Burr, Aaron.) 

Little David. — A nickname of John Randolph, of 
Virginia, given him because in debate he compared him- 
self to David and his opponent to Goliath. 

Little Giant. — A popular name of Stephen A. 
Douglas, given in recognition of his small stature and 
great power as a speaker. 

Little Mac. — An affectionate name by which General 
George B. McClellan was called by his soldiers. Mc- 
Clellan was born at Philadelphia in 1826. He graduated 
at West Point, but had left the army before the out- 
break of the Civil War. He was made a Major-General, 
and was the first commander of the army of the Poto- 
mac. He ran for President against Lincoln in 1864. 
He resigned his commission in that year. He died in 
1885. 

Little Magician. — A name popularly given to Mar- 
tin Van Buren because of his shrewdness and success as 
a politician. 

Little More Grape, Captain Bragg. — At the 
battle of Buena Vista in 1847, during the Mexican 
War, the Americans under General Zachary Taylor were 
attacked by overwhelmingly superior numbers under 
Santa Anna. Toward the close of the day the Ameri- 
cans were being beaten back, when Captain Braxton 
Bragg's battery was brought to within a few feet of the 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 315 

enemy, where even its first discharge of grape staggered 
the Mexicans. Seeing the effect, Taylor shouted: ^^A 
little more grape. Captain Bragg/^ The phrase has 
lived and is still used as an exclamation of encourage- 
ment for a particularly successful first effort. The truth 
of this anecdote is denied by some. 

Little Rhody, or Rhoda, are familiar names of the 
State of Ehode Island. 

Lobby, The, is a term applied collectively to men 
that make a business of corruptly infiuencing legislators. 
The individuals are called Lobbyists. Their object is 
usually accomplished by means of money paid to the 
members, but any other means that is considered feas- 
ible is employed. In many cases women are engaged in 
this profession, for such it has come to be. The lobby 
is sometimes facetiously called the Third House. The 
term lobby, literally meaning the ante-rooms of the halls 
of Congress, has come to be applied to these men that 
frequent them. 

Local Option. — Where the Prohibitionists can not 
secure a general law for a whole State, prohibiting the 
sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, they seek to 
have passed a general law authorizing each city or town 
to adopt a prohibitory law as regards itself. This rele- 
gating of the decision to the separate communities is 
called local option. Many of the States have been will- 
ing to go at least as far as this in meeting the wishes of 
the Prohibitionists, and the tendency to do so is not 
likely to be checked at present. Among the States that 
permit local option are Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
York, Maryland, Virginia, West Yirginia, North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, G-eorgia, Alabama, MississijDpi, 
Louisiana, Texas, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas and 
Missouri. (See High License; Proliihition. ) 

Lockwood, Belva A., was born at Royalton, New 
York, in October, 1830. Her maiden name was Bennett. 
She taught school for several years, and then, at the age 
of eighteen, married a man named McNall. After his 
death she studied at several institutions, and in 1857 was 
graduated at Genesee College, Lima, New York. She 



316 DICTIONAK Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

then acted as principal in different schools, and in 1868 
removed to Washington and opened a school. In the 
same year she married Dr. Lockwood. She then began 
the study of law. In 1873 she received the degree of 
Bachelor of Law from the l^ational University Law 
School. She canvassed the South for Horace Grreeley in 
1872. In 1873 she was admitted to the bar of the Su- 
preme Court of the District of Columbia. Attempts to 
secure admission to the bar of the United States Su- 
preme Court failing, she directed her efforts to the pas- 
sage of a bill in Congress enabling women to practice at 
that bar. She was successful, and in 1879 she was ad- 
mitted to practice. In 1884 she ran for President as the 
candidate of the equal rights party {which see). 

Loco-Focos. — Previous to 1846 the system of incor- 
porating banks in the State of New York had been by 
means of special legislation. The removal, in 1833, of 
United States deposits from the Bank of the United 
States to State banks, and the prospects of failure of the 
attempts to have that bank^s charter renewed led to the 
formation of many new banks. The practice of former 
days of purchasing these charters from the Legislature 
was revived, and the scandal assumed such proportions 
that in 1835 a number of Democrats in New York City, 
chiefly members of Tammany Hall, organized for the 
purpose of opposing the banks. They called themselves 
the Equal Eights party. A meeting of this faction, 
held in Tammany Hall October 29, 1835, was also at- 
tended by the regular or Tammany Democrats, who at- 
tempted to control the proceedings. Failing in this, 
they turned out the gas. The equal rights men lit loco- 
foco matches and proceeded to hold their meeting. 
Their opponents. Democratic and Whig, seized on this 
circumstance to give them a nick'name, and the term 
clung first to them only and subsequently to the whole 
Democratic party for some years, for the Whigs de- 
lighted to brand their opponents as opposed to thb 
"moneyed interests of the country,^' and would not re- 
linquish a nickname so well suited to their purpose. 
The administration of Yan Buren, committed as it was 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 31 7 

to the sub-treasury system, drew the loco-f ocos back into 
their party^ but their influence, while it lasted, was 
potent, especially in New York, and to their efforts are 
due many of the features of the Constitution of 1846 of 
that State. 

Log- Cabin Campaign. {Bee Hard Cider Cam- 
paign. ) 

Log Rolling. — ^A member of a legislative body will 
sometimes find it impossible to pass some bill in which 
he is interested. Under these circumstances the neces- 
sary support is often procured by promising support to 
the pet measures of other members similarly circum- 
stanced in regard to their own bills. This practice is 
termed log rolling. The allusion \& to the custom of 
men in cutting timber, to aid each other in rolling heavy 
logs from the forest to the water. By this means some 
of the most extravagant River and Harbor Bills have 
been passed, each member refusing to vote for the bill, 
necessary in some of its provisions, unless the improve- 
ment asked for by his particular locality be granted. 

Long and Short Haul. (^See Inter- State Commerce 
Act.) 

Loose Construction. {^8ee Construction of the Con- 
stitution. ) 

Louisiana was part of the region purchased from 
France in 1803. {See Annexations I.) In 1804 the ter- 
ritory of Orleans was formed with nearly the same 
boundaries as the present State of Louisiana, which was 
admitted to the Union April 30, 1812. (See Territories.) 
On January 26, 1861, a State convention passed an ordi- 
nance of secession, and the State was re-admitted to the 
Union by act of June 25, 1868. The capital was at first 
and is now New Orleans, but between 1849 and 1868 the 
seat of government was at Baton Eouge. The population 
in 1880 was 939,946, and inthe last census (1890) 1,118, 
687. Louisiana has six representatives in Congress 
and eight electoral votes. The State is thoroughly 
Democratic at |)resent and has cast its electoral votes for 
the Democratic candidates in the last two national elec- 
tions, but in 1872 the returning board and in 1876 the " 



318 DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

electoral commission {which see) decided the State vote 
to have been cast for the Eepublicans. Louisiana was 
named after Louis XIV. of France by its discoverer. La 
Salle, in 1682; popularly it is known as the Pelican 
State, or Creole State. {See Governors; Legislatures.) 
Louisiana, Purchase of. (8ee Annexations L) 
Louisiana, Territory of. {See Territories.) 
Lovejoy, Elijah P., was born in Maine in 1802. 
Soon after his graduation he went West, where, after 
teaching for some time, he became the 'editor of a politi- 
cal journal. Coming under religious influences he 
joined the Presbyterian Church, and in 1833 was licensed 
to preach. Soon afterward he became the editor of the 
St. Louis Observer, a religious weekly. At first a be- 
liever in colonization, he gradually became strongly anti- 
slavery, but he always opposed immediate and uncondi- 
tional abolition. Nevertheless his articles created great 
excitement and when his office was finally wrecked by a 
mob he determined to remove his paper to Alton, Illi- 
nois. This was in 1836. As soon as his press was 
landed at Alton it was seized by a mob and destroyed. 
Another press was obtained and the publication contin- 
ued for nearly a year, when the second press was de- 
stroyed. His third press was destroyed before it could 
be used. His fourth was placed in a stone warehouse, 
which Lovejoy and some of his friends defended. The 
house was surrounded by a mob and the roof set on fire. 
In attempting a sally Lovejoy was shot and killed, No- 
vember, 1837. 

Loyal League. — A name given to many of the or- 
ganizations effected among the negroes at the South dur- 
ing the reconstruction period, for protecting their newly- 
acquired rights. 

Lynch Law is the punishment of persons charged 
with crimes by those who are not legally authorized to 
act. The name is said to be derived from a farmer of 
North Carolina, John Lynch, who, finding that the au- 
thorities of the early colonial period in which he lived 
failed to protect him against the fugitive slaves and 
criminals infesting the Dismal Swamp, took the law 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 319 

into his own hands. Some have derived the name from 
one Lynch, of Virginia, who caught a thief and flogged 
him with his own hands. 

Machine, The. — When the organization of a party- 
falls into the hands of professional politicians, who use 
it corruptly to serve their own political or personal ends, 
it is commonly known as the machine. "The machin- 
ery of a party " is a phrase first used by Aaron Burr. 

Mad Anthony Wayne.— Anthony Wayne was 
called "mad^^ because of his impetuosity, bravery and 
apparent rashness. His most signal exploit during the 
Eevolution was the surprise and capture of Stony Point, 
on the Hudson, on the night of July 15, 1779. In 1794 
he completely routed the Miami Indians after the suc- 
cessive failures of G-enerals Harmar and St. Clair. 

Madison, James, was born at Port Conway, Vir- 
ginia, March 16, 1751, and died at Montpelier, in 
the same State, June 28, 1836. He graduated from 
Princeton College and Tvas admitted to the bar. In 1776 
he was a member of the Virginia Legislature. From 
1780 to 1783, and from 1786 to 1788 he served in the 
Continental Congress. He was also a member of the 
convention of 1787; in fact, a resolution offered by him 
in the Virginia Legislature led to that convention. Be- 
tween 1789 and 1797 he served in Congress. He was 
Secretary of State under Jefferson, and was elected to 
succeed him as President in 1809. His administration 
was forced into the War of 1812 with England, and that 
struggle is the principal event of his administration. 
He served two terms. He was in close sympathy v/ith 
Jefferson, whose views he shared and by whom he was 
implicitly trusted. He was an able writer and one of 
the founders of the Democratic-Eepublican party. 

Magna Charta, (Latin words meaning "great 
charter,") called also the Charter of Liberties, was an 
instrument signed at Runnymede, June 15, 1215, by 
King John of England, who was forced thereto by the 
barons of the kingdom. Besides restraining certain 
royal prerogatives that had been abused, and introducing 
various improvements into the to, it provided for the 



320 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN' POLITICS, 

protection of every freeman from loss of life, liberty or 
property, except by the judgment of his peers or the law 
of the land, and the king declared, **we will sell to no 
man; we will not deny or delay to any man right or jus- 
tice/^ Magna Oharta was the foundation of English 
liberties, and its chief protective provisions have been 
incorporated in the Constitution of this country and the 
separate States. (^8ee Bill of Rights; Petition of 
Right. ) 

Magnetic Statesman. — James Gr. Blaine is some- 
times so called. His friends claim for him the quality 
BO prominent in Henry Clay, of personal magnetism — 
the personal charm that makes followers even of oppo- 
nents. 

Maine. — The State of Maine was for thirty years after 
the formation of this nation a part of Massachusetts. In 
1819, the Legislature of the latter submitted the ques- 
tion of separation to a popular vote of the people of 
Maine who voted in favor of it by a large majority. It 
was admitted to the Union in 1820 by an Act of March 
3d, taking effect March 15th. The capital is Augusta. 
The population in 1880 was 648,936 and in the last 
census (1890) 661,086. Maine has four represetatives in 
Congress and six electoral votes. In politics it is counted 
a certain Eepublican State. It was named for a district 
in France, and is known popularly as the Pine Tree or 
Lumber State, from its principal industry. {See Gov- 
ernors; Legislatures; Northeast Boundary?) 

Maine Law. {See Prohidition.) 

Man, A, Who Was in the Public Service for 
Fifty Years, and Never Attempted to Deceive 
His Countrymen. — This occurs in the eulogy on Henry 
Clay, delivered by John C. Breckenridge. 

Man, The, With the Sling. — A nickname of John 
Randolph, of Virginia, given him because in debate he 
compared himself to David, and his opponent to Goliath. 

Manning, Daniel, was born at AAany, New York, 
August 16, 1831. He received an elementary public 
school education, and at the age of eleven entered the 
office of the Albany Argus as office boy. He rose step 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 321 

by step and finally became manager and president of the 
Argus Company. He became identified with various 
commercial enterprises; was director in seyeral banks 
and president of one of them. After 1874^ he was in 
various ways closely identified with the management of 
the Democratic party in his State^ although he never 
held elective office. President Cleveland appointed him 
Secretary of the Treasury, a post that he filled with re- 
markable ability until ill health compelled his resigna- 
tion. From tills illness he never recovered; he died 
December 24, 1887. 

Man of Destiny, The. — A name applied to Grrover 
Cleveland in allusion to his rapid rise from Mayor of 
Buffalo and an unknown man in 1881, to President in 
1885. 

Marshall, John, was born at Cermantown, Vir- 
ginina, September 24, 1755, and died at Philadelphia, 
July 6, 1835. He was a lawyer. In politics he was 
a Federalist. In 1797 and 1798 he was an envoy to 
France. {8ee X, Y. Z. Mission.) He served in Con- 
gi-ess in 1799 and 1800. He was Secretary of State 
under Adams. In 1801 he was appointed Chief -Justice 
and served until his death. In his early life he was 
sometimes known as " G-eneral Marshall," a title acquired 
in the mititia. 

Martial Law, is that system of government which 
is established over civil affairs in the discretion of the 
commander of a military force occupying a region of ter- 
ritory. It supersedes all ordinary government for the 
time being. It is only justified by necessity. It may be 
authorized by a State Legislature, when the public safety 
demands it. Congress has power to declare it when neces- 
sary, but not in a State not engaged in war and where 
the ordinary forms of justice are not obstructed. 

Martling Men. — The combination of the Lewisites 
and Burrites against the Clintonians in New York State 
politics. {8ee Clintonians.) 

Maryland was one of the original States of the Union. 
The capital is Annapolis. The population in 1880 was 
934,943 and in the last census (1890) 1,042,390. Mary- 



322 DTCTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

knd sends six representatives to Congress and has eight 
electoral votes. It is a sure Democratic State. The 
original colony of Maryland was named after Henrietta 
Maria, wife of Charles 1. of England. (See Governors; 
Legislatures.) 

Mason and Dixon's Line.— This line was originally 
the parallel of latitude 39 deg. 43 min. 26.3 sec, which 
separates Pennsylvania from Maryland. It received its 
name from Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, two 
English mathematicians and astronomers, who traced the 
greater part of it, between the years 1763 and 1767, 
though the last thirty-six miles were finished by others. 
It was practically the dividing line between the free and 
the slave States in the East. During the discussion 
in Congress on the Missouri Compromise, John Randolph, 
of Roanoke, Virginia, made free use of the phrase, 
and thereafter it became popular as signifying the divid- 
ing line between free and slave territory throughout the 
country. The boundary, as thus extended by popular 
usage, followed the Ohio River to the Mississippi, and 
west of that was the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min., the 
Southern boundary of Missouri, though Missouri itseM 
was a slave State. 

Mason and Slidell. {Bee Trent A^ air.) 

Massachusetts was one of the original States of the 
Union. Maine, originally a part of it, was seperated in 
1819-20. The capital is Boston. The population m 1880 
was 1,783,085, and in the last census (1890) 2,238,043.| 
Massachusetts sends twelve representatives to Congress, 
and is entitled to fourteen electoral votes. In national 
politics it has been Republican. The name is an Indian 
one; popularly the State is called the Old Colony, the 
Bay State, or the Old Bay State. {See Governors; Legis- 
latures. ) 

Masterly Inactivity. {Bee All Quiet Along the Po-- 
tomac. ) 

Mattie Van Buren. — Martin Van Buren was some- 
times familiarly called ^^ Mattie.''^ 

Maximilian. — During the Civil "War !N"apoleon III., 
then on the throne of France, sent over troops to enforce 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 323 

certain claims against Mexico. The Prenck soldiers en- 
tered the city of Mexico in June, 1863, and forced the 
Eepublican President, Juarez, to retreat. Maximilian, 
Archduke of Austria, was asked by Prance to accept the 
throne of Mexico. An election was held by which the 
Mexicans were made to seem desirous <of having him rule 
over them. He accepted the throne under the title of 
Maximilian I., Emperor of Mexico, and arrived at the 
capital in June, 1864. The United States government 
made frequent remonstrances against this violation of 
the Monroe Doctrine, but had too much on their own 
hands to permit their interference. The Prench troops 
were finally withdrawn and Maximilian, being left to 
his own resources, was unable to hold his position against 
Juarez. He was captured, condemned to death, and 
shot at Queretaro on June 19, 1867. 

McClellan Minute Men. {See American KnigMs.) 
McDonald, Joseph E., was born in Ohio August 
29, 1819. His family removed to Indiana in his child- 
hood. In early youth apprenticed to a saddler; was ad- 
mitted to the bar; served as prosecuting attorney; was 
elected to Congress in 1849; served two terms as At- 
torney-General of his State; served in the United States 
Senate 1875 to 1881. He was a Democrat. Died 
June 21, 1891. 

McLeod Case. — In 1840 one Alexander McLeod 
came to New York State on business and boasted of his 
part in the taking of the Caroline (see Canadian Rehel- 
lion) a few years previously. He was arrested in Lock- 
port and indicted for murder. The British Minister 
demanded his release on the grounds that McLeod had 
acted under orders and that the courts of the State of 
New York had not jurisdiction to interfere in a case that 
lay only between the national governments of Great 
Britain and the United States. Our federal government 
admitted the justice of the British position, but stated 
that McLeod could only be released by operation of the 
law. The Attorney-General of the United States pro- 
ceeded to Lockport to give McLeod all possible assistance. 
The discharge of the prisoner was sought for under a 
writ of Jiaieas corpus, but the court held that there was 



324 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

no ground for releasing him. The outcome of the whole 
affair was that McLeod finally proved an alibi in October, 
1841, and was acquitted. In July, 1842, Great Britain 
apologized to our government for the violation of terri- 
tory made in the seizure of the Caroline, with regrets 
that explanation and apology had not been made sooner. 
Our government accepted the £.pology and expressed 
its satisfaction. 

Mecklenburg Declaration. — This declaration was 
adopted, it is said, in May, 1775, at a midnight meeting 
of representatives of the militia of Mecklenburg County, 
North Carolina. It declares that the people of that 
county are free and independent of the British crown, 
and not only is its general tenor that of the Declaration 
of Independence, but many phrases are word for word 
as they appear in that document. The minutes of the 
midnight meeting are said to have been destroyed by 
fire in 1800. Whether the Declaration of Independence 
followed the words of the Mecklenburg Declaration or 
whether the latter, having probably been replaced from 
memory, was tinctured with the former, is a disputed 
question. 

Mediterranean Fund. -. {bee Barlary Pirates.) 
Mending Fences is a phrase sometimes used to sig- 
nify that a politician is quietly laying plans and promot- 
ing his own interest. It originated as follows: Just be- 
fore the Eepublican National Convention of 1880 John 
Sherman, one of the most prominent candidates for the 
Eepublican nomination, was visiting his farm at Mans- 
field, Ohio. One day while in a field with his brother- 
in-law. Colonel Moulton, engaged in replacing some rails 
of a fence, a reporter found him and sought some politi- 
cal news by inquiring what Sherman was doing. Colonel 
Moulton avoided the necessity of a direct reply by ex- 
claiming: ^' Why, you can see for yourself; he^s mend- 
ing his fences.-'^ 

Message. {See President's Message.) 
Me Too. — In 1881 James A. G-arfield, then recently 
elected President, in appointing the Collector of the 
Port of New York ignored the custom of making 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 325 

federal appointments within a State on the advice of 
his party^s Senators from that State. (See Courtesy of 
the Senate.) Thereupon Eoscoe Conkhng and Thomas 
C. Piatt, the ISTew York Senators, and both Eepublicans, 
resigned and immediately sought reelection for the pur- 
pose of thus demonstrating that the party endorsed 
them rather than the President. After a long struggle 
they failed of reelection. Conkling, foremost among 
the leaders of his party, was believed to have been the 
active spirit in the quarrel, while Piatt it was thought 
had merely followed in his trail. During the contest a 
New York City newspaper, foreseeing the result, pub- 
lished a cartoon comprising a large tombstone on which 
Conkling^s name was inscribed, followed by a few words 
of eulogy. Next to it was a much smaller one, similar 
in design, on which appeared only "Me too, T. Piatt. "^ 
This phrase has become current. 

Metropolis of America. — A name sometimes ap- 
plied to New York City because of its great size, popu- 
lation and importance. 

Mexican War. — The Mexican War grew out of the 
acquisition of Texas. {8ee Annexations III.) Texas 
claimed the Eio Grande as her southwestern frontier, 
and Mexico insisted on the Nueces Eiver. The United 
States supported the position taken by Texas. In 1845 
diplomatic intercourse was broken off between the gov- 
ernments of Mexico and the United States, and the 
latter ordered General Taylor into the disputed terri- 
tory. In obedience to further orders, he advanced to 
the Eio Grande in the spring of 1846. On April 26th 
the first blood was shed in an affray which resulted in 
the .capture of a small body of United States troops on 
the eastern side of the Eio Grande. President Polk 
announced to Congress that Mexico had "invaded our 
territory and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on 
our own soil.^^ Congress at once responded (May 11, 
1846,) by declaring that "by the act of the Eepublic of 
Mexico a state of war^' existed, and authorized the 
President to call for 50,000 volunteers. This bill passed 
the House by 174 to- 14, and the Senate by 40 to 2. 



326 DICTJQNAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Congress also voted $10,000,000 for expersses. The war 
was supported most strongly by the South and the 
Democratic party, while the Korth and the Whigs were 
not so heartily in favor of it. However, except that it 
was caused by the Southern scheme for the annexation 
of Texas, it was not a party measure. California and 
New Mexico were overrun by Fremont and Kearney. 
Taylor gained important victories in Mexico, and in 
1847 General Scott marched from Vera Cruz to the City 
of Mexico, pushing back Santa Anna, captured the 
capital on September 14, 1847, and thus virtually ended 
the war; but a few minor engagements followed. For 
the treaty which concluded the war, and the results of 
the conflict, see Annexations lY, and the Treaty of 
Ouadaloupe- Hidalgo. 
Miami Confederacy. {See Indian Wars.) 
Michigan was once a part of the Northwest Territory 
{see Territories), and then of Indiana Territory, from 
which it was separated under its own name in 1805. Its 
boundaries were enlarged by several acts, but in 1836 
Wisconsin was cut oif from it, leaving its limits much 
as they are at present. {See Toledo War.) It was ad- 
mitted to the TJnion January 26, 1837. The capital is 
Lansing. The population in 1880 was 1,636,137 and in 
the last census (1890) 2,093,880. Michigan has eleven 
seats in the House of Representatives and thirteen elec- 
toral votes. It is considered a Republican State in na- 
tional politics, though the Democrats gained heavily in 
1884. Its name is of Indian derivation and means 
" great lake.^" Popularly it is called the Wolverine State 
or Lake State, and its inhabitants are known as Wolver- 
ines. {See Governors; Legislatures.) 

Midnight Judges. — In the presidential election of 
1800 the Federalists were defeated. In order to gain 
every possible advantage for their party the Federalists 
in Congress constituted twenty-three new judgeships, 
although there was no necessity for such an increase. 
President John Adams was busy until after midnight on 
the last day of his term in signing judicial commissions, 
and the judges so commissioned were in contempt called 
midnight judges. 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 327 

Milan Decree. {See Emlargo Act.) 

Mileage. — Compensation for traveling expenses at so 
much a mile is called mileage. This allowance is made 
by law to members of Congress for their journeys to and 
from Washington. Constructive mileage is an allowance 
for journeys which are merely supposed to be made, as 
when Congress adjourns and a new President takes office, 
or an extra session is called. Constructive mileage is 
now prohibited by law. 

Mileage Expose. — On December 22, 1848, Horace 
Greeley published a statement showing the distance by 
the shortest post-route from the residence of each mem- 
ber of Congress to Washington, the distance for which 
he received mileage, the amount paid him, and the ex- 
cess over what he would have received on the basis of 
the shortest mail-route. The total of this excess for the 
Thirtieth Congress was 173,492.60, and the excess in 
miles was 183,031. Almost every Congressman had 
failed to make his journey as short as possible. Gree- 
ley^s expose caused considerable ill-feeling against him; 
its immediate effect was seen in the adoption of shorter 
routes by Congressmen in traveling, and several years 
later the rate of mileage was reduced one-half and con- 
structive mileage was abolished by law. 

Military Academy at West Point. {See United 
States Military Academy at West Point.) 

Military Necessity. — The Emancipation Proclama- 
tion declares that it is issued as an act of " military ne- 
cessity^' by the President as Commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy. This phrase is used to emphasize the 
fact that the President issued the proclamation merely 
in his military capacity. 

Mill Boy of the Slashes. — Henry Clay was oftcii 
so called in reference to his life as a poor boy when lie 
was sent on errands to a mill at a place near his homo 
called ^^the Slashes.'" 

Milligan Case. {See Haheas Corpus.) 

Millions for Defense, but Not One Cent for 
Tribute. {See X, Y. Z. Mission.) 

Minimum Duties. {See Customs Duties.) 



328 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Minister Plenipotentiary. {See Foreign S&rvice. ) 
Minister Resident. {See Foreign Service.) 
Minnesota. — The portion of Minnesota east of the 
Mississippi once formed part of the Northwest Terri- 
tory [see Territories), and the portion west of the 
Mississippi was a part of the Louisiana purchase. {See 
Annexations I.) The present Minnesota and Dakota 
were organized into a Territory, under the former of 
those names, in 1849, and the State of Minnesota was 
admitted to the Union May 11, 1858. The capital is 
St. Paul. The population in 1880 was 780,773, and in 
the last census (1890)1,301,826. Minnesota is entitled to 
five seats in the House of Eepresentatives and has seven 
electoral votes. It is a strong Eepublican State. The 
name is Indian in origin and means ^''sky-tinted water. ■'^ 
Popularly Minnesota is known as the Gopher State. {See 
Governors; Legislatures. ) 

Minority Representation. — Where the vote of the 
majority of a community or district elects the delegate 
for that district it is evident that the minority is disfran- 
chised — unrepresented. Minority representation seeks 
to secure for this portion of the community a voice in 
the Legislature, in the proportion that it bears to the 
whole. To accomplish this various plans have been sug- 
gested. One provides for the election of several delegates 
from a district, each voter casting a ballot for but one 
individual, but indicating a second and third choice, and 
so on, in case his first choice has already received. votes 
enough to elect him; thus no vote is wasted and every 
opinion is represented in proportion to its following. 
Another plan provides for one vote by every voter in dis- 
tricts laid out on a large scale. Every person receiving 
more than a fixed number of votes (say 1,000) is con- 
sidered elected and is entitled in the legislative body to 
one vote in that body for every 1,000 votes cast for him. 
Mint. {See Coinage.) 
Misprision of Treason. {See Treason.) 
Mississippi. — The larger portion of the present State 
of Mississippi came into the possession of the united States 
by the Treaty of Paris {which see) in 1783. Georgia, 



^ DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 329 

however, claimed tliis region and it was included in her 
cession of 1802 to the national government. A strip 
along the Northern edge was ceded by South Carolina in 
1790, and the Southern portion was part of the Louisiana 
purchase of 1803. {^See Annexations I; Territories,') 
The organization of Mississippi Territory, which in- 
cluded what is now Alabama, was commenced in 1798, 
and was c'ompleted two years later. The State was ad- 
mitted to the Union on December 10, 1817. On January 
9, 1861, a State convention passed an ordinance of 
secession. Mississippi was re-admitted to the Union by 
Act of February 23, 1870. The capital is Jackson. The 
population in 1880 was 1,131,597, and in the last census 
(1890) 1,289,600. Mississippi has seven seats in the 
House of Eepresentatives and nine electoral votes. In 
1872 the electoral vote was cast for the Eepublican can- 
didates, but since then it has been Democratic by large 
majorities. This State is named after the great river of 
the country, which in the Indian tongue is ^' great 
river, ^^ or '^gTcat father of waters;^"* popularly it is known 
as the Bayou State. {^8ee Governors; Legislatures.) 
Mississippi Territory. (^8ee Territories.) 
Missouri. — Was originally a part of the Louisiana 
purchase. i^See Annexations I.) In 1805, Louisiana 
Territory was formed, of which Missouri was a part, and 
to which it gave its name in 1812, when the State of 
Louisiana was admitted to the Union. The question of 
the admission of Missouri gave rise to much commotion 
in Congress (see Missouri Compromise), but finally 
on August 10, 1821, President Monroe, pursuing the 
acts of Congress, proclaimed it to be a State. The 
capital is Jefl:erson City. The population in 1880, was 
2,168,380, and in the hist census (1890) 2,679,184. Mis- 
souri sends fourteen Eepresentatives to Congress and has 
sixteen electoral votes. It is a certain Democratic State. 
The name of the State and river is of Indian origin and 
means ^^ muddy water;" popularly Missouri is sometimes 
called the Pennsylvania of the West. {See Governors; 
Legislatures. ) 
Missouri Compromise. — On the admission of 



330 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Louisiana as a State, the remainder of the Louisiana 
purchase was organized as the Territory of Missouri. 
In 1818 the portion now comprising the State of Mis- 
souri applied for admission to the Union. In 1819 a 
bill for this purpose, containing a clause prohibiting 
slavery, was passed by the House, but it was defeated 
by the Senate. In 1820 a bill was sent by the Senate to 
the House providing for the admission of Maine, and 
containing a rider authorizing Missouri to organize. 
There was no objection to the admission of Maine, the 
House having already passed a bill for that purpose, but 
it refused to allow the Senate to force its views on the 
Missouri question upon it. The Senate bill was accord- 
ingly disagreed to. A compromise was now patched up 
on the basis of a resolution of Senator Thomas, of Illi- 
nois. The Missouri and Maine bills were to be sepa- 
rated. Missouri was to be admitted as a slave State, but 
slavery was to be prohibited in the remainder of the 
Louisiana purchase north of thirty-six degrees thirty 
minutes north latitude. There was also a clause provid- 
ing for the return of fugitive slaves. A provision in 
the Constitution adopted by Missouri, forbidding its 
Legislature to emancipate slaves and ordering it to pre- 
vent the immigration of free negroes, led to further 
opposition, and at the next session of Congress, in 
February, 1821, Missouri was required to bind herself 
that the citizens of other States should enjoy all privi- 
leges "to which they are entitled under the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. "'' Henry Clay was largely 
instrumental in bringing about this compromise ; he 
was chairman of the last committee. Yet so little did 
he foresee its consequences, that he is reported to have 
said to a Missouri delegate after its passage: ^^Now, go 
home and prepare your State for gradual emancipation.^' 
Maine was admitted in 1820, Missouri in 1821. 

Missouri, Territory of. {See Territories.) 

Modoc War. {See Indian Wars.y 

Monetary Conference. {See Pans Monetary Con- 
ference. ) 

Mono-Metallism. {See B'-Metallism.) 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 331 

Monroe Doctrine. — President Monroe^s annual 
message to Congress in 1823 contained tlie following 
sentences: ^^ "We owe it to candor and to the amicable 
relations existing between the United States and the 
allied powers, to declare that we should consider any 
attempt on their part to extend their system to any por- 
tion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of 
any European power we have not interfered, and shall 
not interfere; but with the governments which have de- 
clared their independence and maintained it, and whose 
independence we have, on great consideration and just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not view an interpo- 
sition for oppressing them, or controlling in any other 
manner their destiny, by any European power, in any 
other light than as a manifestation of an unfriendly dis- 
position toward the United States/^ Also, '^the Ameri- 
can continents should no longer be subjects for any new 
European colonial settlement/^ These expressions em- 
body what is known as the Monroe Doctrine. President 
Monroe^s mention of these subjects was occasioned by 
the formation in Europe, a few years previously, of 
what was called the '^holy alliance^' — an alliance be- 
tween Russia, France, Austria and Prussia to maintain 
the monarchical system of government in Europe. It 
was supposed that they desired to extend their operations 
to the ISTew World also, especially with reference to tlie 
colonies of Spain, some of which had asserted, and ob- 
tained from the United States the recognition of, their 
independence. England sided with our country on this 
question, and the result was that the allies did not carry 
out their project. As popularly understood, the Monroe 
doctrine meant a political protection and a guaranty of 
freedom from European interference to all states of 
North and South America. It was not, however, in- 
tended to, and by its words it did not, declare that the 
United States would take up arms against European 
interference on these continents, nor was its intention 
to limit or embarrass the policy of our nation in the 
future. It merely declared that the United States would 



332 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

regard as unfriendly any such acts of European inter- 
meddling with the political affairs of the two Americas, 
and it left to be determined by the circumstances of 
each particular case how far the United States would 
find it wise to go in opposing it. 

Monroe, James, was born in Westmoreland County, 
Virginia, April 29, 1758. He died July 4, 1831. He 
graduated at William and Mary College, served in the 
Continental army and then read law under Jefferson. 
He was a member of the Virginia Legislature in 1782, 
and of the Continental Congress in 1783, where he 
served until 1786. From 1790 to 1794 he was United 
States Senator, from 1794 to 1796 Minister to France, 
and Governor of Virginia from 1799 to 1802. He was 
then, in succession. Minister, again to France to nego- 
tiate for the purchase of Louisiana, to Great Britain and 
to Spain. Once more Governor of Virginia in 1811, he 
became Secretary of State during Madison^s administra- 
tion and retained that post to the end of the latter^s 
second term. He was then chosen President, 1817, and 
he served two terms. During his incumbency of the 
office, party feeling died away entirely and the era of 
good feeling set in. The Monroe Doctrine was his most 
important official act, and the Missouri Compromise by 
far the most important measure of his administration. 
{^8e6 those titles.) In 1831 he removed to New York, 
where he died. He was of the Eepublican party of his 
day {see Democratic-Repuhlican Party), and of the 
more extreme and radical wing. 

Montana was originally part of the Louisiana pur- 
chase. {See Annexations I ; Territories.) It was or- 
ganized as a separate Territory in 1854. On November 
8,1889 it was admitted as a State. The population by 
the census of 1890 was 132,159. It has one seat in the 
House of Repiesentatives and three electorial votes. 
The capital is Helena. 

Moral Leper. — A leper is one afflicted with leprosy, 
a disgusting and. loathsome skin disease. By calling a 
man a moral leper it is intended to indicate that his 
moral nature is as disgusting as the physical nature of 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 333 

tlie leper. Tlie plirase was used by some opponents of 
Grover Cleveland in the presidential campaign of 1884. 

Morey Letter. — About two weeks before the presi- 
dential election of 1880, a letter purporting to haye been 
written by James A. G-arfield, the Eepublican candidate, 
to H. L. Slorey, of the Employers^ Union, Lynn, Massa- 
chusetts, was published. It was a short note relating to 
the Chinese question. It asserted the 'vyriter's belief 
that *' individuals or companies have the right to buy 
labor where they can get it the cheapest,''^ that our 
treaty with the Chinese government should be "religi- 
ously kept''' .until abrogated, and added that he was 
" not prepared to say that it should be abrogated " just 
then. The letter appeared in a !N"ew York daily paper, 
and fac-similes were at once published in all the Demo- 
cratic newspapers and circulated by Democratic cam- 
paign committees. It was thought that a large part of 
the labor vote of the country would be alienated from 
Garfield. Garfield at once declared the letter a forgery, 
but several prominent men familiar with his handwrit- 
ing declared their belief in its authenticity. An em- 
ploye of the paper that first published it was arrested on 
the charge of forging it, but the prosecution of the case 
was subsequently abandoned. In the judicial examina- 
tion, however, evidence was produced to show that there 
was BO such person as H. L. Morey, of L3mn. A wit- 
ness that had sworn to the authenticity of the letter was 
subsequently convicted of perjury and sentenced to 
eight years' imprisonment. 

Morgan, ^Villiam. {See Anti-Masonic Party; 
Good Enough Morgan Till After Election.) 

Mormons. — The Mormons are a religious sect who 
also take the name ^'^The Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter Day Saints." Their founder was Joseph Smith, 
who claimed to have discovered by divine direction 
certain golden plates bearing a written revelation. This 
was in 1827, and near Palmyra, New York. The con- 
tents of the plates, being deciphered by Smith, formed 
what is known as the "Book of Mormon.'' This was 
printed in 1830, and it was at once charged by unbe- 



334 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

lievers to be nothing more than a romance, written some 
years previously, by one Spaulding, but never published. 
The same year the church was organized with Smith as 
president. From time to time the head of the church 
has announced special revelations on various subjects. 
One of ttiese, privately announced in 1843, but not 
publicly made known till nine years later, reversed the 
teaching of the Book of Mormon and sanctioned polyg- 
amy. With the main body of the Mormons, polygamy, 
though not practiced by all, is defended, praised and 
encouraged. In 1831 the church removed to Ohio, 
where they became obnoxious and were driven out. 
Mormons had meanwhile begun to settle in Missouri. 
They were driven hence in 1838, and then removed to 
Illinois, where on the banks of the Mississippi they 
founded a city called JSTauvoo (^'beautifur^). Here also 
they became obnoxious because of their resistance to the 
legal government, and their supposed immoralities. In 
1844 the Governor of the State called out the militia, 
but Smith and his brother surrendered on the Governor's 
pledge of their safety. A mob, however, broke into the 
jail where they were confined and killed both of them. 
Brigham Young took Smith's place at the head of the 
church, and resistance to the legal authorities was con- 
tinued. In 1846 the emigration of the Mormons to a 
new and unsettled region west of the Eocky Mountains 
began. In 1848 they were collected at Salt Lake City 
and in other parts of Utah, which is still their strong- 
hold, though the neighboring Territories and even more 
distant places contain some of the sect. They attempted, 
without success, in 1850 to obtain Utah's admission to 
the Union as '''the State of Deseret" ('''the land of 
the honey-bee^'). When Utah was organized as a Terri- 
tory in that year. Young was appointed Governor by 
President Fillmore. The Mormons for many years con- 
tinued a course of terrorizing, which drove away federal 
officers, judges and other *' gentiles," as they called 
non-believers, and Young was removed from the gover- 
norship. In 1857 the Mormons were guilty of the 
murder of a hundred emigrants. This ''^ Mountain 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 335 

Meadows massacre ^^ was not avenged till 1877, when 
John D. Lee was executed for his participation in it. 
[Prom 1857 to 1859 federal soldiers were in the neighbor- 
hood to support the national officials, and they met with 
some resistance. On March 14, 1882, Congress passed 
what is known as the Edmunds^ Bill, approved March 
22d, making polygamy a misdemeanor and practically 
denying the franchise to polygamists. In 1877 Young 
died and was succeeded by John Taylor as head of the 
church. The admission of Utah to the Union is not 
likely to occur so long as there is a possibility of its es- 
tablishing polygamy on a legal basis when it has the 
powers and functions of a State. 

Morrill Tariff. — A tariff bill passed in 1861. 

Morrison Tariff Bill.— On March 11, 1884, William 
R. Morrison, of Illinois, reported from the Committee 
of Ways and Means to the House of Representatives a 
bill reducing most of the existing duties on imports 
twenty per cent, and putting additional articles on the 
free list of the tariff. The bill is called the " Morrison 
bill " and the '' horizontal bill." On May 6th, by a vote 
of 159 to 155 (10 not voting), the House struck out the 
enacting clause, thus killing the bill. Of the majority 
42 were Democrats, and of the minority 4 were Repub- 
licans. 

Morton, Levi Parsons, was born at Shoreham, 
Vermont, May 16, 1824. From a clerk in a country 
store be became a prominent and successful merchant. 
Having removed to New York he founded, in 1863, the 
banking house of Morton, Bliss & Co. In 1878 he was 
elected to Congress, and he was reelected in 1880. He 
was Minister to France from 1881 to 1885. In 1888 he 
was nominated by the Republicans for Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

Mother of Presidents. — Virginia is sometimes so 
called because it was the birth-place of seven Presi- 
dents. 

Mother of States. — A name occasionally given to 
Virginia because several States have been partly or 
wholly formed of territory that once belonged to it. 



336 DICTIONAR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Mountain Meadows Massacre. {See Mormons.) 

Mud-Sill is another name for the cross-ties used as a 
foundation for the rails in railroad building. In 1858 
Senator Hammond in referring to the working classes 
as the foundation of society and government, used the 
words, the ^^very mud-sill of society/' The term spread 
^ and was considered an equivalent for the working classes. 
During the Civil War, the Southerners, who had aristo- 
cratic tendencies, often referred to inhabitants of the 
manufacturing States of the North, as ^^ Northern 
mud-sills.'^ 

Mugwump. — This word is said to be derived from 
the language of the Algonquin Indians among whom it 
meant a chief or person of importance. It came to be 
applied derisively to persons who exaggerated their wis- 
dom and importance, and during the presidential cam- 
paign of 1884 it was used to designate those Eepublicans 
that refused to support Blaine, the candidate of their 
party. The name was adopted by these Independents 
who lost sight of the reproach it had been intended to 
. convey. {See Independents.) 

Mulligan Letters. — This name has been applied to 
two series of letters between James G-. Blaine and War- 
ren Fisher on certain business transactions. In 1876 
charges of corruption in connection with legislation fa- 
voring the Little Eock and Fort Smith railroad, and with 
other official transactions were made against Blaine. A 
resolution to investigate these matters was passed by the 
House of Representatives of which Blaine was a mem- 
ber. The letters above referred to, had been written in 
relation to this matter and they had passed into the 
hands of one Mulligan, a former clerk of Fisher. Mul- 
ligan came to Washington at the instance of the investi- 
gating committee; in an interview Blaine ^obtained 
possession of the letters and confronted the committee 
with them and a statement which he had prepared show- 
ing his connection with the matter. This was just prior 
to the meeting of the National Republican convention. 
During the meeting of the convention Blaine was sun- 
struck and the investigation was dropped. The charges 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 337 

were again brought up against him during his candidacy 
for the presidency in 1884. During that campaign 
another series of Mulligan letters relating in part to the 
same and in part to other matters were published. His 
friends ha.ve always declared their inability to see any- 
thing improper or incriminating in either series; his 
opponents believe them to be perfect proof of guilt. 
Certain it is, that many of the detached sentences have a 
suspicious sound, and during the campaign these were 
industriously disseminated and many haye passed into 
currency. 

Mutual Protection Society. {See American 
Rmguts.) 

National Banking: System. — A system of national 
banks, authorized to issue bank notes secured by the 
pledge of United States bonds, was recommended to 
Congress in the report of Secretary of the Treasury 
Chase in December, 1861, as a means of raising the 
revenue necessary to carry on the war. The alternative 
put by him was a further issue of demand not^s, of 
which fifty millions had already been issued, and the 
continuance of which he regarded as dangerous. The 
advantages claimed by him for the national bank system 
were a safe and uniform currency, greater ease for the 
government in obtaining loans, a decreased rate of in- 
terest (equivalent to the participation of the people in 
tne profits on circulation), avoidance of a money monop- 
oly, and the distribution 01 government securities among 
the monied institutions of the country, thus identifying 
their interests with those of the government. The sug- 
gestion was not acted upon at that time, and legal 
tender treasury notes, amounting in the aggregate to 
$300,000,000, were authorized. At length, on February 
25, 1863, ths National Bank Act, having been passed by 
Congress, was signed by the President. It provided for 
the organization of national banks by not less than five 
persons; for all capital stock to be fully paid up; for cir- 
culation to the extent of ninety per cent, of the market 
value of government bonds deposited, but not to exceed 
ninety per cent, of the par value; the circulation was 



338 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



guaranteed by the government, which had in return a 
first lien on all the assets of the bank to cover any 
deficit provided the bonds deposited did not fully pro- 
tect it. The total cdrculation was limited to 1300,000,- 
000. This was subsequently, in 1870, raised to $354, 
000,000, and finally, in 1875, all restrictions on the total 
amount of circulation were removed. On October 5, 
1887, the total circulation outstanding was $272,387,176, 
$102,719,440 of which had been withdrawn and legal 
tender notes deposited for its redemption. No bank 
was allowed to organize with a capital stock of less than 
$50,000, and then only in towns of less than 6,000 in- 
habitants; in larger places a minimum of $100,000 
capital, and in cities of 50,000 inhabitants or 
more, of $200,000 is required. The conversion of 
State banks into national banks was authorized, but 
only a few banks availed themselves of the privilege 
until the passage of the Act of 1865, which placed a tax of 
ten per cent, on all notes of State banks or of individuals 
used as circulation or paid out by them. July, 1864, 
there existed 467 national banks; January, 1865, 638; 
July, 1865, 1,294; and on November 1, 1887, this num- 
ber had been increased to 3,061, divided as follows: 





Number 
National 

Banks 
Org'nized 


Number 
Failed. 


Gone Into 

Voluntary 

Liquidation. 


Total number of State banks eon- 
verted into national banks to 
above date 


586 
3,219 


19 
100 


69 


Total number of new national 
banks organized to above date. 


556 


Total organized 


3,805 
744 


119 


625 


Total gone out of existence 




744 








Total number in existence. 


3,061 





The aggregate capital stock, November 1, 1887, was 
over $580,000,000. The banks are subject to rigid 
government supervision, and beside reports made at 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 339 

stated intervals, they are liable to be called upon at any 
moment for a statement of their affairs, or to subject 
themselves to an examination at the hands of the bank 
examiner. They are prohibited from making loans on 
real estate, or on the shares of their own capital stock, 
or on their own notes, or on legal tender notes, or from 
making loans to any one concern to the extent of more 
than one-tenth of their capital stock. The national banks 
are subject to a national tax of one per cent, on their 
circulation and of one-half per cent, on their average 
deposits, beside the tax of the State in which they are 
located. The banks have answered the expectations of 
their promoters, for they have provided a currency uni- 
formly safe and current everywhere. They proved dur- 
ing the war and immediately after it a valuable aid in 
placing government loans. The currency, indeed, is 
regarded as too valuable a feature of tbe system to be 
allowed to perish, a fate to which the rapid extinction 
of the public debt at present seems to point. The 
system has been denounced as one peculiarly favorable 
to the banks organized under it, but "when it is con- 
sidered that United States four per cent, bonds are now 
(1888) selling at a premium of about twenty-six per 
cent., that bonds purchased at that price yield but two 
and one-half per cent, to the investor, that the banks 
are allowed to issue circulation to the extent of but 
ninety per cent, of the par value of such bonds, and 
that a tax of one per cent, on circulation is exacted, 
while lawful money to the extent of five per cent, of 
the circulation is required to be kept with the United 
States Treasurer, and the expenses of redemption are 
borne by the bank; under these circumstances it is 
plain that the profit to banks on circulation is not large. 
As a matter of fact, when money is worth six per cent., 
circulation secured by four per cent, bonds purchased at 
a premium of twenty-five per cent., yields a profit of 
about five-eighths of one per cent. January 25, 1884, 
the McPherson Bill, as it is called, was reported to the 
Senate. Its provisions allowed national banks to issue 
circulation up to the par value of the bonds. It failed. 



340 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

however, in the House. The purchase by the govern- 
ment of United States bonds would retire the basis of 
the national bank circulation. The plans suggested to 
avoid this contingency are given under Surplus. 

National Bank Notes. (^See Currency; National 
Banhing System.) 

National Christian Association was formed at a 
convention held in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in May, 
1868. Its main principle is opposition to secret societies. 
The association has spread widely, and now has branches 
in many States. About 1872 it began action as a politi- 
cal party, for an account of which see American Party II. 

National Debt. {See DeM of United States.) 

National League of Democratic Clubs. — A 
movement started by the Young Menu's Democratic Club 
of New York, resulted in a meeting of representatives 
from Democratic clubs in various parts of the country 
in New York City on April 21, 1888. An association 
was formed with the above name. The general objects 
are the support of the principles of the Democratic 
party. In particular it indorses the policy proposed in 
President Cleveland's tariff message to Congress in 
December, 1887, and also the civil service laws. Ijb 
advocates legal prohibition of the formation of ^'trusts," 
and the reservation of public lands for actual settlers, 
and it maintains that federal taxation shall not be ^'for 
the benefit of individual or class interests." The man- 
agement of the league is entrusted to a general com- 
mittee, of which Charles Ogden, of Omaha, was elected 
chairman. Soon after the formation of the league a 
call was issued for a convention to assemble at Balti- 
more, Maryland, on July 4, 1888. 

National Party. — The formal name of the Green- 
back-Labor party, adopted at the convention of 1878. 

National Republican Party. — During the admin- 
istration of John Quincy Adams, the unity that had so 
long prevailed in the Democratic-Eepublican party 
showed signs of coming to an end. The differences 
between the Adams and Clay Eepublicans and the Jack- 
son Republicans were not merely on the surface, they 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 341 

had roots deep down. Each acknowledged the other to 
be members of the same party, it is true, but they 
nevertheless contained the elements of distinct parties. 
The Adams section was devoted to principles much re- 
sembling those of the old Federalists, but they brought 
to politics many of the popular elements of Jefferson^s 
methods. They favored a national bank, internal im- 
provements and a protective tariff. In the election of 
1828, though defeated, they made an excellent showing, 
polling 509,000 popular votes to 647,000 for Jackson. 
Through lack of tact Adams forfeited the support of 
many followers, and the leadership naturally fell to Clay, 
and by common consent the name of National Eepubli- 
can was adopted about 1830. In 1831 the party nomi- 
nated Clay, but adopted no platform. An address to 
the voters was issued, declaring its principles to be as 
above stated, but the party was defeated. In practice, 
its main aim was now opposition to the President, Jack- 
son, and it welcomed as allies men of all shades of 
opinions on other topics — the nullifiers of South Caro- 
lina, the State's-right factions of other States. To all 
these heterogeneous elements the name of Whigs was 
applied in 1834, and a large proportion of them formed 
the Whig party, whose existence dates from that year. 

Nativism is the principle that all political power 
should be in the hands of natives of the country, or 
that the requisites for naturalization should be rendered 
very stringent, so as to exclude aliens as far as possible 
from participation in the government. {^Bee American 
Party I.) 

Nat Turner's Rebellion. — In August, 1831, a slave 
revolt broke out in Southampton County, Virginia. It 
was led by JSTat Turner, who believed himself inspired to 
do this, an eclipse of the sun in February of that year 
being the sign. The excitement of the supposed revela- 
tion, however, caused him to fall ill, and it was not 
until August that the design was executed. He and his 
fifty followers gave no quarter. The uprising was at 
once put down, however, and Turner was executed. 
About sixty whites and one hundred negroes lost their 
lives in the struggle. 



342 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Naturalization is the investment of an alien with 
the rights and privileges of citizenship. In accordance 
with the power conferred on Congress by Article 1, sec- 
tion 8, clause 4, of the Constitution, an act was passed 
in 1790 providing for the naturalization of aliens. A 
residence of two years in the United States, and of one 
year in the State, was required. The Act of 1795 in- 
creased the term of residence in the United States to 
five years, and this was lengthened to fourteen years by 
the Apt of 1798. The Act of April 14, 1802, remains 
unaltered in most respects, and is still in force. At 
present, previous residence in the United States for five 
successive years, and residence in the State for one year, 
are required before the applicant can be naturalized. 
Two years before the naturalization he must declare, 
under oath or on affirmation, that he intends to become 
a citizen, and he must renounce all allegiance to any 
foreign sovereign or state. Persons coming to this 
country under the age of eighteen may dispense with 
this declaration. Certain exceptions are made in favor 
of aliens honorably discharged from the armies of 
the United States and in favor of seamen on United 
States vessels. When the terms required have expired, 
the good and law-abiding character of the applicant is 
to be proven. He must take oath or affirmation that he 
renounces all titles and orders of nobility, and that he 
will support the Constitution of the United States, and 
then he may be granted naturalization papers conferring 
citizenship upon him. The Circuit and District Courts 
of the United States, and State courts having a common- 
law jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, have power to 
grant naturalization papers. The declaration of inten- 
tion, when this is needed, may be made before the clerk 
of any of the above courts. {^8ee Expatriation; Citizen- 
ship. ) 

Naval Academy. (See United States Naval Acad- 
emy.) 

Navigation Laws. — The navigation laws of the 
United States remain to-day practically the same as 
when passed in 1792 and 1793. They are too long and 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 343 

complicated to admit of full description, but their chief 
features may be briefly stated as follows: No vessel is 
deemed American and entitled to the protection of the 
American flag unless she is wholly built in this country 
and wholly owned and officered by Americans. Foreign 
vessels can not engage in our coasting trade, which is 
held to include voyages from Atlantic to Pacific ports. 
American vessels cease to be such if even a part owner 
(except in a few instances) resides abroad for a short 
time. An American vessel once transferred by any pro- 
cess to foreigners, can never sail under our flag again. 
Duty must be paid on the value of all repairs which an 
American vessel makes in foreign ports on her return 
to this country. Eestrictions are placed on the repair- 
ing of foreign vessels in our ports with imported ma- 
terials. Vessels engaged in trade to ports not in N"orth 
or Central America, and a few specified adjacent places 
(except fishing and pleasure vessels), pay a tax on entry 
of six cents per ton of their burden, but the maximum 
aggregate tax in any one year does not exceed thirty 
cents. This is called a tonnage tax. Foreign vessels 
pay the same tax, but an American vessel is forced to 
pay an additional tax of fifty cents per ton if one of 
her officers is an alien. Materials for the construction 
of vessels for foreign trade may be imported free of 
duty, but the duty must be paid if the vessel engages 
for more than two months a year in the coasting trade. 
Foreign vessels, often at great inconvenience, must un- 
load at a port of entry, which is a single designated port 
in each customs district of the United States, except 
when laden with coal, salt or similar merchandise in 
bulk. American vessels may unload at any port of 
delivery in the district. Foreign capital is thus kept 
out of our ship-building and ship-repairing industries. 
While England and other states have been modifying 
their old rigid navigation laws, the United States has 
kept hers practically unchanged for a century^ In the 
earlier years of that period we were developing a fine 
carrying trade and a prosperous ship-building industry. 
The result of these laws has been to drive our commer- 



344 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

cial marine from the seas, to divert our capital into 
other channels or to foreign shipping, to close our ship- 
yards and to deprive us of a valuable interest, ship- 
repairing. The navigation laws and their operation are 
not easy to be grasped thoroughly by the people gener- 
ally, but the effect they have had on our shipping in- 
terests shows that they are radically defective and have 
failed to accomplish the object intended, namely, the 
protection and encouragement of these interests. 

Navy, Department of the. — This is one of the 
executive departments of the government. It was 
created in 1798. The Secretary of the Navy, its head, 
is a member of the President's Cabinet, by custom, not 
by law. He is appointed by the President and con- 
firmed by the Senate. His salary is $8,000. This de- 
partment has charge of the vessels, navy yards, guns 
and all other matters pertaining to the navy. More- 
over, the hydrographic office at which nautical charts 
with sailing directions are prepared for the use of sea- 
men, is under the direction of the department, as is 
also the preparation of the J^autical Almanac, a work of 
incalculable use to seamen. The heads of the bureaus 
into which the department is divided are chosen from 
the officers of the navy above the rank of captain. 
They hold office four years, and draw the sea pay of 
their grade or rank, not less than commodore. These 
assistants are the chiefs of: 

Bureau of Yards and Docks. 
Bureau of Navigation. 
Bureau of Ordnance. 
Bureau of Provisions and Clothing. 
Bureau of Medicine and Surg'ery. 
Bureau of Construction and Repair. 
Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting:. 
Bureau of Steam Engineering-. 
Judge- Advocate General. 
Commandant of the Marine Corps. * 

Below is given a list of all the Secretaries of ths. 
N'avy: 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ' 345 



Name. 


State. 


Years. 


G-eorge Cabot 


Massachusetts 

Maryland 


1798 1798 


Benjamin Stoddert. ... 


1798—1801 


Robert Smith 


Maryland 


1801—1805 


Jacob Crowninshield 


Massachusetts 

South Carolina 

Pennsylvania .... 

Massachusetts 

New York 


1805 1 fiOQ 


Paul Hamilton 

William Jones 

B. W. Crowninshield 


1809—1813 
1813—1814 
181 4r— 1818 


Smith Thompson 


1818—1823 


Samuel L. Southard 


New Jersey 


1823 1829 


John Branch 


North Carolina 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New York 


1829—1831 


Levi Woodbury 

Mahlon Dickerson 

James K. Paulding 


1&31— 1834 
1834- -1838 
1838—1841 


(reorge E. Badger , 

Abel P. Upshur 


North Carolina 

Virginia 

Massachusetts 

Virginia 

Virginia 

Massachusetts 

Virginia 

Virginia 


1841—1841 
1841 -1843 




1843—1844 


Thomas W. Gilmer 


1844— 1844 


John Y. Mason 


1844 1845 


George Bancroft 


1845—1846 




1846 1819 


William B. Preston 


1849—1850 


William A. Graham 


North Carolina 

Maryland 


1850—1852 


John P. Kennedy • 


1852—1853 


James C. Dobbin 

Isaac Toucey 


North Carolina 

Connecticut 

Connecticut 


185:3—1857 
1857—1861 


Gideon Welles 


1861 — 1869 


Adolph E. Borie 


Pennsylvania 

New Jersey 

Indiana 

West Virginia 

Louisiana 

New Hampshire 

New York 

New York 


1869—1869 


George M. Robeson 

Richard AV. Thompson 


1869—1877 
1877—1881 


Nathan Goff 


1881—1881 


William L. Hunt 


1881 — 1882 


William E. Chandler 

William C Whitney 


1882—1885 
1885—1889 
1889—.... 



Navy of the United States. — During the Eevolu- 
tion this country had practically no navy, the largest 
force at any one time being twenty-five vessels in 1776. 
After that year the navy dwindled, and by the end of 
the war bufc few vessels remained, and those were sold. 
Under the stress of threatened war with France and of 
actual war with the Barbary pirates (see Algerine War), 
vessels were constructed, but of these only a few were 
retained after the immediate necessity for their use had 
passed. The Federalists favored the establishment of a 
navy; the_ Eepublicans (Democrats) opposed it. The 
complications between this country and Great Britain, 
about the year 1812, caused fresh activity, and steps 
were taken to the formation of a navy. At that time 



a46 ■ DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

we liad but three first-class frigates, the Constitution, 
the President and the United States. ^ In 1812, $200,000 
annually for three years was appropriated for the con- 
struction of a navy, and its permanent establishment 
dates from that year. Thereafter it was recognized as a 
necessity by both parties. In 1816, $1,000,000 annually 
for eight years was appropriated. During the next year 
live oak and red cedar on government lands were ordered 
to be withdrawn from future sales and reserved for 
building war vessels, and agents to supervise and protect 
these woods were appointed, but in 1861, when this 
provision might have been of use, the necessary papers 
could not be found. The navy was not used actively in 
the Mexican War, and the outbreak of the Civil War 
found it again in a dilapidated condition. Moreover, at 
this time many officers resigned, and the government 
property in the Southern States was seized. At the out- 
break of that war there were forty-two vessels in com- 
mission. Of these twenty-six employed steam as auxil- 
iary motive power, thirteen were sailing vessels, and 
three were store-ships. Only twelve were of the home 
squadron, and of these only four were in Northern 
ports. The strides made under these discouraging con- 
ditions were enormous. Over 3,500 miles of coast were 
to be blockaded, besides vessels for the Mississippi River 
and the capture of privateers and cruisers were needed. 
Moreover, armor was just coming into use, and the 
government yards were in no condition to turn out 
modern vessels. In 1862 there were 427 vessels, carrying 
3,268 guns; in 1863 there were 588 vessels, carrying 
4,443 guns; in 1864 there were 671 vessels, carrying 
4,610 guns. By December, 1866, the war being over, 
these had decreased to 115 vessels in active service. But 
this number has become still further reduced, as shown 
below. Large sums have annually been spent on the 
navy, but they have been used in repairing the old 
vessels, which, owing to the enormous changes in naval 
warfare in recSht years, have become antiquated. 

There were in the naval service in 1887 about 7,500 
enlisted men and 750 boys. In 1883 forty-seven vessels 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



347 



were condemned and sold for a total sum of $384,753. 
Of late the absolute necessity of immediate action has 
been appreciated, if our navy is to be maintained even 
in a condition of moderate effectiveness. The follow- 
ing table shows what has been done and what it is 
proposed to do. The double-turreted monitors, the 
cruisers Chicagc.^ Boston^ Atlanta, Dolphin, and gun- 
boats numbers 1 and 2, were authorized prior to 1884. 
The armored cruisers numbers 1 and 2 were authorized 
in 1886, the cruisers Charleston and Baltimore in 1885, 
the Newark in 1886, the dynamite-boat in 1886, cruisers 
numbers 1 and 2, and gunboats numbers 3 and 4, in 
1887, the first-class torpedo-boat in 1886. The second- 
class torpedo-boat Stiletto was originally built and used 
as a yacht, but her extraordinary speed caused the 
government to purchase her. 

VESSELS OE THE KAVY Y^ 1887. 





» 

First 
Second 
Third 
Fourth 


1=1 


Propulsion. 


b 

H 

IS 

SOW 

% 


xp. 


CtiASS. 


xn 
o 


b 




Serviceable 


3 

10 
41 
6 
12 
12 

10 


3 

10 

39 

5 

12 

9 


*2 

1 

1 


i2 


12630 

29250 

81243 

3900 

'22886 

34287 


33 


(( 


114 


i( 


106 


i< 


20 


Tugs 


3 


Wooden Sailing' "Vessels 




76 


" " " Un- 
serviceable 




63 








Total 




94 


78 


4 


12 


184196 


414 









The pay of seamen is $258 per annum; or ordinary 
seamen $210. The pay of the retired list of naval 
officers is seventy-five per cent, of the sea pay of the 
rank held at the time of retirement. They are to be 
retired from active service at the age of sixty-two years, 
or may (except in certain grades) be retired after forty 



348 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

years of service regardless of age. The present retired 
list contains rear-admirals to the number of thirty-three. 
The United States Navy Yards are situated as follows: 

1. Brooklyn Navy Yard, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

2. Charlestown Navy Yard, Boston, Mass. 

3. Gosport Navy Yard, near Norfolk, Virginia. 

4. Kittery Navy Yard, opposite Portsmouth, N. H. 

5. League Island Navy Yard, seven miles below Philadelphia, Pa. 

6. Mare Island Navy Yard, near San Francisco, Cal. 

7. New London Naval Station (unfinished), New London, Conn. 

8. Pensacola Navy Yard, Pensacola, Fla. 

9. Washington City Navy Yard, Washington, D. C. 
10. Norfolk Navy Yard, Norfolk, Va. 

There are naval stations at New London. Conn., Port Royal, S. C, and 
Key West, Fla., and a torpedo station at Newport, R. I. 

The officers of the navy are trained for their profes- 
sion at the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis 
{which see). The United States marine corps consists 
of 2,000 men, including 81 commissioned officers. Col- 
onel Charles Hayward is commandant. The President 
is commander-in-chief of the navy (Constitution, Arti- 
cle 2, section 2). He acts through the Secretary of 
the Navy, who is at the head of the Navy Department. 
(See Navy Departme7it of the.) The old vessels of the 
navy still in commission consist of seven steel and iron 
vessels and one torpedo boat — all steam vessels; twenty- 
three wooden steam vessels, three wooden steam receiv- 
ing ships, twelve iron and wooden steam tugs, one 
wooden sailing practice vessel, two wooden sailing 
school ships, one wooden sailing store ship, six wooden 
sailing receiving ships. On all these vessels the heavy 
ordnance consists entirely of old muzzle-loading guns. 
Within the last few years the necessity of increasing the 
strength and formidability of our navy has been recog- 
nized by the Government, and as a result the present, or 
what is known as the '' New United States Navy,'' con- 
sists of the following armored and unarmored vessels: 
Chicago, 26 guns; Boston, 20 guns; Atlanta, 20 guns; 
Charleston, 22 guns; Baltimore, 24 guns; Newark, 
Philadelphia, San Francisco, 29 guns each; Maine, 32 
guns; Texas, 30 guns; Cincinnati, Ealeigh, 25 guns 
each; Cruiser, No. 9, Cruiser No. 11, Detroit, 20 guns 
each; New York, 34 guns; Cruiser, No. 6, 38 guns; 



DICriOKTARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 349 

Monterey, 16 guns; Indiana, Massachusetts, Oregon, 
40 guns each; Concord, Yorktown, Petral, Benning- 
ton, 15 guns each; Puritan, 20 guns; Miantonomah, 
Terror, Monadnock, 10 guns each, and a number of 
smaller vessels used for harbor defences, etc. It is the 
custom of foreign ships-of-war entering the harbor, or 
in passing in the vicinity of a fort, to hoist at the fore 
the flag of the country in whose waters they are and 
salute it; on the completion of the salute to the flag, a 
salute (of 21 guns) is returned as soon as possible by the 
nearest fort or battery; if there are several forts or bat- 
teries in sight, or within the radius of six miles, the 
principal fort returns the salute. The Presidential 
salute of twenty-one guns was adopted that a uni- 
formity in national salutes might be maintained, 
it being the same number of guns as the royal 
salute of England. The reason why twenty-one should 
have been selected as the number of guns has been a 
source of search and guess, with no satisfactory 
results. Of the many surmises, the two carrying the 
most weight of opinion are: first, that twenty-one was 
the same number of years fixed by English law as the 
age of majority; the second, that seven was the original 
salute, and three times seven would signify one seven 
for each of the divisions, England and Wales, Scotland 
and Ireland. It is also asserted that the United States 
adopted this salute to signify to the mother country 
that her child had reached his majority, and was pre- 
pared, in law, to inherit the land; and to this end fired 
the '^'gun of Yl^^,'' the figures of which year a(ided to- 
gether equalled twenty-one. The salutes given in addi- 
tion to the presidential salute are as follows: To the 
vice-president of the United States and the president of 
the Senate, 19 guns; members of cabinet, chief justice 
of U. S., speaker of House of Representatives, 17 guns; 
rear admiral, ^13 guns; commodore, 11 guns; captain, 9 
guns; to a sovereign or chief magistrate of any foreign 
country, 21 guns, to the heir apparent or consort of a 
reigning sovereign, 21 guns. A salute in accordance 
with their rank is also given to the viceroy, governor- 



350 DICTION A R Y OF A ME RICA N POLITICS. 

general or governors of provinces belonging to foreign 
states, to ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiary, 
to envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary, 
to ministers resident accredited to the United States, to 
charges d'affairs in charge of missions in the United 
States, to consuls general accredited to the United 
States and to officers of foreign services. The salary 
of the principal officers of the United States navy is as 
follows: Eear-admiral, at sea 16,000, on shore duty 
$5,000, leave or waiting orders $4,000; commodore, at 
sea $5,000, on shore duty $4,000, leave or waiting 
orders $3,000; captain, at sea $4,500, on shore duty 
$3,500, leave or waiting orders $2,800; commander, at 
sea $3,500, on shore duty $3,000, leave or waiting 
orders $2,300; lieut. -commander, first four years, at 
sea $2,800, thereafter $3,000, on shore duty $2,400, 
thereafter $2,600, leave or waiting orders $2,000, there- 
after $2,200; lieutenant, first five years, at sea $2,400, 
thereafter $2,600, on shore duty $2,000, thereafter 
$2,200, leave or waiting orders $1,600, thereafter 
$1,800; lieutenant, junior grade, first five years, at sea 
$1,800, thereafter $2,000, on shore duty $1,500, there- 
after $1,700, leave or waiting orders $1,200, thereafter 
$1,400; ensign, first five years, at sea $1,200. 

Nebraska was originally a part of the Louisiana 
purchase. (/See Annexations I,; Territories.) In 1854 
it was organized as a separate territory, including Mon- 
tana, Dakota, Wyoming and part of Colorado, as these 
now exist. On March 1, 1867, the President's procla- 
mation, following an act of Congress, declared it to be 
a State. The capital is Lincoln. The population in 
1880 was 452,402, and in the last census, 1890, 1,058,- 
910. Nebraska has three seats in the House of Repre- 
sentatives and five electoral votes. It is Eepublican in 
politics. Its name is of Indian origin, and is supposed 
to mean '^shallow water.'' {8ee Governors; Legislatures.) 

Neutrality is the abstention from engaging in a war 
carried on between other nations and the preservation of 
complete impartiality toward all the belligerents. The 
territory of the neutral is inviolable, but if permission to 
use it is granted to one belligerent it must be granted to 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 351 

all. War vessels with their prizes may enter neutral 
ports unless forbidden; by the laws of the United 
States prizes are not admitted to our ports. The right 
of belligerents to raise forces in a neutral country, if 

f ranted to one, must be granted to all; the United 
tates permits this to none. It is practically recognized 
at present that a neutral flag protects both vessel and 
cargo, except articles contraband of war, and that 
neutral goods, with the same exception, are protected 
even on a belligerent vessel. Neutral vessels must be 
provided with proper papers and must submit to reason- 
able examination. i^See Blockade; Contraband of War.) 
The persons and property of belligerents are protected 
while in neutral jurisdiction. War ships of belligerents 
must preserve peace with each other while in neutral 
harbors, or within a marine league of a neutral coast. 
If a war-ship leaves a neutral port, war-ships of its 
enemy are not permitted to leave till a day later; this 
is called the ^^twenty-four hour rule.''^ The person and 
property of a neutral are inviolable even when among 
belligerents, so long as he abstains from participating in 
hostilities. 

Nevada was originally a part of Mexico and was 
ceded to us by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848. 
{^ee Annexations IV.) It was organized as a separate 
Territory in 1861, and was admitted to the Union on 
October 31, 1864, by the President's proclamation, in 
accordance with an act of Congress. The capital is 
Carson City. The population in 1880 was 62,266 and in 
the last census (1890) 45,761. Nevada has one represen- 
tative in Congress and three electoral votes. In 1872 
and 1880 the vote for President was Democratic and in 
1876 and 1884 Kepublican. Its name is of Spanish 
origin and means '^snow covered.^'' Popularly it is 
known as the Sage Hen State. {See Governors; Legis- 
latures. ) 

New Breeches. — A nickname applied to the Con- 
stitution while it was before the people for ratification. 

New England Emigrant Aid Company, was a 
corporation chartered by the Massaohusetts Legislature 



352 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

in 1855, to aid free State emigration to Kansas, in 
which region the struggle between the free State and 
the slave parties was then at its height. {See Border 
War.) 

New Hampshire was one of the original States of 
the Union. The capital is Concord. The population in 
1880 was 346,991, and in the last census (1890) 376,530. 
New Hampshire lias two representatives in Congress and 
four electoral votes. It is considered a Eepublican 
State. It was named for Hampshire County in Eng- 
land, and is known familiarly as the Granite State, from 
its extensive granite quarries. (See Governors; Legisla- 
tures.) 

New Jersey was one of the original States of the 
Union. The capital is Trenton. The population in 
1880 was 1,131,116, and in the last census (1890) 1,444,- 
933. New Jersey is entitled to seven seats in the House 
of Representatives and nine electoral votes. It may be 
considered a Democratic State, though somewhat doubt- 
ful. Throughout and since the Civil War, except in 
1872, the Democratic electors have been chosen. It 
was named for the Island of Jersey, one of the Channel 
Islands. (See Governors; Legislatures.) 

New Mexico was organized as a Territory of the 
United States by Act of September 9, 1850, from terri- 
tory ceded by Mexico. {See Annexations IV.) In 1854 
the region acquired by the Gadsden purchase {see An- 
nexations V.) was added to New Mexico, which then in- 
cluded Arizona and parts of Nevada and Colorado, as 
these now exist. A few years later the northwestern^ 
and northeastern corners were given to Nevada and Col- 
orado, respectively, and in 1863 the western half was 
formed into the Territory of Arizona. Santa Fe is the 
capital. The population in 1880 was 119,565 and in 
the last census (1890) 153,593. It would probably have 
been made a State before this, but for the fear that its 
semi-Mexican population would practically establish a 
State church. {See Governors; Legislatures.) 

New Roof. — A nickname applied to the Constitu- 
tion while it was before the people for ratification. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 353 

New York was one of the original States of the 
Union. The capital is Albany. The population in 
1880 was 5,082,871, and in the last census (1890) 5,997,- 
853. New York has thirty-four seats in the House of 
Representatives and thirty-six electoral votes. It is a 
doubtful State, and the most important one in national 
politics. In 1872 and 1880 it was carried for the Repub- 
lican national candidates, and in 1876 and 1884 by the 
Democratic. It was named in honor of the Duke of 
York, one of its colonial governors. Popularly it is 
known as the Empire State, from its importance, and 
as the Excelsior State, from the motto on its coat of 
arms. {See Governors; Legislatures.^ 

Nez Perce War. {See Indian Wars.^ 

Nicholas Biddle's United States Bank. — Under 
this name the second United States Bank was known, 
after it was re-chartered by the State of Pennsylvania in 
1836. The bank paid the State 32,000,000 for the 
charter. Mcholas Biddle, the president claimed for 
the bank a large surplus after paying for the charter. 
The bank failed in 1841. In 1838 the stock was quoted 
as high as 125; in 1841 it dropped to 3^. 

Night-Soilers. — A derisive name applied by the 
Hunkers to those members of the Democratic party that 
called themselves Free-Soilers. {See Free- Soil Party.) 

Noblest Roman of them All.— This phrase oc- 
curs in Shakespeare's tragedy of Julius Caesar^ and is 
applied to Brutus. Allen G-. Thurman, of Ohio, is 
sometimes popularly so-called. 

No Man's Land. {See Cimarron.) 

Nominating Conventions. — When the consjres- 
sional caucus came to an end the present system of nom- 
inating conventions sprang up. In this country the 
earliest political influences were wielded by groups of 
leaders. Then followed the caucus in the Legislature for 
the nomination of State officers, and the congressional 
caucus {luliicli see) to nominate the President. The present 
system had its origin in the State of New York, where 
it was suggested by the Tammany Society as early as 
1813, The caucuses of the Legislatures had from time 



354 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

to time admitted citizens to their councils. This caucus, 
containing only members of the Legislature, did not, of 
course, represent those parts of the State in which the 
opposite party had been successful, and in 1817 these 
unrepresented parts in Nev/ York sent delegates to the 
caucus. Here was laid the foundation of the present 
system, but it was not fairly adopted even in Kew York 
until 1824, and by 1830 it was well established in most 
of the States. By 1835 the system, including the 
national conventions, was completely established. The 
first adoption of the system was by the Democratic 
party. Its opponents were slower in making use of it, 
and it was not until 1844 that the Whig party had a 
complete organization on this basis. The voters of a 
party in a town or election district hold a primary con- 
vention, as it is called, and this primary is the unit 
which is compounded into the county. State and 
national conventions of the party, each of these nomi- 
nating the officers for its respective domain. The 
national conventions of both the Democratic and the 
Eepublican parties admit from each State two delegates 
for every electoral vote, but while the Republicans give 
a vote to two delegates from every territory, the Demo- 
crats do not. In Democratic national conventions every 
State votes as a unit, the will of the majority determin- 
ing the choice of the State delegation, the vote of two- 
thirds of the delegates being required to nominate. (It 
has never been determined whether two-thirds of all the 
delegates to the convention, or two-thirds of those 
present, is requisite.) In the convention of 1884 the 
opposition to Cleveland made strong efforts to break the 
^*unit rule.^^ In Eepublican national conventions every 
delegate votes as an individual merely, and a majority 
vote is sufficient to nominate. The only real attempt 
to introduce the ^^unit rule," or vote by States, was 
made in 1880, in the interest of G-rant's nomination for 
a third term (his second term expired in 1877), but it 
failed. These rules have been adopted by convention 
after convention, although their adoption by any subse- 
quent convention is in no way assured. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 355 

The Territorial delegates, who are admitted in the 
Republican Convention but not in the Democratic, are 
chosen in the same way as a Congressional delegate. 

Non- Importation. — An act of Congress prohibiting 
the importation of certain merchandise, or merchandise 
from specified countries, is known as a non-importation 
law. The chief one in our history was passed in April, 
1806, forbidding the importation of certain articles pro- 
duced by England or her colonies. It went into effect 
in November, but was soon suspended, and afterward 
the Embargo and Non-Intercourse Acts took its place. 

Non -Intercourse. — Congressional prohibition of 
commerce with a particular nation, or with particular 
nations, is called a non-intercourse law. On March 1, 
1809, a Non-Intercourse Act was passed to take the place 
of the Embargo Act. It prohibited commerce with En- 
gland and France, and forbade the entrance of vessels 
of those nations or goods produced by them or their 
colonies. With several modifications it remained in 
force against Great Britain till the War of 1812. 

Non-interference, Doctrine of. — A name applied 
to the doctrine of Calhoun, that Congress had no right 
to interfere with slavery in the States and Territories. 
It is best explained by the following resolution, intro- 
duced in the national Democratic Convention of 1848, 
by William L. Yancey, of Alabama: ^'Resolved, That 
the doctrine of non-interference with the rights of 
property of any portion of the people of this confed- 
eracy, be it in the States or Territories thereof, by any 
other than the parties interested in them, is the true 
Republican doctrine recognized by this body."^ At that 
time it was rejected. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill, passed 
in 1854, is the first law countenancing this principle, 
notwithstanding the fact that this bill refers to the 
Compromise of 1850 as having recognized it. 

North Carolina was one of the original States of 
the Union. A State convention passed an ordinance of 
secession on May 21, 1861, and by Act of June 25, 
1868, the state was re-admitted. The capital is Raleigh. 
The population in 1880 was 1,399,750, and in the last 



356 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

census (1890) 1,617,947. North Carolina has nine repre- 
sentatives in Congress and eleven electoral votes. It is a 
Democratic State in national politics. The two Caro- 
linas were named after Charles II., of England (in 
Latin, Carolus). Popularly it is called the Old North 
State, the Tar State and the Turpentine State. {See 
Governors; Legislatures. ) 

Northeast Boundary. — The Treaty of 1783, be- 
tween Great Britain and the United States, defined the 
northern boundary of the latter between the St. Law- 
rence and the Atlantic. For nearly sixty years, how- 
ever, the meaning of the language used was in dispute, 
especially as to the '^ highlands "^ and the true source of 
the Connecticut River. Commissioners appointed under 
Jay's Treaty of 1794 helped to settle some of the bound- 
ary marks, but the question remained unsettled, as a 
whole, despite efforts made in 1803, in 1814 by the 
Treaty of Ghent, in 1827 and in other years. By the 
convention of 1827, the matter was referred for arbitra- 
tion to the kin*g of the Netherlands, but his award, 
rendered in 1831, was accepted by neither nation. In 
1838 and 1839 there were some hostilities on the border 
(called the Aroostook disturbance), Maine sent armed 
men thither and erected forts, and Congress authorized 
the President to resist encroachments of British subjects. 
General Scott, however, arranged for a truce and a joint 
occupation. Great Britain finally appointed Lord Ash- 
burton to settle the matter with our government, and he 
concluded a treaty {see Ashlurton Treaty) with Daniel 
Webster, then Secretary of State, on August 9, 1842. 
This treaty fixed the boundary line favorably to British 
claims on the whole, though New York and New 
Hampshire gained some territory. Maine and Massa- 
chusetts were to be compensated by the United States 
for territory given up, grants of land in the disputed 
region were confirmed and the navigation of the St. 
John Eiver was made free for people of both nations. 
Much popular indignation was felt in this country at 
the yielding of any portion of our claims. 

fjprthwest Boundary. — Russia, Spain, Great Brit^ 



DlCTlONAkY OF AMEklCAN POLITICS. 357 

ain and the United States have each at one time or an- 
other laid claim to part or all of the territory lying west 
of the Eocky Mountains and between latitude forty- two 
degrees north, the present northern boundary of Cali- 
fornia, and fifty-four degrees, forty minutes north. 
This whole region was known as Oregon. Eussia with- 
drew her claims to the territory south of fifty-four de- 
grees, forty minutes (the present southern limit of 
Alaska) by a treaty with the United States of 1824 (rati- 
fied by our government January 11, 1825), and by a 
treaty with Great Britain of February, 1825. The claim 
of Spain passed to France by. treaty, along with the 
region known as Louisiana in 1800, and was transferred 
to the United States in 1803 by the purchase of Louisi- 
ana. (See Annexations I.) Spain still held what is now 
apart of our Pacific coast, but by the treaty of 1819 (rati- 
fied by Spain in 1821) she named the latitude of forty- 
two degrees as the northern limit of her territory. 
{^8ee Annexations II.) Great Britain and the United 
States were now the only claimants to Oregon. 
Both based their claims on discovery, exploration and 
occupation. Great Britain, however, showed a will- 
ingness to compromise on the Columbia Eiver as the 
boundary, while the United States would not entertain 
the thought of compromise short of the forty-ninth de- 
gree. At the same time our government claimed as far 
north as the headwaters of the Columbia, in about lati- 
tude fifty-two degrees, and a strong popular opinion pre- 
vailed that the territory up to fifty-four degrees forty 
minutes belonged to us. Thi« was probably caused by 
the terms of the treaty with Eussia, which of course 
had no force as between this country and Great Britain. 
The Treaty of Peace of 1783, which closed the Ee volu- 
tion, settled our northern boundary as far west as the 
Mississippi, which was at that time the western limit of 
our territory. After the purchase of Louisiana, the 
convention of 1818 between England and the United 
States carried the boundary as far west as the Eocky 
Mountains, along the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, 
leaving the region west of 'those mountains open to joint 



A 



58 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN- POLITICS, 



occupation for ten years. A convention, ratified by the 
United States in April, 1828, continued this joint occu- 
pation indefinitely, providing, however, that either 
nation might terminate the arrangement by a year's 
notice. The yielding to British claims as to the North- 
east Boundary {which see) by the Treaty of 1842, led to 
a popular desire, especially marked in the Democratic 
party, to enforce our extreme claims in the northwest, 
and gave rise to the political cry of " fifty-four forty or 
fight.'' In the latter part of Tyler's administratioi\ 
(1844-45) Calhoun, then Secretary of State, had made 
an offer to accept the forty-ninth degree as the bound- 
ary, which a calm view of the facts seems to show was 
the utmost the United States could rightfully claim. 
England, however, insisted on the Columbia Eiver from 
the forty-ninth parallel to the Pacific. On Calhoun's 
refusal an arbitration was proposed, which was also de- 
clined. A strong war feeling was now aroused in Great 
Britain, to avoid the consequences of which Polk's Sec- 
retary of State, Buchanan, in July, 1845, again offered to 
accept the forty-ninth parallel. This was refused by 
England and also withdrawn by Buchanan, because of 
the indignation aroused in this country at the thought 
of yielding. Congress debated the matter and advised 
giving the notice necessary to terminate the joint occu- 
pancy, which was done. Great Britain was avowedly 
making war preparations. Finally, however, in June, 
1846, the British ambassador made an offer to accept as 
the boundary the forty-ninth parallel, as far as the chan- 
nel between Vancouver's Jsland and the mainland, and 
from that point a line through the middle of that chan- 
nel and the Strait of Fuca to the Pacific. Both 
nations were to have free navigation of the channel and 
the Columbia River. By the advice of the Senate rati- 
fications were exchanged to a convention on this basis on 
July 17, 1846. The Treaty of Washington, 1871, pro- 
vided for the decision by the Emperor of Germany of a 
dispute which had arisen under the settlement of 1846. 
The United States claimed the Canal de Haro as the 
channel through which the boundary was to run, while 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 359 

Great Britain claimed the Rosario Straits; San Juan 
and other islands were thus in dispute; Emperor Will- 
iam in 1872 decided in favor of the United States, and 
the boundary was thus at last and completely defined. 

Northwest Conspiracy, — By this name is known a 
plot that was hatched by Southern sympathizers at the 
North, during the Civil War, for the purpose of aiding 
the South by an insurrection of large proportions. It 
takes its name from the section of the country in which 
it was formed. Illinois was probably the headquarters. 
In June, 1864, exposures in regard to it were made, 
arms seized and leaders arrested. The execution of the 
design was thus thwarted. 

Northwest Territory, {^bee Territories.^ 

No Union With Slaveholders. — One of the 
mottoes of the abolition newspaper. The Liberator. {See 
Abolitionists.) 

Nullification is the act of nullifying or declaring 
void a law. In our history the term is applied to the 
nullification- by a State of a national law. The Cher- 
okee Case is the first successful instance of it, but the 
.word usually has relation to the case of South Carolina, 
where the result was different. The nullification doc- 
trine of Hayne differed slightly from that of Calhoun, 
Hayne declaring that the right to nullify resided in the 
State Legislature, while Calhoun maintained that it 
must be exercised by the people in a State convention. 
These doctrines were called into being under the follow- 
ing circumstances. The tariffs of 1824 and of 1828 had 
gradually introduced a system of protection of home 
manufactures. The South, employing unskilled and 
untaught slave labor, had no manufactures, and there- 
fore objected to a system protecting Northern manu- 
factures at its expense. A tariff bill, slightly reduc- 
ing some duties, became a law July 14, 1832, but the 
South, and preeminently South Carolina, was not satis- 
fied. This State now took steps to carry into execution 
threats previously made. A State convention was called 
to meet November 19, 1832, and on November 24th an 
ordinance of nullification was passed, This ordinance 



360 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

declared the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 void; forbade 
the payment of duty under these acts after February 1, 
1833; declared an appeal to the Supreme Court of the 
United States regarding the validity of the ordinance to 
be contempt of the State court; caused every juror and 
every State officer to swear to support the ordinance; 
and declared that if force were used against her, she 
would consider herself no longer a member of the 
Union. President Jackson acted with energy. He 
issued a proclamation pointing out that nullification was 
inconsistent with the Constitution, and ^^ disunion by 
armed force" treason. General Scott was ordered to 
Charleston. The collector of that city was instructed 
to take precautions to insure the payment of duties, 
and a naval force entered its harbor. In January, 1833, 
a private meeting of the nullifiers had decided to post- 
pone the operations of the ordinance until after the 
adjournment of Congress, and duties were paid after the 
1st of February as they had been before. Nullification 
had been crushed by the energy of Andrew Jackson. 
Toward the end of February, 1833, a new tariff bill was 
passed, though by no means one entirely satisfactory to 
the South, and on March 16th a State convention re- 
pealed the ordinance of nullification. 

Offensive Partisans. — This phrase occurs in a con- 
fidential circular letter of Postmaster-General Vilas, 
dated April 29, 1885. It treats of the removal from 
office of certain Eepublican postmasters and the ap- 
pointment of Democratic successors, and declares that 
in order to secure a removal, proof must be furnished 
that the incumbent was an '^^ offensive partisan." The 
phrase has become common. 

Office of President is Essentially Executive 
in Its Nature. — Grover Cleveland in his letter of 
August 18, 1884, accepting the presidential nomination 
of the Democratic party used the following words, which 
have since passed into current use: '^The office of 
President is essentially executive in its nature. ^^ 

O Grab Me Act. — The opponents of the Embargo 
Act of 1807, spelling the name backwards, called it the 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 361 

^' grab me ^' Act, in allusion to the inequality with 
which it bore on the different sections of the country, 
favoring the agricultural interests of the South at the 
expense of the shipping and commercial interests of 
New England. 

Ohio was cut off from the l^orthwest Territory in 1800, 
and organized separately. {^8ee Territories.) It is 
somewhat doubtful whether the date of its admission to 
the Union should be November 29, 1802, or that of the 
act of February 19, 1803, but probably the former. The 
capital is Columbus. The population in 1880 was 
3,198,062, and in the last census (1890) 3,672,316. 
Ohio has twenty-one Congressmen and twenty-three 
electoral votes. It is a Eepublican State. The name 
is of Indian origin and means " beautiful river !^' Pop- 
ularly Ohio is called the Buckeye State and its inhabi- 
tants Buckeyes, from the bucikeye tree, a species of 
horse-chestnut, which abounds in the State. {See 
Governors ; Legislatures; Toledo War.). 

Ohio Idea. — The suggestion that such parts of the 
United States debt as were not in terms made payable 
in coin be paid in greenbacks passed under the above 
name. {See Greenback- Laior Party.) 

Oklahoma Territory was originally a part of the 
Indian Territory, but was organized as a separate Terri- 
tory by Act of May 2, 1890. Previous to its organ- 
ization several attempts were made to settle in it by 
white men who were known as '' Oklahoma Boomers," 
but as the land there belonged to the Indians this was 
not permitted. The population according to the last 
census (1890) was 61,834. The capital is Guthrie. {See 
Governors; Legislatures.) 

Old Abe. — A familiar name by which Abraham Lin- 
coln came to be known among the people. 

Old Bullion was a nickname given to Thomas H. 
Benton, of Missouri, by reason of his advocacy, during 
the discussion as to re-chartering the United States 
Bank in Jackson^s administration, of the adoption of 
gold and silver as the currency of the country. 

Old Colony. — A familiar name for the State of 
Massachusetts. 



362 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Old Dominion. — A term frequently applied to Vir- 
ginia. Its origin is not settled. 
Old Guard Dies, But Never Surrenders. — The 

flower of Napoleon's army was known as the Old Guard. 
In the battle of Waterloo they were reserved to make 
the final and decisive charge, which, though gallantly 
carried out, was unsuccessful. All hope of a French 
victory was lost, and retreat was ordered. The Old 
Guard were surrounded and called on to surrender. 
Then General Oambronne is said to have replied (though 
the phrase is claimed by some to have been an after 
invention) ^*^The Old Guard dies, but never surrenders,'' 
and making another charge, they perished almost to a 
man. In our political history the supporters of Grant 
in the Eepublican convention of 1880 were known as 
the Old Guard, and of this famous but unsuccessful 
^' Three Hundred and Six" it was said, *'The Old 
Guard dies, but never surrenders." 

Old Hickory. — A sobriquet of Andrew Jackson, 
first given by his soldiers in 1813. It is supposed by 
some to have originated in the example Jackson set his 
soldiers, when short of rations, of feeding on hickory 
nuts. But Parton says: '^ It was not an instantaneous 
inspiration, but a growth. First of all, the remark was 
made by some soldier who was struck with his com- 
mander's pedestrian powers, that the general was 
^ tough.' Next it was observed that he was as ''tough 
as hickory.' Then he was called 'Hickory.' Lastly, 
the affectionate adjective 'old' was prefixed, and the 
general thenceforth rejoiced in the completed nick- 
name, usually the first- won honor of a great com- 
mander." 

Old Man Eloquent. — John Quincy Adams was so 
called. 

Old Pathfinder. — A popular name given to John 0. 
Fremont, in allusion to his success as an explorer. 

Old Public Functionary is a phrase by which 
James Buchanan was known. He applied the term to 
himself in his annual message to Congress in 1857. 
During his life he was referred to as 0, P. F* 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 363 

Old Rough and Ready. — A nickname of General 
Zachary Taylor. 

Old Saddle- Bags is a name applied to Joseph E. 
McDonald, of Indiana (see Ms name). 

Omnibus Bill, The. {See Compromise of 1850.) 

Omnibus Bills. — Bills '^embracing numerous dis- 
tinct objects" are called omnibus bills. 

Once an Englishman Always an English- 
man. {See War of 1812.) 

On the Fence. — In political parlance a man is said 
to be on the fence when he is undecided whether or not 
to support a particular measure or man, or when 
he stands between two parties, allied with neither. 
The comparison implied will be still plainer when we 
add the contemptuous phrase sometimes applied to a 
political time-server, that he is ''^on the fence ready to 
drop on either side.""* 

On to Richmond. — This cry, started during the 
Civil War by Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, 
was reechoed by the federal army and those who advo- 
cated an immediate forward movement on the Confeder- 
ate capital. 

On to Washington. — This was the cry of the Con- 
federate army in the early part of the Civil War, when 
they were crowding toward the capital and thought it 
lay within their grasp. 

Open Letter. — An open letter is one published in a 
newspaper or other public print instead of being sent as 
usual to the person addressed. This course is sometimes 
pursued where the controversy is of general interest 
either from its nature or from the peculiar circumstances 
of the case. 

Order of American Knights. {See American 
Knights.) 

Order of Knights of Labor is the name of one of 
the largest national labor organizations of the United 
States. It is a secret order and was established in 1869. 
It is at present composed of about 200,000 members, 
comprising about 3,400 assemblies. At its head is the 
General Master Workman. Its object is the ameliora- 



364 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

tion of fhe condition of its members, that is, laboring 
men, and to that end strikes are resorted to, but only 
when absolutely necessary, arbitration being preferred. 
The General Master Workman at present is T. V. Pow- 
derly. 

Order of the Sons of Liberty. {See American 
Knights. ) 

Order of the Star Spangled Banner. {See Amer- 
ican Party.) 

Orders in Council. {See Emlargo Act.) 

Ordinance of 1784. — At the close of the Revolu- 
tion it was regarded as unjust that the States having 
unsettled western possessions should hold the same 
solely for their own benefit, and it was agreed that these 
should be ceded to the general government. In 1784 
Jefferson presented to the Continental Congress, at Phil- 
adelphia, Virginia's deed of cession of all her territory 
northwest of the Ohio, and, as chairman of a committee 
appointed for the purpose, he submitted a plan for the 
government of that tract and of any other that might 
be ceded within certain geographical limits. This is 
kuown as the Ordinance of 1784. As reported, it pro- 
vided, among other regulations, for the division of the 
territory into embryo States, and ordained that it should 
forever remain a part of and subject to the government 
of the United States, and finally it abolished slavery in 
the territory after the year 1800. Its concluding section 
declared it to be a compact between the thirteen original 
States and ''those newly described,'^ and to be unalter- 
able except by the consent of Congress and of the State 
concerned. The vote on the section prohibiting slavery 
showed six States in favor of the section and three 
against it, but as it could not be adopted by less than a 
majority of all the States, it failed. In this shape the 
ordinance was carried. 

Ordinance of 1787. — ^''An ordinance for the gov- 
ernment of the Territory of the United States north- 
west of the river Ohio,'Vas reported to the last Continental 
Congress at New York, in 1787, by a committee ap- 
pointed for the purpose. This ordinance followed the 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 365 

lines of Jefferson's Ordinance of 1784, from whicli it 
differed, among other things, in |)roviding for the imme- 
diate abolition of slavery. As the act ajDplied only to 
territory north of the Ohio, and as, moreover, it con- 
tained a provision for the return of fugitive slaves, the 
Southern States offered no ojoposition, and it was 
adopted by the unanimous vote of the States. 

Oreg'on was acquired by purchase from France in 
1803. {^Bee Annexations I.) Its southern boundary was 
defined by the Treaty of 1819 with Spain [see Annexa- 
tions II.), and its northern boundary by the convention 
of 1846. [See Northwest Boundary.) It was organized 
as a Territory, including what are now Washington and 
Idaho Territories, in 1848. On February 14, 1859, it 
was admitted to the Union. The capital is Salem. The 
population in 1880 was 174,768, and in the last census 
(1890) 313,767. Oregon is entitled to only one seat 
in the House of Eepresentatives, and has three electoral 
votes. It is Eepublican, though not by large majorities. 
.{8ee Electoral Commissio7i.) Its name is of Spanish 
origin, and means ^'wild thyme.''' {See Governors; 
Legislatures. ) 
Oregon Boundary. {See Northwest Boundary.) 
Orleans, Territory of. {See Territories.) 
Ossawattomie Brown; or, John Brown, of 
Ossawattomie. — A name which John Brown acquired 
while in Kansas. His sons had settled near the village 
of Ossawattomie, in that State, and here he joined 
them. {See Brown, John.) 

Ostend Manifesto. — The expeditions of Lopez in 
1850 and 1851 to assist the Cubans in their revolution- 
ary plans, and Secretary of State Everett^s declination 
in 1852 to engage with France and England in the 
proposed Tripartite Treaty {see Filibusters and Tri- 
partite Treaty), attracted much attention to the 
question of annexing Cuba to the United States. 
President Pierce in 1854 directed our ministers to 
Great Britain, France and Spain — James Buchanan, 
John ^. Mason and Pierre Soule — to meet and con- 
sider the subject. Accordingly they met at Ostend^ 



366 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

in Belgium, whence they adjourned to Aix la Chapelle. 
From this place, in October, 1854, they addressed a 
letter to our government declaring that, the purchase 
of Cuba would be advantageous, both to Spain and 
to the United States, but urging that if the island 
could not be acquired by purchase it was advisable, and 
would be justifiable for our own protection, to seize it. 
This dispatch is known as the Ostend Manifesto and 
was chiefly the work of Buchanan. No practical results 
followed. In 1856 it was denounced by the Eepublican 
platform and not defended by the Democratic. But the 
latter party in 1860 advised the acquisition of Cuba by 
purchase. 

Our Country is the World — Our Countrymen 
are all Mankind. — One of the mottoes of the aboli- 
tion newspaper. The Liberator. {8ee AloUtionists.) 

Our Country, Right or Wrong.— At a dinner in 
Norfolk, Virginia, in 1816, Commodore Stephen Deca- 
tur gave the following toast: '^ Our country! In her 
intercourse with foreign nations may she always be in the 
right; but our country, right or wrong." 

Our Federal Union, It Must be Preserved. — On 
April 13, 1830, a dinner was given in the city of Wash- 
ington in honor of Jeiferson^s birthday. One of its ob- 
jects was, if possible, to commit the Democratic party 
to the doctrine of nullification. The regular toasts had 
been adapted to that end, but when they were over a call 
on Jackson for a toast of his own, drew out the above. 

Our Lives, Our Fortunes and Our Sacred 
Honor. — These are the closing words of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, which is from the pen of Thomas 
Jefferson. 

Our Own Evarts. — A name by which William M. 
Evarts, of New York, is known. 

Pacific Blockade is a blockade enforced while there 
is no war existing between the blockading and the block- 
aded countries. It is hardly justified by international 
law, but is sometimes employed as a coercive measurd 
by a powerful nation against a weak one. 

Pacific Mail Subsidies. {See Subsidies.) 



DICTtONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 36? 

Pairs. — An agreement between two members of a 
legislative body, that would have voted on opposite sides 
of a question, for each to abstain from voting, is called a 
pair; the result is thus left unaffected and one or both 
of the members is enabled to be absent. 

Pacific Railroads. — This name is applied collectively 
to various railroads^ as stated below, to which the aid of 
the national government was extended in order to facili- 
tate railroad connection between the Pacihc coast and the 
remainder of the country. Such communication had 
long been regarded as necessary to prevent a gradual 
utter divergence of interests between these sections and 
consequent ultimate separation. As early as 1846 the 
scheme had been broached. In 1855 surveys were made, 
and in 1860 both of the great |)olitical parties recom- 
mended government aid to the project. In 1862 an act 
was accordingly passed granting to the companies five 
sections of public land and 11*6^000 in government 
bonds for every mile constructed, the land and bonds 
for every stretch of forty miles to be turned over to the 
company only on the completion of such stretch. For 
different portions of the route the grants of bonds 
varied, some being as high as 148,000 per mile for the 
more difl&cult. On the other hand, all transportation 
or other service performed for the government was to 
be applied to its reimbursement for the principal and 
interest of the bonds so issued. Meanwhile the bonds 
were to be a first lien on all the property of the com- 
pany. In 1864 the grant of land per constructed mile 
was increased from five to ten sections. {^See Land 
Grants.) The stretch of forty miles required to be 
completed each time before bonds and land on any part 
of it were granted, was reduced to twenty miles, and the 
company was authorized to issue bonds- not exceeding 
the amount of the government bonds, the mortgage of 
the latter in favor of the government to be postponed 
to that of the new bonds; moreover, it was provided 
that only one-half of the value of the company's ser- 
vices to the government was to be retained to extinguish 
the debt; the other half was to bo paid in cash 



368 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

to the company. The Union Pacific Koad was 
built westward over the mountains, and the Central 
Pacific Road was built eastward from Sacramento. 
These two lines were joined, with impressive cere- 
monies, at Promontory Point, Utah, May 10, 1869. 
The last tie, of laurel wood, with a plate of silver upon 
it, was laid, and the last spike, made of iron, silver, and 
gold, was driven in the presence of distinguished men. 
The officers of the road, and a large concourse of visit- 
ors from East and West were present. Telegraph 
wires were attached to the last rail, and the last blows 
were signaled upon bells in Washington and other large 
cities. In many places large crowds had gathered to 
receive the first intimation conveyed almost instantane- 
ously over the electric wires, that the great work was 
complete. When the signal was received in San Fran- 
cisco and elsewhere all the church bells were rung, and 
cannon were fired. 

In May, 1878, an act, known as the Thurman Act, 
was passed, prescribing more stringent terms for the 
repayment of government advances. In addition to the 
amounts retained out of sums due for government ser- 
vice, the Act of 1862 provided for the payment of five 
per cenf. of the net earnings of the company. The Act 
of 1878 retained the entire amount due to the companies 
for government service, one-half to be applied to interest 
payments, one-half to form a sinking fund for the prin- 
cipal, and it required, moreover, the annual payment of 
a fixed sum ($850,000 for the Union Pacific and $1,200,- 
000 for the Central Pacific), or so much thereof as 
might be necessary to make the total obtained by adding 
the five per cent, of net earnings and the whole of the 
compensation retained, equal to twenty-five per cent, of 
the net earnings. The method of computing the net 
earnings was prescribed, and it was provided that the 
additional payments thus required were not to be ex- 
acted unless the net earnings were sufficient to meet the 
interest on the bonds prior in lien to the government 
mortgage. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 369 

Panic of 1837 and Wild-Cat Banks.— After the 

closing up of the United States banks in 1832, and the 
transfer of its deposits to State banks, there was a 
great increase in the number of small banks, especially 
in the South and West, where the influx of population 
was a constant stimulus to the desire for speculation. 
The scarcity of capital in those regions made it easy to 
put in circulation anything that purported to be money. 
Thus, any enterprising individual could, with a very 
limited capital, or indeed with no capital at all, open a 
bank, issue $10,000 or more in small notes, and pass 
them over in easy loans to land speculators. Another 
way of playing the same game was to nominally estab- 
lish the headquarters of a bank in a remote or inacces- 
sible point in the State, say of Georgia or Illinois, 
where the bills purported to be issued and to be pay- 
able. The real pla(5e of business, however, for the cir- 
culation of the notes of the bank was a distant city, 
New Orleans, perhaps, or Buffalo. These institutions 
were called wild-cat banks, and this mode of doing 
business wild-cat banking. It took only about four 
years of this method of swindling to bring on the crash 
of 1837, one of the most painful and prolonged crises 
in our financial history. 

Pan Electric Scandal. — The Pan Electric Com- 
pany is a company claiming patents which would be 
valuable if the Bell Telephone patents were declared in- 
valid. The promoters of the scheme are alleged to have 
distributed some of the stock among Senators in order to 
secure, if possible, legislation favorably affecting their 
company. A. H. Garland, at that time Attorney-General, 
received some of this stock while Senator, it is charged, 
and when the Pan Electric Company applied to the 
Attorney-General to begin suit in the name of the 
United States government for the annulment of the Bell 
patents, comment was naturally rife. The application 
was heard by the Solicitor-General, the Attorney- 
General being on a vacation, and after mature delibera- 



370 DICTION AR Y 01^ AMERICAN FOIITICS. 

tion favorably decided. The holding of this stock by 
the Senators had previously been the subject of inquiry 
by a congressional committee. 

Panics. {See Commercial Crises.) 

Paper Blockade. i^See Blochade.) 

Pardon. — A pardon in its legal sense is the remission 
of the penalty imposed for the commission of a crime. 
When partial it is called a commutation of sentence. 
The effect of a full pardon is to restore the criminal to 
all his rights and privileges as a citizen. It is regarded 
as a deed and must be accepted to be valid. It cannot, 
however, be recalled when once made complete by de- 
livery and acceptance. The pardoning power is inherent 
in the sovereign. In the United States the power of 
granting pardons for offences against federal laws is del- 
egated to the President. In the States it is usually 
given to the G-overnor, but it may be left to the Legisla- 
ture, or entrusted to a Court of Pardons, as in New 
Jersey. 

Paris Monetary Conference.—There have been 
three such conferences. I. The Conference of 1867 
met in Paris, June 17, 1867, at the invitation of France. 
The United States was represented by Samuel B. Eug- 
gles, of New York. The Conference voted in favor of 
the single gold standard, 'Heaving each State the liberty 
to keep its silver standard temporarily,''^ and also in 
favor of the five-franc gold piece of France as the com- 
mon denominator for an international coinage. The 
conclusions of the Conference were to be referred to the 
governments taking part in it. The answers were to be 
sent to France, to which nation the power of re- 
assembling the Conference was given. The Conference 
adjourned July 6th. It was not re-assembled. II. The 
Act of Congress of 1878, authorizing the coinage of the 
standard silver dollar (see Coinage), directed the Presi- 
dent to invite the European governments to a confer- 
ence for the purpose of fixing the relative value of gold 
and silver, and of promoting international bi-metallism. 
The Conference assembled in Paris, August 16, 1878, 
the United States being represented by Eeuben E. Fen- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 371 

ton, of New York; W. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio; Francis 
A. Walker, of Connecticut, and S. Dana Horton, Sec- 
retary. The Conference voted that silver as well as 
gold was necessary for use as money, but that all ques- 
tions connected with its adoption as a standard alone, or 
together with gold, ought to be left to each country to 
settle for itself; that the restriction of the coinage of 
silver was similarly a question for the determination of 
each nation for itself, and that the establishment of a 
fixed ratio between the two metals was impossible, in 
view of the differences of opinion that prevailed. The 
Conference adjourned August 29th. III. The Conference 
of 1881 was called by France and the United States for 
the purpose of devising a plan for the establishment ^'^ of 
the use of gold and silver as bi-metallic money, '^ and of 
fixing a ratio between these metals. The Conference 
met at Paris April 19, 1881. S. Dana Horton again 
represented the United States, as did also William M. 
Evarts, of New York; Allen G-. Thurman, of Ohio, and 
Timothy 0. Howe, of Wisconsin. After considerable 
discussion the delegates of France and the United States 
declared their belief that the fluctuations in the relative 
value of silver and gold were injurious to commerce, 
that free coinage (see Bi-Metallism) of gold and silver 
by the principal commercial countries would give the 
stability desired. That the ratio of 15^ to 1 was the 
ratio best adapted to the purpose, and that the agree- 
ment of England, France, Germany and the United 
States would suffice to insure the success of any such 
combination. An adjournment was requested to give 
time for diplomatic negotiations, and it was voted to 
adjourn until April 12, 1882. The Conference never 
re-assembled. 

Particularists were those American Whigs that, in 
the early history of our government, feared that the 
federal government would be unduly strengthened to 
the detriment of the independence of the States. 

Party Conventions. {See Nominating Conven- 
tions. ) 

Patriot War. {8ee Canadian Relellion.) 



372 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Paternalism means the system of governmsnt that, in- 
stead of confining its attention to the preservation of order 
and tiie enforcement of justice, descends to the regula- 
tion of the details in the life of an individual. These, 
experience has shown, can best be left to the individual 
himself. As the term implies it is fatherly care and 
supervision over the individual by the state. One of 
the most highly developed examples thereof is the Ger- 
man Empire of to-day. 

Pathfinder. — A popular name given to John C. Fre- 
mont, in allusion to his success as an explorer. 
Patronage. {See Civil Service Reform.) 
Patrons of Husbandry. {See Grangers.) 
Patrons of Industry. {See Grangers.) 
Patton Resolutions. {See Gag Laws.) 
Pauper Labor is a phrase which we hear chiefly in 
connection with a discussion of free trade and protection, 
the advocates of the latter doctrine maintaining that 
protective duties are necessary to prevent the competi- 
tion between American labor and so-called European 
pauper labor. The lower wages and less comfortable 
position of laborers abroad has led to the adoption of 
the phrase. It came into use about 1842 and has been 
reiterated ever since. 

Peace Conference, Congress or Convention. — 
In January, 1861, several States having already seceded, 
Virginia issued an invitation to the other States of the 
Union to send delegates to a conference to be held at 
Washington for the purpose of devising a plan for the 
peaceable settlement of the existing difficulties. The 
Conference met February 4th, fourteen free States and 
seven slave States being represented. The voting was 
by States. Ex-President John Tyler was chosen to pre- 
side. A committee of one from each State was ap- 
pointed to report '' what they may deem right, necessary 
and proper to restore harmony and preserve the Union." 
There were several minority reports: the majority re- 
port v/as, however, adopted. It recommended several 
amendments to the Constitution, as follows: 1. In the 
Territories north of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 373 

slavery was to be prohibited. lu Territories south of that 
line the institution was to remain as it then was, and no 
law was to be passed abridging the right of a man to 
take his slave thither. The status of new States was to 
be determined by the Constitution adopted by them. 2. 
No new territory was to be acquired except by discovery 
or for naval and commercial stations or depots, without 
the concurrence of a majority of the Senators from the 
free States and a majority of the Senators from the 
slave States. 3. Neither the Constitution nor any amend- 
ment thereof was to be construed as giving Congress power 
to interfere with slavery in any State; nor to abolish it 
in the District of Columbia without the consent of the 
State of Maryland and of the owners, nor without com- 
pensation to the latter; nor to prohibit representatives 
and others from taking their slaves to the District and 
bringing them away again; nor to prohibit slavery in 
any place under the jurisdiction of the United^States, if 
within a slave State; nor to prohibit the inland slave 
trade between slave States, but not in or through free 
States. The slave trade in the District was prohibited. 
Section 4 provided for the delivery of fugitive slaves, 
section 5 for the prohibition of the foreign slave trade, 
section 7 for the payment to owners by the United 
States of the value of slaves that might escape by reason 
of the interference of mobs with federal officers, and 
for ''^ securing to the citizens of each State the privileges 
and immunities of citizens in the several States, ^^ while 
section 6 ordained that sections 1, 3 and 5 and Article 1, 
section 2, clause 3, and Article 4, section 2, clause 
3, of the Constitution were to be amended or abol- 
ished only by the unanimous consent of the States. 
This plan was introduced into the Senate, but was voted 
down, and in the House it likewise failed. It was satis- 
factory to neither party. 

Peace Org'anization. (^See American Knights.) 
Peace with Dishonor. {See War, the, a Failure.) 
Peanut Politics is an expression used to indicate 
political acts having in view some peculiarly small party 
advantage. 



374 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Pendleton Bill. {See Civil Service Reform. ) 

Pennsylvania was one of the original States of tha 
Union. The capital is Harrisburg. The population in 
1880 was 4,282,891, and in the last census (1890) 5,258,- 
014. Pennsylvania is entitled to twenty-eight seats in 
the House of Kepresentatives and to thirty electoral 
votes. It is Eej)ublican in national politics. It was 
named after William Penn, its founder. Popularly it is 
called the Keystone State, because it occupies the place 
of the keystone in an arch representing the thirteen 
original States. {See Governors; Legislatures.) 

Pennsylvania of the West. — A name applied to the 
State of Missouri. 

People's Party. — In 1884 Benjamin F. Butler, of 
Massachusetts, was nominated for the presidency by the 
Anti-Monopoly party at Chicago, May 14th, and by the 
Grreenback- Labor party at its convention in Indianapolis, 
May 27th and 28th. This common ticket of the two 
parties was known as the People^s party. 

Pensions. — A pension is a regular payment of money 
to a person by the government in consideration of past 
services in its employ. Pensions were formerly granted 
in the United States only to enlisted men of the army 
or navy who had suffered during our various wars, ex- 
cept in a few special instances. But in 1869 an act was 
passed providing pensions at the rate of their salary to 
United States judges who have served ten years and 
resigned at seventy years or upward. Pensions have 
also been granted to the widows of former Presidents, 
Mrs. Lincoln, Mrs. Garfield, Mrs. Polk and Mrs. Tyler. 
Employes in the life-saving service, in the quarter- 
master's and paymaster's departments, and nurses have 
also received them. Private pension bills are often 
passed, but by far the largest number of pensioners of 
the United States are such under general laws. As 
early as 1806 the United States had adopted a system o'f 
pensions for those who had become disabled in its mili- 
tary and naval services. In 1818 the system was ex- 
tended to persons in reduced circumstances who had 
served at least nine months at any period of the Eevo- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 375 

lutiou, whether disabled or not. Abuses at once began 
to be apparent, and many persons received money who 
were not entitled to it. From that time till the period 
of the Civil "War, the general rule in the many successive 
pension acts that were passed was to extend the govern- 
ment's bounty. Since 1862 the pension laws have been 
more numerous and generous than ever, especially for 
the last few years, when a surplus in the national treas- 
ury has made Congress liberal in the extreme. One of 
the most conspicuous of these laws was the * ^Arrears of 
Pensions Act,'"* approved by President Hayes on January 
25, 1879. It provided for the payment of pensions 
from the date of discharge or disability, and not from 
the date of application, as previous laws had provided in 
case the claim w^as not made within a certain time. The 
political parties seem of late years to be afraid of alien- 
ating the votes of soldiers if they refuse to pass the 
most extravagant laws. This particular bill was a meas- 
ure rushed through by the claim agents almost without 
debate, and has given rise to countless abuses. Widows 
(till remarriage) of soldiers or sailors who have died of 
wounds contracted in the line of duty in the Ifnited 
States service, children under sixteen, and mothers, and 
sisters under sixteen, who were dependent on the de- 
ceased, are entitled to a pension in the above order of 
priority. Only one full pension is allowed, and if it 
goes to children or to sisters, it is equally divided be- 
tween them. It is impossible to enumerate all the 
causes for which pensions are granted, or the circum- 
stances under which they are allowed. The United 
States is probably the most liberal nation in the world 
in this respect. The Porty-ninth Congress passed a 
multitude of private pension bills, most of which were 
vetoed by President Cleveland, and only one of which 
was passed over his veto. The amount paid by the gov- 
ernment in pensions in 1791 was 1175,813.88. The 
smallest amount paid in one year was 162,902.10, in 
1803; the largest was 1118,548,959.71, in 1891. The 
largest amount paid up to the Civil War was $4,589,- 
152.40, in 1833. The following table shows the number 



376 DICTION AR Y OF A MERICAN POLITICS. 



of pensioners on the roll, and the disbursements on ac- 
count of pensions since 1861 : 



PiscAii Year Ending June 30. 



1861. 

1862. 

1863. 

1864. 

1865. 

1866. 

1867. 

1868. 

1869. 

1870. 

1871. 

1872. 

1873. 

1874. 

1875. 

1876. 

1877. 

1878. 

1879. 

1880. 

1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

1884. 

1885 

1886. 

3887. 

1888. 

1889 

1890. 

1891. 



Total. 



Number op 




Pensioners on 


DiSBimSEMBNTS. 


Roll. 




8,636 


$ 1,072,461 55 


8,159 


790,384 76 


14,791 


1,025,139 91 


51,135 


4,504,616 92 


85,986 


8,525,1.53 11 


126,722 


13,459,996 43 


153,183 


18,619,956 46 


169,643 


24,010,981 99 


187,693 


28,4-22,884 08 


198,686 


27,780,811 81 


207,495 


33,077 383 63 


232,229 


30,169,341 00 


238,411 


29,185,289 62 


236,241 


30,593,749 56 


234,821 


29,683,116 63 


232,137 


28,351,599 69 


232,104 


28,580,157 04 


223,998 


26,844,415 18 


242,755 


33,780,526 19 


250,802 


57,240,540 14 


268,830 


50,626,538 51 


285,697 


54,296,280 54 


303,658 


60,431,972 85 


322,756 


57,273,536 74 


345,125 


65,693,706 72 


365,783 


64,584,270 45 


406,007 


74,815,486 85 


4.^2,557 


76,646,146 37 


489,725 


89,131,968 44 


537,944 


106,493,890 19 


676,160 


118,548,959 71 




$1,274,261,264 07 



Pernicious Activity. — On July 14, 1886, President 
Cleveland directed a circular letter ^^ to the heads of de- 
partments in the service of the general government,'^ 
warning them and their subordinates against using ^ 'their 
official positions in attempts to control political move- 
ments in their localities. '^ The letter contained the fol- 
lowing sentence: ^^ Office-holders are neither disfran- 
chised nor forbidden the exercise of political privileges; 
but their privileges are not enlarged, nor is their duty to 
party increased to pernicious activity by office-holding. ■'' 

Personal Liberty Laws. — A name given to laws 
passed by many of the JSTorthern States for the purpose 
of impeding the operation of '^'^ fugitive slave laws.'' 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN- POLITICS, 377 

They generally forbade the use of State jails for the. 
purposes of the fugitive slave laws; forbade the State 
magistrates to act under them; provided counsel for the 
fugitives, and secured to them trial by jury and the benefit 
of ^ ^habeas corpus/^ The fugitive slave law of 1850 placed 
its operation entirely in the hands of federal officers. 
Changes were made in the personal liberty laws to cor- 
respond to the increased stringency of the laws of 1850. 
Most of the Northern States passed acts of this nature, 
and thus was the Compromise of 1850 met in the North. 
This was one of the main grievances that at this time so 
increased Southern bitterness against the North. 

Personal Liberty Party. — The strict enforcement 
in New York of laws directed against the sale of liquor 
on Sundays, caused the formation there of an organiza- 
tion favoring the abolition of such restrictions on the 
sale of liquor as are deemed to conflict with the liberty 
of the individual, that is, the total prohibition of its 
sale on Sunday. This organization took the name of Per- 
sonal Liberty Party, and in New York, on October 6, 
1887, adopted a platform declaring that laws of the 
above description have notoriously failed to improve 
morality while they interfere with the personal liberty of 
the individual, and citing as people whose habits of life 
are thus interfered with the German element of our 
population who are "assiduous, temperate and law 
abiding people.^' 

Personation is a fraud practiced in elections and 
consists in voting under dilferent names at the same 
polling place. 

Peruvian Guano Troubles. — In the early part of 
1881 Chili had practically brought Peru to her feet in 
a war which the two countries had been waging against 
each other. Chili seemed inclined to press for a cession 
of the southern part of Peru as part of the war indem- 
nity. This region is especially rich in guano deposits 
which have been found to be very valuable. Claims for 
discovering these deposits — the two principal ones being 
known as the Landreau and Cochet Claims — had for 
many years been pressed on the Peruvian government 



378 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

without success, though the government had virtually 
acknowledged their justice. At this 'time they were 
owned by Americans, who, fearing that their claims 
would be hopeless if the territory should be trans- 
ferred to Chili, sought the aid oi our govern- 
ment to prevent Chili from acquiring the territory; 
it is asserted that the diplomacy of Blaine, Secretary of 
State at the time, was exerted in favor of this scheme, 
by reason of which fact he is sometimes referred to as 
the ''guano statesman/^ and his foreign plans as a 
''guano policy/^ Our Minister to Peru, General Stephen 
A. Hurlbut, seems to have threatened the displeasure of 
the United States should Chili insist on the cession. 
This was unwarranted, even by Blaine's instructions, and 
of course unjustified by the rules of international comity 
in a war with which we had nothing to do. When, 
however. Chili arrested Calderon, the President of that 
one of the two conflicting governments in Peru which 
we had recognized. President Arthur in December, 1881, 
sent a special envoy, William H. Trescott, of South 
Carolina, accompanied by Walker Blaine, son of the 
Secretary of State, to the scene of the difficulties. 
Blaine's instructions to Trescott implied that the ad- 
ministration felt some reason to suppose that Chili had 
intentionally offended us by the arrest of Calderon, and 
that we had determined to - assume a severer tone with 
Chili. About this time Frelinghuysen succeeded Blaine. 
H6 revoked part of Blaine's instructions to Trescott 
and ordered a more pacific course, and Trescott was soon 
recalled. Chili subsequently secured the coveted ter- 
ritory. It is asserted by some that government officials 
were interested in the guano claims and secured the fol- 
lowing of a policy, so long as Blaine was Secretary, that 
must soon have plunged us into a war with Chili, had 
not a more pacific tone been adojoted and our interfer- 
ence with Chili been brought to an end. 

Pet Banks. — A name applied to the State banks in 
which United States funds were deposited by President 
Jackson after he had removed these funds from the 
United States Bank. 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 379 

Petition of Right. — The arbitrary course of action 
of Charles I., of England, led Parliament in 1628 to 
draw up a '^petition of right/' which demanded that 
the king should not levy taxes without the consent of 
Parliament, nor try the people by court martial, nor 
imprison any one without due process of law. Charles 
agreed to it, and the liberties which had been secured to 
Englishmen by Magna Charta were thus confirmed and 
enlarged. The Petition of Eight is one of the steps by 
Avhich English-speaking people secured their protection 
from tyrannical acts of the government. (See Magna 
Charta; Bill of Riglits.) 

Petition, Right of. — The right of petition is a right 
antedating the Constitution. It is embodied in Mag- 
na Charta, and again in the English Bill of Eights. 
It was a part of the common law in this country at the 
time of the adoption of the Constitution. The First 
Amendment to that instrument created no new right by 
providing that " Congress shall make no law . . . 
abridging . . . the right of the people peaceably to 
assemble and to petition the government for a redress of 
grievances.'"' It simply declared an old right, and 
guarded it from interference on the part of Congress. 
The power to protect the right was not taken from the 
States. That power had resided in them, and it was 
left in their hands. Citizens must look to the State 
governments for its enforcement. But the right is im- 
plied in the idea of a republican government, and is 
therefore guaranteed by the national government (Con- 
stitution, Article 4, section 4). Minnesota, Virginia 
and West Virginia are the only States whose Constitu- 
tions make no mention of the right. A petitioner is not 
guilty of libel on account of the facts recited in his peti- 
tion, even if these be false, unless malice is proven. 
Before December 12, 1853, all petitions to the House of 
Representatives were presented in the House, and the 
introduction of petitions relating to the abolition of 
slavery led to heated debates, and between 1836 and 
1844 to rules that practically nullified the right. {See 
Gag Laws. ) On the above date the rules were modified 



380 ^iC TlOMA RV OF A M ERICA N P LI TICS, 

SO that now petitions are endorsed with the name of the 
member presenting them and the committee to which 
they are to be referred; they are sent to the clerk, who 
enters them in full on the journal and transmits them to 
the proper committee; they appear in the Congressional * 
Record. 

Pewter Muggers was a name given to a faction of 
the Democratic party in New York City about 1828, in 
which year, with the help of the Adams men (the ad- 
ministration party) and the anti-Masons, they defeated 
the Tammany candidates for several important offices. 
The name originated from the resort in Frankfort Street 
which the leaders of the faction patronized extensively. 

Pierce, Franklin, was born at Hillsborough, New 
Hampshire, November 23, 1804, and died at Concord, 
New Hampshire, October 8, 1869. He was a lawyer and 
a graduate of Bowdoin. In politics he was a Democrat. 
He was a member of the State Legislature from 1829 to 
1833, and a Congressman from 1833 to 1837. From 
1837 to 1842 he was a Senator. During the 
Mexican War he held a commission as major-general 
and saw some active service. In 1852 he was elected 
President. The principal events of his administration 
were the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the 
Gadsden Purchase and the exploits of filibusters. He 
retired to private life at the expiration of his term. He 
was an anti-war Democrat during the Civil War. 

Pinckney's Resolutions. {See Gag Laws.) 

Pivotal State. — Any State upon the result of whose 
vote an election depends (the votes of the other States 
being so equally divided) is called a pivotal state. The 
title has been more particularly earned by New York, 
which in every presidential election, in any way doubt- 
ful, has been carried by but small pluralities or majori- 
ties. Thus in 1884 a different result in New York 
would have meant a different result in the election of 
President, and the successful party carried New York by 
but 1,047 plurality, in a total of 1,150,000. 

Platforms, Party. — The platform of a political 
party is the public declaration of the principles that the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 381 

party represents. Below are given the national plat- 
forms adopted in 1884 by the principal parties. For the 
platforms of 1888^ see Appendix. 

NATIONAL PEMOGRATIO PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Chicago, July 10, 1884. 

The Democratic party of the Union, through its representa- 
tives in National Convention assembled, recognizes that as the 
nation grows older new issues are born of time and progress, 
and old issues perish. But the fundamental principles of the 
Democracy, approved by the united voice of the people, re- 
main, and will ever remain, as the best and only security for 
the continuance of free government. The preservation of 
personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, the 
reserved rights of the States, and the supremacy of the federal 

fovernment within the limits of the Constitution, will ever 
orm the true basis of our liberties, and can never be surren^ 
dered without destroying that balance of rights and powers 
which enables a continent to be developed in peace, and social 
order to be maintained by means of local self-government. 

But it is indispensable for the practical application and en- 
forcement of these fundamental principles that the govern- 
ment should not always be controlled by one political party. 
Frequent change of administration is as necessary as constant 
recurrence to popular will. Other wise abuses grow, and the 

f:overnment, Instead of being carried on for the general wel- 
are, becomes an instrumentality for imposing heavy burdens 
on tlie many who are governed, for the benefit of the few who 
govern. Public servants thus become arbitrary rulers. 

This is now the condition of the country. Hence a change is 
demanded. The Republican party, so far as principle is con- 
cerned, is a reminiscence; in practice, it is an organization for 
enriching those who control its machinery. The frauds and 
jobbery which have been brought to light in every department 
of the government are sufficient to have called for reform 
within the Republican party; yet those in authority, made 
reckless by the long possession of power, have succumbed to 
its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a 
ticket against which the independent portion of the party are 
in open revolt. 

Therefore a change is demanded. Such a change was alike 
necessary in 1876, but the will of the people was then defeated 
by a fraud which can never be forgotten nor condoned. Again, 
in 1880, the change demanded by the people was defeated by 
the lavish use of money contributed by unscrupulous con- 
tractors and shameless jobbers, who had bargained for unlaw- 
ful profits or for high office. 

The Republican party, during its legal, its stolen and its 
bought tenures of power, has speedily decayed in moral char- 
acter and political capacity. 

Its platform promises are now a list of its past failures. 

It demands the restoration of our navy. It has squandered 
hundreds of millions to create a navy that does not exist. 



382 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

It calls upon Congress to remove the burdens under which 
American shipping tias been depressed. It imposed and has 
continued those burdens. 

It professes the policy of reserving the public lands for small 
holdings by. actual settlers. It has given away the people's 
heritage till now a few railroads and non-resident aliens, in- 
dividual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of all 
our farms between the two seas. 

It professes a preference for free institutions. It organized 
and tried to legalize a control of State elections by federal 
troops. 

It professes a desire to elevate labor. It has subjected 
American workingmen to the competition of convict and im- 
ported contract labor. 

It professes gratitude to all who were disabled or died in the 
war, leaving widows and orphans. It left to a Democratic 
House of Representatives the first effort to equalize both 
bounties and pensions. 

It proffers a pledge to correct the irregularities of our tariff. 
It created and has continued them. Its own Tariff Commission 
confessed the need of more than twenty per cent, reduction. 
Its Congress gave a reduction of less than four per cent. 

It professes the protection of American manufactures. It 
has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured 
goods and a hopeless competition with manufacturing nations, 
not one of which taxes raw materials. 

It professes to protect all American industries. It has im- 
poverished many to subsidize a few. 

It professes the protection of American labor. It has de- 
pleted the returns of American agriculture — an industry fol^ 
lowed by half our people. 

It professes the equality of all men before the law. Attempt- 
ing to fix the status of colored citizens, the acts of its Congress 
were overset by the decisions of its courts. 

It " accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress 
and reform." Its caught criminals are permitted to escape 
through contrived delays of actual connivance in the prosecu- 
tion. Honey-combed with corruption, outbreaking exposures 
no longer shock its moral sense. Its honest members, its inde- 
pendent journals no longer maintain a successful contest for 
authority in its counsels, or a veto upon bad nominations. 

That change is necessary is proved by an existing surplus of 
more than $100,000,000, which has yearly been collected from a 
suffering people. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. 
We denounce the Republican party for having failed to relieve 
the people from crushing war taxes which have paralyzed 
business, crippled industry and deprived labor of employment 
and of just reward. 

The Democracy pledges itself to purify the administration 
from corruption, to restore economy, to revive respect for law, 
and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due 
regard to the preservation of the faith of the nation to its 
creditors and pensioners. 

Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting the 
occupations of the people should be cautious and conservative 
in method — not in advance of public opinion, but responsive 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 383 

to its demands — the Democratic party is pledged to revise the 
tariff in a spirit of fairness to all interests. 

But in making reduction in taxes it is not proposed to in- 
jure any domestic industries, but rather to promote their 
healthy growth. From the foundation of this government 
taxes collected at the Custom House have "been the chief 
source of federal revenue. Such they must continue to be. 
Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation 
for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be 
at every step regardful of the labor and capital thus involved. 
The process of reform must be subject in the execution of this 
plain dictate of justice. 

All taxation shall be limited to the requirements of economi- 
cal government. The necessary reduction in taxation can, 
and must, Le effected without depriving American labor of 
the ability to compete successfully "with foreign labor, and 
fvithout imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to 
cover any increased cost of production which may exist in 
consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing in this 
country. 

Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the federal 
government, economically administered, including pensions, 
interest and principal of the public debt, can be got under our 
present system of taxation from Custom House taxes on fewer 
imported articles, bearing heaviest on articles of luxury, and 
bearing lightest on articles of necessity. 

We therefore denounce the abuses of the existing tariff, and, 
subject to the preceding limitations, w^e demand that Federal 
taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes, and shall not 
exceed the needs of the government economically adminis- 
tered. 

The system of direct taxation known as "internal revenue" 
is a war tax, and so long as the law continues the money de- 
rived therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the 
people from the remaining burdens of the war, and be made a 
fund to defray the expenses of the care and comfort of worthy 
soldiers disabled in the line of duty in the wars of the Repub- 
lic, and for the payment of such pensions as Congress may 
from time to time grant to such soldiers, a like fund for the 
sailors having been already provided, and any surplus should 
be paid into the treasury. 

We favor an American continental policy based upon more 
intimate commercial and political relations with the fifteen 
sister Republics of North, Central and South America, but en- 
tangling alliances with none. 

We believe in honest money, the gold and silver coinage of 
the Constitution, and a circulating medium convertible into 
such money without loss. 

Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold 
that it is the duty of the government, in its dealings with the 
people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all citizens of 
whatever nativity, race, color or persuasion — religious or po- 
litical. 

We believe in a free ballot and a fair count, and we recall to 
the memory of the people the noble struggle of the Democrats 
in the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Congresses, by which a re- 



384: DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

luctant Republican opposition was compelled to assent to leg- 
islation making everywhere illegal the presence of troops at 
the polls, as the conclusive proof that a Democratic adminis- 
tration will preserve liberty with order. 

The selection of federal offlcers for the Territories should be 
restricted to citizens previously resident therein. 

We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and inter- 
fere with individual liberty; we favor honest civil service re- 
form, and the compensation of all United States oflBcers by 
fixed salaries; the separation of church and state, and the 
diffusion of free education by common schools, so that every 
child in the land may be taught the rights and duties of 
citizenship. 

While we favor all legislation that will tend to the equitable 
distribution of property, to the prevention of monopoly, and 
to the strict enforcement of individual rights against corpo- 
rate abuses, we hold that the welfare of society depends upon a 
scrupulous regard for the rights of property as defined by law. 

We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and 
most enlightened. It should, therefore, be fostered and cher- 
ished. We favor the repeal of all laws restricting the fre« 
action of labor, and the enactment of laws by which labor 
organizations may be incorporated, and of all such legislation 
as will tend to enlighten the people as to the true relations 
of capital and labor. 

We believe that the public lands ought, as far as possible, be 
kept as homesteads for actual settlers ; that all unearned lands 
heretofore iraprovidentljr granted to railroad corporations by 
the action of the Republican party, should be restored to the 
public domain, and that no more grants of land shall be made 
to corporations or be allowed to fall ^into the ownership of 
alien absentees. 

We are opposed to all propositions which, upon any pretext, 
would convert the general government into a machine for 
collecting taxes to be distributed among the States or the citi- 
zens thereof. 

In reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform 
of 3856, that "the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in 
the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned by the Con- 
stitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum 
of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal 
principles in the Democratic faith," we nevertheless do not 
sanction the importation of foreign labor, or the admission of 
servile races, unfitted by habits, training, religion, or kindred 
for absorption into the great body of our people, or for the 
citizenship which our laws confer. American civilization 
demands that against the immigration or importation of Mon- 
golians to these shores our gates be closed. 

The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this gov- 
ernment to protect, with equal fidelity and vigilance, the 
rights of its citizens, native and naturalized, at home and 
abroad, and to the end that this protection may be assured, 
United States papers of naturalization, issued by courts of 
competent jurisdiction, must be respected by the executive 
and legislative departments of our qwu government, and by 
^11 foreign powers. 



DICTION AR Y OF. AMERICAN POLITICS, 385 

It is an imperative duty of this government to efQ.cientljr 
protect all the rights of persons and property of ever>' Ameri- 
can citizen in foreign lands, and demand and enforce full 
reparation for any invasion thereof. 

An American citizen is only responsible to his own govern- 
ment for any act done m his own country, or under her flag, 
and can only he tried therefor on her own soil and according 
to her own laws, and no power exists in this government to 
expatriate an American citizen to be tried in any foreign land 
for any such act. 

This country has never had a well-defined and executed 
foreign policy, save under Democratic administration ; that 
policy has ever been, in regard to foreign nations, so long as 
they do not act detrimental to the interests of the country, or 
hurtful to our citizens, to let them alone ; that as the result of 
this policy we recall the acquisition of Louisiana, Florida, Cal- 
ifornia, and of the adjacent Mexican territory by purchase 
alone ; and contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic 
statesmanship with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a 
Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century. 

The federal government should care for and improve the 
Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Re-public, 
so as to secure for the interior States easy and cheap trans- 
portation to tide- water. 

Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy our mer- 
chant marine was fast overtaking and on the point of out- 
stripping that of Great Britain. 

Under twenty years of Republican rule and policy our com- 
merce has been left to British bottoms, and almost has the 
American flag been swept off the high seas. 

Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we demand 
for the people of the United States an American policy. 

Under Democratic rule and policy our merchants and sail- 
ors, flying the stars and stripes in every port, successfully 
searched out a market for the varied products of American 
industry. 

Under a quarter of a century of Republican rule and policy, 
despite our manifest advantages over all other nations in high- 
paid labor, favorable climates and teeming soils ; despite free- 
dom of trade among all these United States; despite their 
population by the foremost races of men and an annual immi- 
gration of the young, thrifty and adventurous of all nations ; 
despite our freedom here from the inherited burdens of life 
and industry in old-world monarchies — their costly war 
navies, their vast tax-consuming, non-producing standing 
armies ; despite their twenty years of peace — that Republican 
rule and policy have managed to surrender to Great Britain, 
along with our commerce, the control of the markets of the 
world. 

Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we demand, 
in behalf of the American Democracy, an American policy. 

Instead of the Republican party's discredited scheme and 
false pretense of friendship for American labor, expressed by 
imposing taxes, we demand, in behalf of the Democracy, free- 
dom for American labor by reducing taxes to the end that 
these United States may compete with unhindered powers 



386 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

for the primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and 
fruits of liberty. 

With profound regret we have heen apprised by the vener- 
able statesman through whose person was struck that blow at 
the vital principle of republics (acquiesence in the will of the 
majority), that he cannot permit us again to place in his hands 
the leadership of the Democratic hosts, for the reason that the 
achievement of reform in the administration of the federal 
government is an undertaking now too heavy for his age and 
failing strength. 

Rejoicing that his life has been prolonged until the general 
judgment of our fellow-countrymen is united in the wish that 
that wrong were righted in his person, for the Democracy of 
the United States, we oifer to him in his withdrawal from 
public cares, not only our respectful sympathy and esteem, 
but also that best homage of freemen, the pledge of our devo- 
tion to the principles and the cause now inseparable in the 
history of this Republic from the labors and the name of 
Samuel J. Tilden. 

With this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of 
the Democratic party, the great issue of reform and change in 
administration is submitted to the people in calm confidence, 
that the popular voice will pronounce in favor of new men, 
and new and more favorable conditions for the growth of in- 
dustry, the extension of trade, the employment and due re- 
ward of labor and of capital, and the general welfare of the 
whole country. 

NATIONAL REPUBLIOAlSr PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Chicago, Jui^e 5, 1884. 

The Republicans of the United States, in convention assem- 
bled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they 
have triumphed in six successive presidential elections, and 
congratulate the American people on the attainment of so 
many results in legislation and administration by which the 
Republican party has, after saving the Union, done so much 
to render its institutions just, equal and beneficent — the safe- 
guard of liberty and the best thought and highest purposes of 
our citizens. The Republican party has gained its strength 
by quick and faithful response to the demands of the people 
for the freedom and the equality of all men; for a united 
nation assuring the rights of all citizens ; for the elevation of 
labor; for an honest currency; for purity in legislation, and 
for integrity and accountability in all departments of the 
government ; and it accepts anew the duty of leading in the 
work of progress and reform. 

We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound 
statesmanship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of 
a strong and successful administration, a promise fully real- 
ized during the short period of his office as President of the 
United States. His distinguished success in war and in peace 
has endeared him to the hearts of the American people, 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 38? 

In the administration of his office we recognize a wise, con- 
servative and patriotic policy, under which the country has 
been blessed with remarkable prosperity, and we believe his 
eminent services are entitled to and will receive the hearty 
approval of every citizen. It is the first duty of a good govern- 
ment to protect the rights and promote the interests of its 
own people ; the largest diversity of industry is most product- 
ive of general prosperity, and of the comfort and independ- 
ence of the people. 

We, therefore, demand that the imposition of duties on 
foreign imports shall be made not for "revenue only," but 
that, in raising the requisite revenues for the government, 
such duties shall be so levied as to afford security in our diver- 
sified industries and protection to the rights aud wages of the 
laborer, to the end that active and inteOgent labor, as well as 
capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his 
full share in the national prosperity. 

Against the so-called economical system of the Democratic 
party, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, 
we enter ourearnes' protest; the Democratic party has failed 
completely to relieve the people of th^ burden of unnecessary 
taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. 

The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequali- 
ties of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious 
and indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by 
such methods as will relieve the tax-payer without injuring 
the laborer or the great productive interests of the country. 

We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the 
United States, the serious depression which it is now experi- 
encing and the danger threatening its future prosperity ; and 
we, therefore, respect the demands of the representatives of 
this important agricultural interest for a readjustment of 
duty upon foreign wool in order that such industry shall 
have full and adequate protection. 

We have always recommended the best money known to the 
civilized world,"and we urge that an effort be made to unite 
all commercial nations in the establishment of the interna- 
tional standard, which shall fix for all the relative value of 
gold and silver coinage. 

The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and be- 
tween the States is one of the most important prerogatives of 
the general government, and the Republican party distinctly 
announces its purposes to support such legislation as will fully 
and efficiently carry out the constitutional power of Congress 
over inter-state commerce. The principle of the public regu- 
lation of railway corporations is a wise and salutary one for 
the protection of all classes of the people, and we favor legis- 
lation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and excessive 
charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the people 
and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the 
laws. 

We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor, 
the enforcement of the eight hour law, and a wise and judi- 
(dous system of general education by adequate appropriation 
from the national revenues wherever the same is need. 

We believe that everywhere the protection to a citizen of 



388 DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN P Oil TICS. 

American birth must be secured to citizens by American 
adoption, and we favor the settlement of national differences 
by international arbitration. 

The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave 
labor, and in a desire that all men may be free and equal, is 
unalterably opposed to placing our workingmen in competi- 
tion with any form of servile labor, whether at home or 
abroad. In this spirit we denounce the importation of con- 
tract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, as an offense 
against the spirit of American institutions, and we pledge our- 
selves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese immigra- 
tion, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary to 
carry out its purposes. 

The reform of civil service, auspiciously begun under Re- 
publican administration, should be completed by the further 
extension of the reform system already established by law — to 
ail the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The 
spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all 
executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the 
objects of existing reform legislation should be repealed, to the 
end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in the 
power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively 
avoided. 

The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United 
States, and should be reserved as far as possible for small hold- 
ings by actual settlers. We are opposecl t the acquisition of 
large tracts of these lands by corporation-; or individuals, 
especially where such holdings are in the hands oc non-resi- 
dent aliens, and we will endeavor to obtain such legislation as 
will tend to correct this evil. 

We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land 
grants which have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with 
acts of incorporation, in all cases where there has been no 
attempt in good faith to perform the conditions of such 
grants. 

The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the 
Union soldiers and sailors of the late war, and the Republican 
party stands pledged to suitable pensions to all who were dis- 
abled and for the widows and orphans of those who died in the 
war. The Republican party pledges itself to the repeal of the 
limitation contained in the Arrears Act of 1879, so that all 
invalid soldiers shall share alike, and their pensions shall be- 
gin with the date of disability or discharge, and not with the 
date of application. 

The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us 
from entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which 
shall give the right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain 
from meddling in America, and the policy which seeks peace 
can trade with all powers, but especially with those of the 
Western Hemisphere. 

We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time 
strength and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the 
rights of American citizens and the interests of American com- 
merce, and we call upon Congress to remove the burdens 
under which American shipping has been depressed, so that it 
may again be true that we have a commerce which leaves no 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 389 

sea unexplored, and a navy which takes no law from superior 
force. 

Resolved, That appointments by the President to offtces in 
the Territories should be made from the bona fide citizens and 
residents of the Territories wherein they are to serve. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to enact su^^h laws 
as shall promptly and effectually suppress the system of 
polygamy within our territory, and divorce the political from 
the ecclesiastical power of the so-called Mormon Church, and 
that the law so enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil 
authorities, if possible, and by the military if need be. 

The people of the United States in their organized capacity 
constitute a nation and not a mere confederacy of States. 
The national government is supreme within the sphere of its 
national duty, but the States have reserved rights which 
should be faithfully maintained; each should be guarded with 
jealous care so that the harmony of our system of government 
may bo preserved, and the Union kept inviolate. 

The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the mainte- 
nance of a free ballot, an honest count, and a correct return. 

We denounce the fraud and violence practiced by the Demo- 
cratic party in Southern States, by which the will of the voter 
is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free institu- 
tions, and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being 
the guilty recipient of the fruit of such fraud and violence. 

We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of 
their former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and 
pledge them our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of 
such legislation as will secure to every citizen, of whatever 
race and color, the full and complete recognition, possession, 
and exercise of all civil and political rights. 

aEEENBACK N^ATIONAL PLATEOKM. 



Adopted at Ikdiakapolis, May 28, 1884. 

Eight years ago our young party met in thig city for the first 
time, and proclaimed to the world its immortal principles, and 
placed before the American people as a presidential candi- 
date that ^reat philanthropist and spotless statesman, Peter 
Cooper. Since that convention our party has organized all 
over the Union, and through discussion and agitation has been 
educating the people to a sense of their rights and duties to 
themselves and their country. These labors have accom- 
plished wonders. We now have a great, harmonious party, 
and thousands who believe in our principles in the ranks of 
other parties. 

"We point with pride to our history." We forced the 
remonetization of the silver dollar ; prevented the refunding 
of the public debt into long-time bonds ; secured the payment 
of the bonds, until the " best banking system the world ever 
saw " for robbing the producer now totters because of its con- 
tracting foundation ; we have stopped the squandering of our 
public domain upon corporations ; we have.stopped the whole- 



390 DICTlONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

sale destruction of the greenback currency, and secured a de- 
cision of the Supreme Court of the United States establishing 
forever the right of the people to issue their own money. 

Notwithstanding all this, never in our history have the 
banks, land-grant railroads, and other monopolies, been more 
insolent in their demands for further privileges — still more 
class legislation. In this emergency the dominant parties are 
arrayed against the people and are the ajbject tools of the 
corporate monopolies. 

In the last Congress they repealed over $12,000,000 of annual 
taxes for the banks, throwing the burden upon the people to 
pay or pay interest thereon. 

Both old parties in the present Congress vie with each other 
in their efforts to further repeal taxes in order to stop the pay- 
ment of the public debt, and save the banks whose charters 
they have renewed for twenty years. Notwithstanding the 
distress of business, the shrinkage of wages and panic, they 
persist in locking up on various pretexts, $400,000,000 of money, 
every dollar of which the people pay interest upon and need, 
and most of which should be promptly applied to pay bonds 
now payable. 

The old parties are united — as they cannot agree what taxes 
to repeal — in efforts to squander the income of the govern- 
ment upon every pretext rather than pay the debt. 

A bill has already passed the United States Senate making 
the banks a present of over $10,000,000 more of the people's 
money in order to enable them to levy a still greater burden 
of interest-taxes. 

A joint effort is being made by the old party leaders to over- 
throw the sovereign constitutional power of the people to con- 
trol their own financial affairs and issue their own money, in 
order to forever enslave the masses to bankers and other busi- 
ness. The House of Representatives has passed bills reclaim- 
ing nearly 100,000,000 acres of lands granted to and. forfeited 
by railroad companies. These bills have gone to the Senate, a 
bodj^ composed largely of aristocratic millionaires who, ac- 
cording to their own party papers, generally purchase their 
elections in order to protect great monopolies which they 
represent. This. body has thus far defied the i)eople and the 
House, and refuses to act upon these bills in the interest of the 
people. 

Therefore we, the National party of the United States, in 
national convention assembled, this 29th day of May, A. D. 
1884, declare: 

1. That we hold the late decision of the Supreme Court on 
the legal-tender question to use a full vindication of the theory 
which our party has always advocated on the right and 
authority of Congress over the issue of legal-tender notes, and 
we hereby pledge ourselves to uphold said decision and to de- 
fend the Constitution against alterations or amendments in- 
tended to deprive the people of any rights or privileges con- 
ferred by that instrument. We demand the issue of such 
money in sufficient quantities to supply the actual demand of 
trade and commerce, in accordance with the increase of 
population and the development of our industries. We de- 
mand the substitution of greenbacks for national bank notes 



btCTiONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 59| 

and the prompt payment of the public debt. We want that 
money which saved our country in time of war, and which has 
given it prosperity and happiness in peace. We condemn the 
retirement of the fractional currency and the small denomina- 
tion of greenbacks and demand their restoration. We demand 
the issue of the hoards of money now locked up in the United 
States Treasury, by applying them to tne payment of the pub- 
lic debt now due. 

2. We denounce as dangerous to our Republican institutions, 
those methods and policies of the Democratic and Republican 
parties which have sanctioned or permitted the establishment 
of land, railroad, money and other gigantic corporate mon- 
opolies; and we demand such governmental action as may be 
necessary to take from such monopolies the powers they have 
so corruptly and unjustly usur£)ed and restore them to the 
people, to whom they belong. 

3. The public lands being the natural inheritance of the 
people, we denounce that policy which has granted to corpora- 
tions vast tracts of land, and we demand that immediate and 
vigorous measures be taken to reclaim from such corporations, 
for the people's use and benefit, all such land grants as have 
been forfeited by reason of non-fulfilment of contract, or that 
may have been wrongfully acquired by corrupt legislation, 
and that such reclaimed lands and other public domain be 
henceforth held as a sacred trust, to be granted only to actual 
settlers in limited quantities; and we also demand that the 
alien ownership of land, individual or corporate, shall be pro- 
hibited. 

4. We demand congressional regiilation of inter-state com- 
merce. We denounce "pooling," stock-watering and dis- 
crimination in rates and charges, and demand that Congress 
shall correct these abuses, even if necessary, by the construc- 
tion of national railroads. We also demand the establishment 
of a government postal telegraph system. 

5. All private property, all forms of money and obligations 
to pay money, should bear their just proportion of the public 
taxes. We demand a graduated income tax. 

6. We demand the amelioration of the condition of labor by 
enforcing the sanitary law in industrial establishments, by the 
abolition of the convict labor system, by a rigid inspection of 
mines and factories, by a reduction of the hours of labor in 
industrial estsblishments, by fostering educational institutions 
and by abolishing child labor. 

7. We condemn all impartations of contracted labor, made 
with a view of reducing to starvation wages the workingmen 
of this country, and demand laws for its prevention. 

8. We insist upon a constitutional amendment reducing the 
terms of United States Senators. 

9. We demand such rules for the government of Congress as 
shall place all representatives of the people upon an equal foot- 
ing, and take away from committees a veto power greater 
than that of the President. 

10. The question as to the amount of duties to be levied upon 
various articles of import has been agitated and quarreled 
over aud has divided communities for nearly a hundred years. 
It is not now and never will be settled unless by the abolition 



392 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

of indirect taxation. Jt is a convenient issue — always raised 
when the people are excited over abuses in their midst. While 
we favor a wise revision of the tariff laws, with a view to rais- 
ing a revenue from luxuries rather than necessaries, we insist 
that as an economic question its importance is insignificant as 
compared with linancial issues ; for whereas we have suffered 
our worst panics under low and also under high tariff, we have 
never suffered from a panic nor seen our factories and work- 
shops closed while the volume of money in circulation was 
adequate to the needs of commerce, trive our farmers and 
manufacturers money as cheap as you now give it to our 
hankers, and they can pay high wages to labor, and compete 
with all the world. 

11. For the purpose of testing the sense of the people upon 
the subject, we are in favor of submitting to a vote of the 
people an amendment to the Constitution in favor of suffrage 
regardless of sex, and also on the subject of the liquor traffic. 

12. All disabled soldiers of the late war should be equitably 
pensioned, and we denounce the policy of keeping a small 
army of office-holders whose only business is to prevent, on 
technical grounds, deserving soldiers from obtaining justice 
from the government they helped to save. 

13. As our name indicates, we are a National party, knowing 
no East, no West, no North, no South. Having no sectional 
prejudices, we can properly place in nomination for the high 
offices of state as candidates, men from any section of the 
Union. 

14. We appeal to all people who believe in our principles to 
aid us by voice, pen and votes. 

NATIONAL PROHIBITION PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Pittsbueg, Pa.^ July 23^, 1884. 

FiTst — The Prohibition Home Protection party, in national 
convention assembled, acknowledge Almighty God as the 
rightful sovereign of all men, from whom the first powers of 
government are derived, to whose laws human enactments 
should conform, and that peace, prosperity and happiness only 
can come to the people when their laws of the National and 
State Government are in accord with the divine will. 

Seco7i(Z — That the importation, manufacture, supply and sale 
of alcoholic beverages, created and maintained by the laws of 
the National and State Governments, during the entire history 
of such laws, is everywhere shown to be the promoting cause 
of intemperance, with resulting crime and pauperism, making 
large demands upon public and private charity, imposing large 
and unjust taxation and public burdens for penal and shelter- 
ing institutions upon thrift, industry, manufactures, and com- 
merce, endangering the public peace, desecration of the 
Sabbath, corrupting our politics, legislation and administra- 
tion of the laws, shortening lives, impairing health, and 
diminishing productive industry, causing education to be 
neglected and despised, nullifying the teachings of the Bible, 
the Church and the school, the standards and guides of our 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 393 

fathers, and their children in the founding and growth under 
God of our widely-extended country, and while imperiling the 
perpetuity of our civil and religious liberty, are baleful fruits 
by which we know that these laws are alike contrary to God's 
laws and contravene our happiness, and we call upon our fel- 
low-citizens to aid in the repeal of these laws, and the legal 
suppression of this baneful liquor traffic. 

The fact that during the twenty-four years in which the 
Republican party has controlled the general government and 
that of many of the States no effort has been made to change 
this policy. Territories have been created from the National 
domain and governments for them established, and States 
from them admitted into the Union, in no instance in either of 
which has this traffic been forbidden or the people of these 
Territories or States been permitted to prohibit. 

That there are now over two hundred thousand distilleries, 
breweries, wholesale and retail dealers in these drinks, hold- 
ing certificates and claiming the authority of the government 
for the continuation of a business which is so destructive to 
the moral and material welfare of the people, together with 
the fact that they have turned a deaf ear to remonstrance and 
petition for the correction of this abuse of civil government, is 
conclusive that the Republican party is insensible to or impo- 
tent for the redress of those wrongs, and should no longer be 
intrusted with the powers and responsibilities of government; 
that although this party in its late National Convention was 
silent on the liquor question, not so its candidates, Messrs. 
Blaine and Logan. Within the year past Mr. Blaine has pub- 
licly recommended that the revenues derived from the liquor 
traffic shall be distributed among the States, and Senator 
Logan has by a bill proposed to devote these revenues to the 
support of the schools ; thus both virtually recommend the 
perpetuation of the traffic, and that the State and its citizens 
shall become partners in the liquor crime. 

The fact that the Democratic party has, in its national deliv- 
erance of party policy, arrajed itself on the side of the drink- 
makers and sellers by declaring against the policy of prohibi- 
tion of such traffic under the false name of "Sumptuary 
Laws," and when in power in some of the States in refusing 
remedial legislation, and in Congress of refusing to permit the 
creation of a Board of Inquiry to investigate and report upon 
the effects of this traffic, proves that the Democratic party 
should not be intrusted with power or place. 

That there can be no greater peril to the nation than the ex- 
isting competition of the Republican and Democratic parties 
for the liquor vote. Experience shows that any party not 
openly opposed to the traffic will engage in this competition, 
will court the favor of the criminal classes, will barter away 
the public morals, the purity of the ballot and every trust and 
object of good government for party success, and patriots and 
good citizens should find in this practice sufficient cause for 
immediate withdrawal from all connection with their party. 

That we favor reforms in the administration of the govern- 
ment, in the abolition of all sinecures, useless offices and offi- 
cers, in the election of the post-office officers of the govern- 
ment instead of appointment by the President ; that compe- 



394 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

tency, honesty and sobriety aie essential qualifications foi 
holding civil ofiice, and we oppose the removal of such persons 
from mere administrative offices, except so far as it may he 
absolutely necessary to secure effectiveness to the vital issues 
on which the general administration of the government has 
intrusted to a party; that the collection of revenues from 
alcohol, liquors and tobacco should be abolished as the vices of 
men and not a proper subject for taxation; that revenues for 
customs duties should be levied for the support of the govern- 
ment economically administered, and when so levied the fos- 
tering of American labor, manufactures and industries should 
constantly be held in view; that the public land should be 
held for homes for the people and not for gifts to corporations, 
or to be held in large bodies for speculation upon the needs of 
actual settlers. 

That all money, coin and paper, shall be made, issued and 
regulated by the general government, and shall be a legal 
tender for all debts, public and private. 

That grateful care and support should be given to our sol- 
diers and sailors, their dependent widows and orphans, dis- 
abled in the service of the country. 

That we repudiate as un-American, contrary to and sub- 
versive of the principles of the Declaration of Independence, 
from which our government has grown to be the government 
of flfty-flve millions of people and a recognized power among 
the nations, that any pei'son or people shall or may be ex- 
cluded from residence or citizenship, with all others who may 
desire the benefits which our institutions confer upon the op- 
TDressed of all nations. 

That while there are important reforms that are demanded 
for purity of administration and the welfare of the people, 
their importance sinks into insignificance when compared 
with the reform of the drink traffic, which annually wastes 
$800,000,000 of the wealth created by toil and thrift and drags 
down thousands of families from comfort to poverty; which 
fills jails, penitentiaries, insane asylums, hospitals and institu- 
tions for dependency ; which destroys the health, saps industry 
and causes loss of life and property to thousands in the land, 
lowers intellectual and physical vigor, dulls the cunning hand 
of the artisan, is the chief cause of bankruptcy, insolvency and 
loss in trade, and by its corrupting power endangers the per- 
petuity of free institutions. 

That Congress should exercise its undoubted power, and 
prohibit the manufactui'e and sale of intoxicating beverages 
in the District of Columbia, the Territories of the United 
States, in all places over which the government has exclusive 
jurisdiction; that hereafter no State shall be admitted into 
the Union until its Constitution shall expressly prohibit 
polygamy and the manufacture and sale of intoxicating 
beverages. 

We earnestly call the attention of the laborer and the me- 
chanic, the miner and manufacturer, and ask investigation of 
the baneful effects upon labor and industry caused by the 
needless liquor business, which will be found the robber who 
lessens wages and profits, the destroyer of the happiness and 
family welfare of the laboring man; and that labor and alj 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 395 

legitimate industry demand deliverance from taxation and 
loss which this traffic imposes; and that no tariff or other 
legislation can so healthily stimulate production, or increase a 
demand for capital and labor, or produce so much of comfort 
and content as the suppressing of this traffic would bring to 
the laboring man, mechanic or employer of labor throughout 
our land. 

That the activity and co-operation of the women of America 
for the promotion of temperance has, in all the history of the 
past, been a strength and encouragement, which we gratefully 
acknowledge and record. In the latter and present phase of 
the movement for prohibition of the licensed tralfic by the 
abolition of the drink saloon, the purity of purpose and 
method, the earnestness, zeal, intelligence and devotion of the 
mothers and daughters of the Women's Christian Temperance 
Union have been eminently blessed by God. Kansas and Iowa 
have been given her as "sheafs" of rejoicing, and the educa- 
tion and arousing of the public mind, and the demand for con- 
stitutional amendment now prevailing, are largely the fruit of 
her prayers and labors, and we rejoice to have our Christian 
women unite with us in sharing the labor that shall bring the 
abolition of traffic to the polls. She shall join in the grand 
"Praise God, from whom all blessings flow," when by law our 
boys and friends shall be free from legal drink and tempta- 
tion. 

That we believe in the civil and political equality of the 
sexes, and that the ballot in the hand of woman is a right for 
her protection, and would prove a powerful ally for the aboli- 
tion of the drink saloon, the execution of law, the promotion 
of reform in civil affairs, and the removal of corruption in 
public life; and thus believing, we relegate th* practical out- 
working of this reform to the discretion of the Prohibition 
I)arty in the several States, according to the condition of pub- 
lic sentiment in those States. That, gratefully, we acknowl- 
edge and praise God for the presence of His Spirit, guiding our 
counsels and granting the success which has been vouchsafed in 
the progress of temperance reform; and looking to Him from 
whom all wisdom and help come, we ask the voters of the 
United States to make the principles of the above declaration 
a ruling principle in the government of the Nation and of the 
States. 

Resolved, That henceforth the Prohibition Home Protection 
party shall be called by the name of the Prohibition party. 



396 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

PARTY PLATFORMS. 

DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN, PROHIBITION. 



NATIONAL DEMOCEATIO PLATFOEM. 



Adopted at St. Louis, Juke 7, 1888. 

The Democratic party of the United States, in National Con- 
vention assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to Demo- 
cratic faith and reafiirms the platform adopted by its repre- 
sentatives in the convention of 1884, and indorses the views 
expressed by President Cleveland in his last annual message to 
Congress as the correct interpretation of that platform upon 
the question of tariff reduction ; and also indorses the efforts 
of our Democratic representatives in Congress to secure a 
reduction of excessive taxation. 

Chief among its principles of party faith are the main- 
tenance of an indissoluble union of free and indestructible 
States, now about to enter upon its second century of unex- 
ampled progress and renown; devotion to a plan of govern- 
ment regulated by a written Constitution, strictly specifying 
every granted power and expressly reserving to the States or 
people the entij^e ungranted residue of power ; the encourage- 
ment of a jealous popular vigilance directed to all who have 
been chosen for brief terms to enact and execute the laws, and 
are charged with the duty of preserving peace, insuring 
equality and establishing justice. 

The Democratic party welcome an exacting scrutiny of the 
administration of the Executive power, which four years ago 
was committed to its trust in the election of Grover Cleveland, 
President of the United States; and it challenges the most 
searching inquiry concerning its fidelity and devotion to the 
pledges which then invited the suffrages of the people. 

During a most critical period of our financial affairs, result- 
ing from overtaxation, the anomalous condition of our cur- 
rency and a public debt unmatured, it has, by the adoption of 
a wise and conservative course, not only averted disaster, but 
greatly promoted the prosperity of the people. 

It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the 
Republican party touching the public domain, and has re- 
claimed from corporations and syndicates, alien and domestic, 
and restored to the people nearly one hundred millions of 
acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as homesteads for 
our citizens. 

While carefully guarding the interest of the taxpayers and 
conforming strictly to the principles of justice and equity, it 



Die TIONA kY OF A ME RICA AT P Oil TICS. 30? 

has paid out more for pensions and bounties to the soldierij 
and sailors of the Republic than was ever paid before durinjs 
an equal period. 

By an intelligent management and a judicious and economi- 
cal expenditure of the public money it has set on foot the 
reconstruction of the American Navy upon a system which 
forbids the recurrence of scandal and insures successful re- 
sults. 

It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and prudent 
foreign policy, preserving peace with all nations while scru- 
pulously maintaining all the rights and interests of our gov- 
ernment and people at home and abroad. 

The exclusion from our shores of Chinese laborers has been 
effectually secured under the provisions of a treaty, the oper- 
ation of which has been postponed by the action of a Republi- 
can majority in the Senate. 

Honest reform in the Civil Service has been inaugurated and 
maintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought the 
public service to the highest standard of efficiency, not only 
by rule and precept, but by the example of his own untiring 
and unselfish administration of public affairs. 

In every branch and department of the government under 
Democratic control, the rights and welfare of all the people 
have been guarded and defended ; every public interest has 
been protected, and the equality of all our citizens before the 
law, without regard to race or section, has been steadfastly 
maintained. 

Upon its record thus exhibited and upon ths pledge of a con- 
tinuance to the people of the benefits of good government, the 
National Democracy invokes a renewal of popular trust by 
the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has been faithful, 
able and prudent. 

They invoke an addition to that trust by the transfer also to 
the Democracy of the entire legislative power. 

The Republican party, controlling the Senate and resisting 
in both Houses of Congress a reformation of unjust and un- 
equal tax laws, which have outlasted the necessities of war 
and are now undermining the abundance of a long peace, deny 
to the people equality before the law and the fairness and the 
justice which are their right. 

Thus the cry of American labor for a better share in the re- 
wards of industry is stifled with false pretences ; enterprise is 
fettered and bound down to home markets; capital is dis- 
couraged with doubt ; and unequal, unjust laws can neither 
be properly amended nor repealed. 

The Democratic party will continue, with all the power con- 
fided to it, the struggle to reform these laws in accordance 
with the pledges of its last platform endorsed at the ballot- 
box by the suffrages of the people. 

Of all the industrious freemen of our land, an immense ma- 
jority, including every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage 
from excessive tax laws ; but the price of nearly everything 
they buy is increased by the favoritism of an unequal system 
of tax legislation. 

All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. 



398 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

It is repugnant to the creed of Democracy that by such tax- 
ation the cost of the necessaries of life should be unjustifiably 
increased to all our people. 

Judged by Democratic principles, the interests of the peo- 
ple are betrayed, when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and 
combinations are permitted and fostered, Trhich, while unduly 
enriching the few that combine, rob the body of our citizens 
by depriving them of the benefits of natural competition. 
Every Democratic rule of governmental action is violated 
when through unnecessary taxation a vast sum of money, 
far beyond the needs of an economical administration, is 
drawn from the people and the channels of trade and accu- 
mulated as a demoralizing surplus in the National Treasury. 

The money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury resulting 
from superfluous taxation amounts to more than $125,000,000, 
and the surplus collected is reaching the sum of more than 
$60,000,000 annually. 

Debauched by the immense temptation the remedy of the 
Republican party is to meet and exhaust by extravagant ap- 
propriations and expenditures, whether constitutional or not, 
the accumulations of extravagant taxation. 

The Democratic remedy is to enforce frugality in public ex- 
pense and abolish needless taxation. 

Our established domestic industries and enterprises should 
not, and need not, be endangered by a reduction and correc- 
tion of the burdens of taxation. On the contrary, a fair and 
careful revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the 
difference between the wages of American and foreign labor, 
must promote and encourage every branch of such industries 
and enterprises by giving them assurance of an extended 
market and steady and continuous operation. 

In the interest of American labor, which should in no event 
be neglected, the revision of our tax laws contemplated by 
the Democratic party would promote the advantage of such 
labor by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life in the 
home of every workingman, and at the same time securing to 
him steady and remunerative employment. 

Upon this great issue of tariff reform, so closely concerning 
every phase of our national life, and upon every question in- 
volved in the problem of good government, the Democratic 
party submits its principles and professions to the intelligent 
suffrages of the American people. 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Chicago, June 21, 1888. 

The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their 
delegates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of 
their proceedings to honor the memory of their first great 
leader, the immortal champion of liberty and the rights of the 
people — Abraham Lincoln ; and to cover also with wreaths of 
imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of 
our later leaders who have more recently been called away 



DiCTiONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 399 

from our councils— Grrant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, Conklin^. 
May their memories be faithfully cherished. We also recali 
with our greetings, and with prayer for his recovery, the nam« 
of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in 
the history both of Republicans and of the Republic — the 
name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip 
H. Sheridan. 

In the spirit of those great leaders, and of our own devotion 
to human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of des- 
potism and oppression, which is the fundamental idea of the 
Republican party, we send fraternal congratulation to our 
fellow-Americans of Brazil upon their great act of emancipa- 
tion, which completed the abolition of slavery throughout the 
two American continents. We earnestly hope that we may 
soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the 
peaceful recovery of home rule for Ireland. 

We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Con- 
stitution and to the indissoluble union of the States ; to the 
autonomy reserved to the States under the Constitution ; to 
the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the States 
and Territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme 
and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, 
native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot 
in public elections, and to have that ballot duly counted. We 
hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just and equal 
representation of all the people to be the foundation of our 
republican government, and demand effective legislation to 
secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the 
fountains of all public authority. We charge that the present 
Administration and the Democratic majority in Congress owe 
their existence to the suppression cf the ballot by a criminal 
nullification of the Constitution and laws of the United States. 

We are uncomprisingly in favor of the American system of 
protection; we protest against its destruction as proposed by 
the President and his party. They serve the interests of 
Europe ; we will support the interests of America. We accept 
the issue and confidently appeal to the people for their judg- 
ment. The protective system must be maintained. Its aban- 
donment has always been followed by general disaster to all 
interests, except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We 
denounce the Mills Bill as destructive to the general business, 
the labor and the farming interests of the country, and we 
heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Re- 
publican Representatives in Congress in opposing its passage. 

We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to 
place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties there- 
on shall be adjusted and maintained so cis to furnish full and 
adequate protection to that industry. 

The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of 
the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, 
which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the 
tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, 
and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check 
imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the 
production of which gives employment to our labor, and 



400 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

release from import duties those articles of foreign production 
(except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at 
home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is 
requisite for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire 
repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part 
of our protective system, at the joint behests of the whisky 
ring and the agents of foreign manufacturers. 

We declare our hostility to the introduction into this coun- 
try of foreign contract labor and of Chinese labor, alien to our 
civilization and our Constitution, and we demand the rigid 
enforcement of the existing laws against it, and favor such 
immediate legislation as will exclude such labor from our 
shores. 

We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, 
organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the con- 
dition of trade among our citizens; and we recommend to 
Congress and the State Legislatures, in their respective juris- 
dictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution of all 
schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their sup- 

Slies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of their pro- 
ucts to market. We approve the legislation by Congress to 
prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discriminations be- 
tween the States. 

We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of 
the United States to be homesteads for American citizens and 
settlers, not aliens, which the Republican party established in 
1862, against the persistent opposition of the Democrats in 
Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain 
into such magnificent development. The restoration of 
unearned railroad land grants to the public domain for the 
use of actual settlers, which was begun under the Administra- 
tion of President Arthur, should be continued. We deny that 
the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, 
but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and 
Democrats about 50,000,000 of acres of unearned lands origin- 
ally granted for the construction of railroads have been 
restored to the public domain, in pursuance of the conditions 
inserted by the Republican party m the original grants. We 
charge the Democratic Administration with failure to execute 
the laws securing to settlers title to their homesteads, and 
with using appropriations made for that purpose to harass in- 
nocent settlers with spies and prosecutions under the- false 
pretense of exposing frauds and vindicating the law. 

The government by Congress of the Territories is based 
upon necessity only, to the end that they may become States 
in the Union; therefore, whenever the conditions of popula- 
tion, material resources, public intelligence and morality are 
such as to insure a stable local government therein, the people 
of such Territories should be permitted, as a right inherent in 
them, the right to form for themselves constitutions and State 
governments, and be admitted into the Union. Pending the 
preparation for Statehood, all offtcei's thereof should be 
selected from the bona fide residents and citizens of the Terri- 
tory wherein they are to serve. 

South Dakota should of right be immediately admitted as a 
State in the Union, under the constitution framed and adoptecj 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 401 

by her people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Re« 
publican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The 
refusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for par- 
tisan purposes, favorably to consider these bills, is a willful 
violation of the sacred American principle of local self- 
government, and merits the condemnation of all just men. 
The pending bills in the Senate for acts to enable the people 
of Washington, North Dakota and Montana Territories to 
form constitutions and establish State governments should be 
passed without unnecessary delay. The Republican party 
pledges itself to do all in its power to facilitate the admission 
of the Territories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Ari- 
zona to the enjoyment of self-government as States, such of 
them as are now qualified as soon as possible, and the others 
as soon as they become so. 

The political power of the Mormon Church in the Terri- 
tories as exercised in the past is a menace to free institutions, 
a danger no longer to be suffered. Therefore we pledge the 
Republican party to appropriate legislation asserting the 
sovereignity of the Nation in all Territories where the same is 
questioned, and in furtherance of that end to place upon the 
statute books legislation stringent enough to divorce the 
political from the ecclesiastical power, and thus stamp out the 
attendant wickedness of polygamy. 

The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and 
silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic 
administration in its efforts to demonetize silver. 

We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per 
ounce. 

In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign and 
the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by 
the will of the people, it is important that the sovereign — the 
people — should possess intelligence. The free school is the 
promoter of that intelligence which is to preserve us a free 
nation; therefore the State or Nation, or both combined, 
should support free institutions of learning sufficient to afford 
to every child growing up in the land the opportunity of a 
good common school education. 

We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by 
Congress in the enactment of such legislation as will best 
secure the rehabilitation of our American merchant marine, 
and we protest against the passage by Congress of a free ship 
bill, as calculated to work injustice to labor by lessening the 
wages of those engaged in preparing materials as well as 
those directly employed in our ship-yards. We demand appro- 
priations for the early rebuilding of our navy; for the con- 
struction of coast fortifications and modern ordnance and 
other approved modern means of defence for the protection of 
our defenceless harbors and cities; for the payment of just 
pensions to our soldiers ; for the necessary works of national 
importance in the improvement of harbors and the channels 
of internal, coastwise and foreign commerce for the encour- 
agement of the shipping interests of the Atlantic, Gulf and 
Pacific States, as well as for the payment of the maturing 
public debt. This policy will give employment to our labor, 
activity to our various industries, increase the security of our 



402 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

country, promote trade, open new and direct markets for oui" 
produce and cheapen the cost of transportation. We affirm 
this to be far better for our country than the Democratic 
policy of loaning the Goverment's money without interest 
to "pet banks." 

The conduct of foreign affairs by the present Administration 
has been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. 
Having withdrawn from the Senate all i^ending treaties 
effected by Republican Administrations for the removal of 
foreign burdens and restrictions upon our commerce and for 
its extension into better markets, it has neither effected 
nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing adher- 
ence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen with idle complacency 
the extension of foreign influence in Central America and of 
foreign trade everywhere among our neighbors. It has re- 
fused to charter, sanction or encourage any American 
organization for constructing the Nicaragua Canal, a work of 
vital importance to the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine, 
and of our national influence in Central and South America; 
and necessary for the develoi)ment of trade with our Pacific 
territory, with South America and with the islands and 
further coasts of the Pacific Ocean. 

We arraign the present Democratic Administration for its 
weak and uni^atriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and 
its pusillanimous surrender of the essential privileges to which 
our fishing vessels are entitled in Canadian j)orts under the 
treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation of 1830 and 
the comity of nations, and which Canadian fishing vessels re- 
ceive in the ports of the United States. We condemn the 
policy of the present Administration and the Democratic 
majority in Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly and 
conspicuously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valu- 
able national industry, and an indispensable resource of 
defence against a foreign enemy. 

The name of American applies alike to all citizens of the 
Republic and imposes upon all alike the same obligation of 
obedience to the laws. At the same time that citizenship is 
and must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it, 
and protect him, whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his 
civil rights. It should and must afford him protection at 
home, and follow and protect him abroad in whatever land he 
may be on a lawful errand. 

The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 and 
continue to adhere to the Democratic party have deserted not 
only the cause of honest government, of sound finance, of 
freedom, of purity of the ballot, but especially have deserted 
the cause of reform in the Civil Service. We will not fail to 
keep our pledges because they have broken theirs, or because 
their candidate has broken his. We therefore repeat our 
declaration of 1884, to wit: " The reform of the Civil Service 
auspiciously begun under the Republican Administration 
should be completed by the further extension of the reform 
«ystem already established by law to all the grades of the 
service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of 
the reform should be observed in all Executive apj)ointments, 
and all laws at variance with the object of existing reform 



DICTIOJVAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 403 

legislation should be repealed, to tlae end that the dangers to 
free institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage 
may be wisely and effectually avoided." 

The gratitude of the Nation to the defenders of the Union 
cannot be measured by laws. The legislation of Congress 
should conform to the pledge made by a loyal people, and be 
so enlarged and extended as to provide against the possibility 
that any man who honorably wore the Federal uniform 
should become the inmate of an almshouse, or dependent 
upon private charity. In the presence of an overflowing 
Treasury it would be a public scandal to do less for those 
whose valorous service preserved the Government. We de- 
nounce the hostile spirit of President Cleveland in his 
numerous vetoes of measures for pension relief, and the action 
of the Democratic House of Representatives in refusing even 
a consideration of general pension legislation. 

In support of the principles herewith enunciated, we invite 
the co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially 
of all workingmen, whose prosperity is seriously threatened 
by the free-trade policy of the present Administration. 

We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the personal rights 
and liberties of citizens. The first concern of all good govern- 
ment is the virtue and sobriety of the people and the purity of 
the home. The Republican party cordially sympathizes with 
all wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temper- 
ance and morality. 



NATIONAL PEOHIBITION PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Ikdianapolis, May 31, 1888. 

The Prohibition party in Kational Convention assembled, 
acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all power in 
government, does hereby declare : 

That the manufacture, importation, exportation, transporta- 
tion and sale of alcoholic beverages shall be made public 
crimes and prohibited and punished as such. 

That such prohibition must be secured through amend- 
ments of our National and State Constitutions, enforced by 
adequate laws adequately supported by administrative 
authority, and to this end the organization of the Prohibition 
party is imperatively demanded in State and Nation. 

That any form of license, taxation or regulation of the 
liquor traffic is contrary to good government ; that any party 
which supports regulation by license or tax enters into an 
alliance with such traffic and becomes the actual foe of the 
State's welfare, and that we arraign the Republican and Demo- 
cratic parties for their persistent attitude in favor of the 
licensed iniquity, whereby they oppose the demand of the 

Seople for prohibition and through open complicity with the 
Quor cause defeat the enforcement of law. 
For the immediate abolition of the internal revenue system, 
whereby our National Government is deriving support fronj 
our greatest national vice. 



404 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

That an adequate public revenue being necessary, it may 

gr<^perly be raised by import duties, but import duties should 
e so reduced that no surplus shall be accumulated in the 
treasury, and the burdens of taxation should be removed 
from foods, clothing and other comforts and necessaries of 
life, and imposed on such other articles of import as will give 
protection to the manufacturing employer and producing 
laborer against the competition of the world. 

That Civil Service appointments for all civil offices, chiefly 
clerical in their duties, should be based upon moral, intel- 
lectual and physical qualifications, and not upon party 
service or party necessity. 

The right of suffrage rests on no mere circumstance of race, 
color, sex or nationality, and that where, from any cause, it 
has been withheld from citizens who are of suitable age and 
mentally and morally qualified for the exercise of an intelli- 
gent ballot, it should be restored by the people through the 
legislatures of the several States on such educational basis as 
they may deem wise. 

For the abolition of polygamy and the establishment of uni- 
form laws governing marriage and divorce. 

For prohibiting all combinations of capital to control and to 
increase the cost of products for popular consumption. 

For the preservation and defense of the Sabbath as a civil 
institution without oppressing any who religiously observa 
the same on any other day than the first day of the week. 

That arbitration is the Christian, wise and economic method 
of settling national differences, and the same method should 
by judicious legislation be applied to the settlement of dis- 
putes between large bodies of employes and employers; that 
the abolition of the saloon would remove the burdens, moral, 
physical, pecuniary and social, which now oppress labor and 
rob it of its earnings, and would prove to be the wise and suc- 
cessful way of promoting labor reform; and we invite labor 
and capital to unite with us for the accomplishment thereof. 

That monopoly in land is a wrong to the people, and public 
land should be reserved to actual settlers, and that men and 
women should receive equal wages for equal work. 

That our immigration laws should be so enforced as to pre- 
vent the introduction into our country of all convicts, inmates 
of dependent institutions and others physically incapacitated 
for self-support, and that no person shall have the ballot in 
any State who is not a citizen of the United States. 

Recognizing and. declaring that tVie prohibition of the liquor 
traffic has become the dominant issue in national politics, we 
invite to full party fellowship all those who on this one 
dominant issue are with us agreed in the full belief that this 
party can and will remove sectional differences, promote 
national unity, and insure the best welfare of our native land. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 405 

PARTY PLATFORMS. 

DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN, PROHIBITM, PEOPLE'S. 



NATIONAL DEMOCEATIO PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Chicago, Juke 22, 1892. 

The representatives of the Democratic party of the United 
States, in National Convention assembled, do reaflSrm their alleg- 
iance to the principles of the party as formulated by Jefferson and 
exemplified by the long and illustrious line of nine of his success- 
ors in Democratic leadership from Madison to Cleveland. 

We believe the public welfare demands that these principles be 
applied to the conduct of the Federal Government through the 
accession to power of the party that advocates them, and we 
solemnly declare that the need of a return to these fundamental 
principles of a free popular Government, based on home rule and 
individual liberty, was never more urgent than now, when the 
tendency to centralize all power at the Federal Capitol has become 
a menace to the reserved rights of the States, that strikes at the 
very roots of our Government under the Constitution as framed by 
the fathers of the Republic. 

We warn the people of our common country, jealous for the 
preservation of their free institutions, that the policy of Federal 
control of elections, to which the Republican party has com- 
mitted itself, is fraught with the gravest dangers, scarcely less 
momentous than would result from a revolution practically es- 
tablishing monarchy on the ruins of the Republic. It strikes at 
the North as well as the South and injures the colored citizen 
even more than the white; it means a horde of deputy marshals 
at every polling place armed with Federal power, returning 
boards appointed and controlled by Federal authority, the outrage 
of the electoral rights of the people in the several States, the sub- 
jugation of the colored people to the control of the party in power 
and the reviving of race antagonisms, now happily abated, of the 
utmost peril to the safety and happiness of all; a measure de- 
liberately and justly described by a leading Republican Senator as 
" the most infamous bill that ever crossed the threshold of the 
Senate." 

Such a policy, if sanctioned by law, would mean the dominance 
of a self -perpetuating oligarchy of office-holders, and the party 
first intrusted with its machinery could be dislodged from power 



406 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

only by an appeal to the reserved right of the people to resist op- 
pression, which is inherent in all self-governing communities. 

Two years ago this revolutionary policy was emphatically con- 
demned by the people at the polls; but in contempt of that ver- 
dict the Republican party has defiantly declared in its latest au- 
thoritative utterance that its success in the coming elections will 
mean the enactment of the Force Bill and the usurpation of des- 
potic control over elections in all the States. 

Believing that the preservation of Republican Government in 
the United States is dependent upon the defeat of this policy of 
legalized force and fraud, we invite the support of all citizens 
who desire to see the Constitution maintained in its integrity with 
the laws pursuant thereto, which have given our country a hun- 
dred years of unexampled prosperity, and we pledge the Demo- 
cratic party, if to be intrusted with power, not only to the defeat 
of the Force Bill, but also to relentless opposition to the Repub- 
lican policy of profligate expenditure which, in the short space of 
two years, has squandered an enormous surplus and emptied an 
overflowing treasury, after piling new burdens of taxation upon 
the already overtaxed labor of the country. 

We denounce the Republican protection as a fraud. The labor 
of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of 
the few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the 
Democratic party that the Federal Government has no constitu- 
tional power to impose and collect tariff duties, except for the 
purposes of revenue only — and we demand that the collection of 
such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government, 
when honestly and economically administered. 

We denounce the McKinley tariff law, enacted by the Fifty- 
first Congress, as the culminating atrocity of class legislation; we 
indorse the efforts made by the Democrats of the present Con- 
gress to modify its most oppressive features in the direction of 
free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter 
into general consumption; and we promise its repeal as one of the 
beneficient results that will follow the action of the people in in- 
trusting power to the Democratic party. 

Since the McKinley tariff went into operation there have been 
ten reductions of the wages of the laboring men to one increase. 
We deny that there has been any increase of prosperity to the 
country since that tariff went into operation, and we point to the 
dullness and distress, the wage reductions and strikes in the iron 
trade, as the best possible evidence that no such prosperity has re- 
sulted from the McKinley act. 

We call the attention of thoughtful Americans to the fact that 
after thirty years of restrictive taxes against the importation of 
foreign wealth in exchange for our agricultural surplus, the 
homes and farms of the country have become burdened with a 
real estate mortgage debt of over $3,500,000,000, exclusive of all 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 407 

other forms of indebtedness; tliat in one of tlie chief agricultural 
• States of tlie West, there appears a real estate mortgage debt 
averaging $165 per capita of the total population, and that similar 
conditions and tendencies are shown to exist in the other agricul- 
tural exporting states. 

We denounce a policy which fosters no industry so much as it 
does that of the sheriff. 

Trade interchange on the basis of reciprocal advantages of the 
countries participating is a time honored doctrine of the Demo- 
cratic faith, but we denounce the sham reciprocity which juggles 
with the people's desire for enlarged foreign markets and freer 
exchanges by pretending to establish closer trade relations for a 
country whose articles of export are almost exclusively agricul- 
tural products with other countries that are also agricultural 
while erecting a Custom-House barrier of prohibitive tariff taxes 
against the rich and the countries of the world that stand ready to 
take our entire surplus of products and to exchange therefor com- 
modities which are necessaries and comforts jof life among our 
own people. 

We recognize in the trusts and combinations, which are designed 
to enable capital to secure more than its just share of the joint 
product of capital and labor, a natural consequence of the pro- 
hibitive taxes which prevent the free competition which is the 
life of honest trade; but we believe their worst evils can be 
abated by law, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws 
made to prevent and control them, together with such further 
legislation in restraint of their abuses as experience may show to 
be necessary. 

The Republican party, while professing a policy of reserving 
the public land for small holdings by actual settlers, has given 
away the people's heritage, till now a few railroad and non-resi- 
dent, aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than 
that of all our farms between the two seas. 

The last Democratic Administration reversed the improvident 
and unwise policy of the Eepublican party touching the public 
domain, and reclaimed from corporations and syndicates, alien 
and domestic, and restored to the people nearly one hundred 
million acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as homesteads 
for our citizens, and we j)ledge ourselves to continue this policy 
until every acre of land so unlawfully held shall be reclaimed 
and restored to the people. 

We denounce the Republican legislation known as the Sher- 
man act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibili- 
ties of danger in the future which should make all of its sup- 
porters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. 

We hold to the use of both gold and silver as the standard 
money of the country, and to the coinage of both gold and silver 
without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage, 



408 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

but the dollar unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal 
intrinsic and exchangeable value or be adjusted through inter- 
national agreement, or by such safeguards of legislation as shall 
insure the maintenance of the purity of the two metals and the 
equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets and in the 
payment of debts; and we demand that all paper currency shall 
be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. 

We insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the pro- 
tection of the farmers and laboring classes, the first and most de- 
fenseless victims of unstable money and a fluctuating currency. 

We recommend that the prohibitory 10 per cent, tax on State 
bank issues be repealed. 

Public office is a public trust. We reafl&rm the declaration of 
the Democratic National Convention of 1876 for the reform of the 
civil service, and we call for the honest enforcement of all laws 
regulating the same. The nomination of a President, as in the 
recent Republican Convention, by delegations composed largely 
of his appointees, holding office at his pleasure, is a scandalous 
satire upon free popular institutions and a startling illustration of 
the methods by which a President may gratify his ambition. 

We denounce a policy under which Federal oflBce-holders usurp 
control of party conventions in the States, and we pledge the 
Democratic party to the reform of these and all other abuses 
which threaten individual liberty and local self-government. 

The Democratic party is the only party that has given the coun- 
try a foreign policy consistent and vigorous, compelling respect 
abroad and inspiring confidence at home. While avoiding en- 
tangling alliances, it has aimed to cultivate friendly relations with 
other nations and especially with our neighbors on the American 
continent whose destiny is closely linked with our own, and we 
view with alarm the tendency to a policy of irritation and bluster 
which is liable at any time to confront us with the alternative of 
humiliation or war. 

We favor the maintenance of a navy strong enough for all pur- 
poses of national defense and to promptly maintain the honor 
and dignity of the country abroad. 

This country has always been the refuge of the oppressed from 
every land — exiles for conscience sake — and in the spirit of the 
founders of our Government we condemn the oppression practiced 
by the Russian Government upon its Lutheran and Jewish sub- 
jects, and we call upon our National Government, in the interest 
of justice and humanity, by all just and proper means, to use its 
prompt and best efforts to bring about a cessation of these cruel 
persecutions in the dominions of the Czar and to secure to the op- 
pressed equal rights. 

We tender our profound and earnest sympathy to those lovers 
of freedom who are struggling for home rule and the great cause 
of local self-government in Ireland. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 409 

We heartily approve of all legitimate efforts to prevent the 
United States from being used as the dumping ground for the 
known criminals and professional paupers of Europe, and we de- 
mand the rigid enforcement of the laws against Chinese immigra- 
tion or the importation of foreign workmen under contract to de- 
grade American labor and lessen its wages, but we condemn and 
denounce any and all attempts to restrict the immigration of the 
industrious and worthy of foreign lands. 

This Convention hereby renews the expression of appreciation 
of the patriotism of the soldiers and sailors of the Union in the 
war for its preservation, and we favor just and liberal pensions 
for all disabled Union soldiers, their widows and dependents, but 
we demand that the work of the Pension Office shall be done in- 
dustriously, impartially, and honestly. 

We denounce the present administration of that office as in- 
competent, corrupt, disgraceful and dishonest. 

The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis- 
sissippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to 
secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to 
the tidewater. 

When any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient importance 
to demand the aid of the Government — that such aid should be 
extended by a definite plan of continuous work until permanent 
improvement is secured. 

For purposes of national defense and the promotion of com- 
merce between the States, we recognize the early construction of 
the Nicaragua Canal and its protection against foreign control as 
of great importance to the United States. 

Recognizing the World's Columbian Exposition as a national 
undertaking of vast importance, in which the General Govern- 
ment has invited the co-operation of all the powers of the world, 
and appreciating the acceptance by many of such powers of the 
invitation extended and the broadest liberal efforts being made by 
them to contribute to the grandeur of the undertaking, we are of 
the opinion that Congress should make such necessary financial 
provision as shall be requisite to the maintenance of the national 
honor and public faith. 

Popular education being the only safe basis of popular suffer- 
age, we recommend to the several States most liberal appropria- 
tions for the public schools. Free common schools are the nur- 
sery of good government, and they have always received the fos- 
tering care of the Democratic party, which favors every means of 
increasing intelligence. Freedom of education being an essential 
of civil and religious liberty as well as a necessity for the devel- 
opment of intelligence, must not be interfered with under any 
pretext whatever. 

We are opposed to State interference with parental rights and 
rights of conscience in the education of children as an infringe- 



410 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

ment of tlie fundamental Democratic doctrine that the largest in- 
dividual liberty consistent with the rights of others insures the 
highest type of American citizenship and the best government. 

We approve the action of the present House of Representatives 
in passing bills for the admission into the Union as States of 
the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona, and we favor the early 
admission of all the Territories having necessary population and 
resources to admit them to Statehood, and while they remain 
Territories we hold that the oflScials appointed to administer the 
government of any Territory, together with the Districts of Co- 
lumbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory 
or District in which their duties are to be performed. 

The Democratic party believes in home rule and the control of 
their own affairs by the people of the vicinage. 

We favor legislation by Congress and State Legislatures to pro- 
tect the lives and limbs of railway employees and those of other 
hazardous transportation companies, and denounce the inactivity 
of the Republican party, and particularly the Republican Senate, 
for causing the defeat of measures beneficial and protective to this 
class of wage-workers. 

We are in favor of the enactment by the States of laws for 
abolishing the notorious sweating system, for abolishing contract 
convict labor and for prohibiting the employment in factories of 
children under fifteen years of age. 

We are opposed to all sumptuary laws as an interference with 
the individual rights of the citizen. 

Upon this statement of principles and policies the Democratic 
party asks the intelligent judgment of the American people. It 
asks a change of administration and a change of party in order 
that there may be a change of system and a change of methods, 
thus assuring the maintenance, unimpaired, of institutions under 
which the Republic has grown great and powerful. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. i\\ 

NATIONAL EEPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 



Adopted at Miniteapolis, Juke 9, 1892. 

The representatives of the Republicans of the United States, 
assembled in general convention on the shores of the Mississ- 
ippi River, the everlasting bond of an indestructible Republic, 
whose most glorious chapter of history is the record of the Re- 
publician party, congratulate their countrymen on the majestic 
march of the nation under the banners inscribed with the prin- 
ciples of our platform of 1888, vindicated by victory at the polls 
and prosperity in our fields, workshops and mines, and make the 
following declaration of principles. 

We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call 
attention to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous 
condition of our country is largely due to the wise revenue leg- 
islation of the Republican Congress. 

We believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the 
United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and 
that on all imports coming into competition with the products of 
American labor there should be levied duties equal to the differ- 
ence between wages abroad and at home. 

We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of general 
consumption have been reduced under the operations of the 
Tariff act of 1890. 

We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the 
House of Representatives to destroy our tariff laws piecemeal, as 
is manifested by their attacks • upon wool, lead and lead ores, the 
chief products of a number of States, and we ask the people for 
their judgment thereon. 

We point to the success of the Republican policy of recipro- 
city, under which our export trade has vastly increased, and new 
and enlarged markets have been opened for the products of our 
farms and workshops. 

We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the Demo- 
cratic party to this practical business measure, and claim that, 
executed by a Republcian Administration, our present laws will 
eventually give us control of the trade of the world. 

The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bime- 
tallism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold 
and silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under 
such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure 
the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so 
that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether 
of silver, gold or paper, shall l3e at all times equal. The interests 
of the producers of the country, its farmers and its workingmen, 
demand that every dollar, paper or coin, issued by the Grovern- 
ment shall be as good as any other. 



412 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our 
Government to secure an international conference to adopt such 
measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver 
for use as money throughout the world. 

We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be 
allowed to cast one free and- unrestricted ballot in all public 
elections, and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as 
cast; that such laws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure 
to every citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign born, white 
or black, this sovereign right guaranteed by the Constitution. 

The free and honest popular ballot, the just and equal repre- 
sentation of all the people as well as their just and equal pro- 
tection under the laws, are the foundation of our Republican in- 
stitutions, and the party will never relax its efforts until the 
integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be fully 
guaranteed and protected in every StatOo 

We denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated 
upon American citizens for political reasons in certain Southern 
States of the Union. 

We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restora- 
tion of our mercantile marine by home-built ships and the crea- 
tion of a Navy for the protection of our National interests and 
the honor of our flag ; the maintenance of the most friendly re- 
lations with all foreign Powers, entangling alliances with none, 
and the protection of the rights of our fishermen. 

We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe Doctrine, and believe 
in the achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its 
broadest sense. 

We favor the enactment of more stringent laws and regulations 
for the restriction of criminal, pauper and contract immigration. 

We favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect the life 
and limbs of employees of transportation companies engaged in 
carrying on inter-state commerce, and recommend legislation by 
the respective States that will protect employees engaged in State 
commerce, in mining and manufacturing. 

The Republican party has always been the champion of the 
oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of 
faith, color or nationality; it sympathizes with the cause of Home 
Rule in Ireland, and protests against the persecution of the Jews 
in Russia. 

The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelli- 
gence of the people and the maintenance of freedom among men. 
We therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought 
and conscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and 
instrumentalities which contribute to the education of the chil- 
dren of the land; but, while insisting upon the 'ullest measure 
of religious liberty, we are opposed to any union of Church and 
State. 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 413 

We reaffirm our opposition, declared in tlie Republican plat- 
form of 1888, to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or 
otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our 
citizens. We heartily indorse the action already taken upon this 
subject, and ask for such further legislation as may be required 
to remedy any defects in existing laws, and to render their 
enforcement more complete and effective. 

We approve the policy of extending to towns, villages and 
rural communities the advantages of the free delivery service, 
now enjoyed by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the 
declaration contained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledg- 
ing the reduction of letter postage to one cent, at the earliest pos- 
sible moment consistent with the maintenance of the Post-Office 
Department, and the highest class of postal service. 

We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the Civil 
Service, and the wise and consistent enforcement by the Repub- 
lican party of the laws regulating the same. 

The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest im- 
portance to the American people, both as a measure of National 
defence and to build up and maintain American commerce, and it 
should be controlled by the United States Government. 

We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the 
earliest practical date, having due regard to the interests of the 
people of the Territories and of the United States. All the Fed- 
eral officers appointed for the Territories should be selected from 
bona fide residents thereof, and the right of self government 
should be accorded as far as practicable. 

We favor cession, subject to the Homestead laws, of the arid 
public lands to the States and Territories in which they lie, 
under such Congressional restrictions as to disposition, reclama- 
tion and occupancy by settlers as will secure the maximum bene- 
fits to the people. 

The World's Columbian Exposition is a great National under- 
taking, and Congress should promptly enact such reasonable 
legislation in aid thereof as will insure a discharge of the expenses 
and obligations incident thereto, and the attainment of results 
commensurate with the dignity and progress of the Nation. 

In temperance we sympathize with all wise and .legitimate 
efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and pro- 
mote morality. 

Ever mindful of the services a,nd sacrifices of the men who 
saved the life of the Nation, we pledge anew to the veteran 
soldiers of the Republic a watchful care and recognition of their 
just claims upon a grateful people. 

We commend the able, patriotic and thoroughly American Ad- 
ministration of President Harrison. Under it the country has 
enjoyed remarkable prosperity, and the dignity and honor of the 
Nation, at home and abroad, have been faithfully maintained, and 
we offer the record of pledges kept as a guarantee of faithful per- 
formance in the future. 



414 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

NATIONAL PROHIBITION PLATFOKM. 



Adopted at Omaha, June 30, 1892. 

The Proliibition party in National Convention assembled, ac- 
knowledging Almighty God as the source of true government and 
his law as the standard to which all human enactments must con- 
form to secure the blessings of peace and prosperity, presents the 
following declaration of principles: 

The liquor traffic is a foe to civilization, the arch enemy of 
popular government and a public nuisance. It is tlie citadel of the 
forces that corrupt politics, promote poverty and crime, degrade 
the nation's home life, thwart the v/ill of the people and deliver 
our country into the hands of rapacious class interests. All laws 
that, under the guise of regulation, legalize and protect this 
traffic or make the Government share in its illgotten gains are 
"vicious in principle and powerless as a remedy." 

We declare anew for the entire suppression of the manufacture, 
sale, importation, exportation and transportation of alcoholic 
liquors as a beverage by Federal and State legislation, and the full 
powers of the Government should be exerted to secure this result. 
Any party that fails to recognize the dominant nature of this 
issue in American politics is undeserving of the support of the 
people. 

No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex, 
and equal labor should receive equal wages without regard to 
sex. 

The money of the country should be issued by the general Gov- 
ernment only, and in sufficient quantities to meet the demands of 
business and give full opportunity for the employment of labor. 
To this end an increase in the volume of money is demanded, and 
no individual or corporation should be allowed to make any profit 
through its issue. It should be made a legal tender for the pay- 
ment of all debts, public and private. Its volume should be fixed 
at a definite sum per capita and made to increase with our in- 
crease in population. 

Tariff should be levied only as a defense against foreign gov- 
ernments which levy tariff upon or bar out our products from 
their markets, revenue being incidental. The residue of means 
necessary to an economical administration of the Government 
should be raised by levying a burden upon what the people pos- 
sess instead of upon what we consume. 

Railroad, telegraph and other public corporations should be 
controlled by the Government in the interest of the people, and 
no higher charges allowed than necessary to give fair interest on 
the capital actually invested. 

Foreign immigration has become a burden upon industry, one 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 415 

of the factors in depressing wages and causing discontent, there- 
fore our immigration laws should be revised and strictly enforced. 
The time of residence for naturalization should be extended, and 
no naturalized person should be allowed to vote until one year 
after he becomes a citizen. 

Non-resident aliens should not be allowed to acquire land in 
this country, and we favor the limitation of individual and cor- 
porate ownership of land. All unearned grants of land to rail- 
road companies or other corporations should be reclaimed. 

Years of inaction and treachery on the part of the Republican 
and Democratic parties have resulted in the present reigo of mob 
law, and we demand that every citizen be protected in the right 
of trial by constitutional tribunals. 

All men should be protected by the law in their right to one 
day's rest in seven. 

Arbitration is the wisest and most economical and humane 
method of settling National differences. 

Speculation in margins, the cornering of grain, money and pro- 
ducts and the formation of pools, trusts and combinations for the 
arbitrary advancement of prices should be suppressed. 

We pledge that the Prohibition party, if elected to power, will 
ever grant just pensions to disabled veterans of the Union Army 
and Navy, their widows and orphans. 

We stand unequivocally for the American public schools and 
opposed to any appropriation of public moneys for sectarian 
schools. We declare that only by united support of such com- 
mon schools, taught in the English language, can we hope to 
become and remain an homogeneous and harmonious people. 

We arraign the Republican and Democratic parties as false to 
the standards reared by their founders, as faithless to the prin- 
ciples of the illustrious leaders of the past to whom they do 
homage with the lips; as recreant to the " higher law" which is 
inflexible in political affairs as in personal life, and as no longer 
embodying the aspirations of the American people or inviting the 
confidence of enlightened progressive patriotism. Their protest 
against the admission of "moral issues " into politics is a con- 
fession of their own moral degeneracy. 

The declaration of an eminent authority that municipal misrule 
is "the one conspicuous failure of American politics," follows as 
a natural consequence of such degeneracy, and is true alike of 
cities under Republican and Democratic control. Each accuses 
the other of extravagance in Congressional appropriations, and 
both are alike guilty, each protests when out of power against 
the infraction of the civil service laws, and each when in power 
violates those laws in letter and spirit, each professes fealty to 
the interests of the toiling masses, but both covertly truckle to 
the money power on their administration of public affairs. 

Even the tariff issues as represented in the Democratic Mills 



416 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

bill and the Republican McKinley bill is no longer treated by 
them as an issue upon great and divergent principles of govern- 
ment, but is a mere catering to different sectional and class 
interests. 

The attempt in many States to wrest the Australian ballot 
system from its true purpose, and to so deform it as to render it 
extremely diflBcult for new parties to exercise the rights of suf- 
frage, is an outrage upon popular government. The competition 
of both the parties for the vote of the slums, and their assiduous 
courting of the liquor power, and subserviency to the money 
power, has resulted in placing those powers in the position of 
practical arbiters of the destiny of the nation. 

We renew our protest against these perilous tendencies, and in- 
vite all citizens to join us in the upbuilding of a party that, as 
shown in five national campaigns, prefers temporary defeat to 
an abandonment of the claims of justice, sobriety, personal rights 
and the protection of American homes. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 417 

THE PEOPLE'S PAETY PLATFOEM. 



Adopted at Omaha, July 4, 1892. 

Assembled upon the one hundred and sixteenth, aniversary of 
the Declaration of Independence the People's party of America, 
in their first National Convention, invoking upon their action the 
blessing of Almighty God, puts forth, in the name and on behalf 
of the people of this country, the following preamble and delara- 
tion of principles. 

The conditions which surround us best justify our cooperation; 
we meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, po- 
litical, and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot box, 
the Legislatures, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of 
the bench. The people are demoralized; most of the States have 
been compelled to isolate the voters at the polling places to pre- 
vent universal intimidation or bribery. The newspapers are 
largely subsidized or muzzled; public opinion silenced; business 
prostrated; our homes covered with mortgages; labor impover- 
ished, and the land concentrating in the hands of the capitalists. 
The urban workmen are denied the right of organization for self- 
protection; imported pauperized labor beats down their wages; a 
hireling standing army, unrecognized by our laws, is established 
to shoot them down, and they are rapidly degenerating into Euro- 
pean conditions. The fruits of the toil of millions are boldly 
stolen to buildup colossal fortunes for a few, unprecedented in the 
history of mankind; and the possessors of these, in turn, despise 
the republic and endanger liberty. From the same prolific womb 
of the governmental injustice we breed the two great classes — 
tramps and millionaries. 

The national power to create money is appropriated to enrich 
•bondholders; a vast public debt, payable in legal tender currency, 
has been funded into gold-bearing bonds, thereby adding millions 
to the burdens of the people. 

Silver, which has been accepted as coin since the dawn of his- 
tory, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing power of 
gold by decreasing the value of all forms of property as well as 
human labor, and the supply of currency is purposely abridged to 
fatten usurpers, bankrupt enterprises, and enslave industry. 

A vast conspiracy against mankind has been organized on two 
continents, and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If 
not met and overthrown at once, it forebodes terrible social con- 
vulsions, the destruction of civilization, or the establishment of 
an absolute despotism. 

We have witnessed for more than a quarter of a century the 
struggles of the two great political parties for power and plunder, 



418 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

■wMle grievous wrongs have been inflicted upon the suffering 
poor. We charge that the controlling influences dominating both 
these parties have permitted the existing dreadful conditions to 
develop without serious effort to prevent or restrain them. 
Neither do they now promise us any substantial reform. They have 
agreed together to ignore, in the coming campaign, every issue 
but one. They propose to drown the outcries of a plundered 
people with the uproar of a sham battle over the tariff, so that 
capitalists, corporations, national banks, rings, trusts, watered 
stock, the demonetization of silver, and the oppressions of the 
usurers may be all lost sight of. They propose to sacrifice our 
homes, lives, and children on the altar of Mammon; to destroy 
the multitude in order to secure corrupt funds from the million- 
aires. 

Assembled on the anniversary of the birthday of the nation, 
and filled with the spirit of the grand generation who established 
our independence, Ave seek to restore the Government of the re- 
public to the hands of "the plain people," with which class it 
originated. 

We assert our purposes to be identical with the purposes of the 
national Constitution — to form a more perfect Union, establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common de- 
fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
liberty for ourselves and our posterity. 

We declare that this republic can only endure as a free govern- 
ment while built upon the love of the whole people for each other 
and for the nation; it cannot be pinned together by bayonets; that 
the civil war is over, and that every passion and resentment 
which grew out of it must die with it, and that, we must be in 
fact, as we are in name, the United Brotherhood of Freemen. 

Our country finds itself confronted by conditions for which 
there is no precedent in the history of the world; our annual 
agricultural productions amount to billions of dollars in value, 
which must within a few weeks or months be exchanged for bil- 
lions of dollars of commodities consumed in their production; the 
existing currency supply is wholly inadequate to make this ex- 
change; the results are falling prices, the formation of combines 
and rings, and the impoverishment of the producing class. We 
pledge ourselves that if given power we will labor to correct 
these evils by wise and reasonable legislation, in accordance with 
the terms of our platform. 

We believe that the powers of Government — in other words, of 
the people — should be expended (as in the case of the postal ser- 
vice) as rapidly and as far as the good sense of an intelligent 
people and the teachings of experience shall justify, to the end 
that oppression, injustice and poverty shall eventually cease in. 
the land. 

While our sympathies as a party of reform are naturally upon 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 419 

the side of every proposition wliicli will tend to make men intelli- 
gent, virtuous, and temperate, we nevertheless regard these ques- 
tions — important as they are — as secondary to the great issues 
now pressing for solution, and upon which not only our individ- 
ual prosperity, but the very existence of free institutions depend; 
and we ask all men to first help us to determine whether we are 
to have a republic to administer before we differ as to the condi- 
tions upon which it is to be administered; believing that the 
forces of reform this day organized will never cease to move for- 
ward until every wrong is remedied, and equal rights and equal 
privileges securely established for all the men and women of this 
country. 

We declare therefore, 

1. That the union of the labor forces of the United States this 
day consummated shall be permanent and perpetual — may its 
spirit enter into all hearts for the salvation of the Republic, 
and the uplifting of mankind. 

2. Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar 
taken from industry, without an equivalent, is robbery. "If 
any man will not work neither shall he eat." The interests of 
rural and civic labor are the same; their enemies are identical. 

3. We believe that the time has come when the railroad corpor- 
ations will either own the people or the people must own the 
railroads, and should the Government enter upon the work of 
owning and managing any and all railroads we should favor an 
amendment to the Constitution by which all persons engaged in 
the Government service shall be placed under a civil service regu- 
lation of the most rigid character, so as to prevent the increase of 
the power of the National Administration by the use of such addi- 
tional Government employees. 

We demand a national currency, safe, sound, and flexible, 
issued by the general Government only, a full legal tender for all 
debts, public and private, and that without the use of banking 
corporations, a just, equitable, and efficient means of distribution 
direct to the people, at a tax not to exceed two per cent, per 
annum, to be provided as set forth in the sub-Treasury plan of 
the Farmers' Alliance or some better system; also by payment in 
discharge of its obligations for public improvements. 

We demand the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold 
at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1. 

We demand that the amount of the circulating medium be 
speedily increased to not less than $50 per capita. 

We demand a graduated income tax. 

We believe that the monies of the country should be kept as 
much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we de- 
mand that all national and State revenues shall be limited to the 
necessary expenses, economically and honestly administered. 

We demand that postal savings banks be established by the 



420 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Government for tlie safe deposit of tlie earnings of the people and 
to facilitate exchange. 

Transportation being a means of exchange and a public neces- 
sity, the Government should own and operate the railroads in the 
interest of the people. 

The telegraph and telephone, like the Post OflBce system, being 
a necessity for the transmission of news, should be owned and 
operated by the Government in the interest of the people. 

The land, including all the natural sources of wealth, is t'he 
heritage of all the people, and should not be monopolized for 
speculative purposes, and alien ownership of land should be pro- 
hibited. All lands now held by railroads and other corporations 
in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by aliens 
should be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual set- 
tlers only. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



421 



Presidential Popular Vote in 1884 and 1888. 

PRESIDENTIAL POPULAR VOTE, 1884. 



States. 



Alabama . . . 
A.rkansas . . 
California . . 

Colorado 

Connecticut 
Delaware .. 
Florida 
Georgia 
Illinois. 
Indiana 
Iowa . . 
Kansas . 
Kentucky 
Louisiana. 
Maine . . , 
Maryland 
Massachusetts 
Michigan . 
Minnesota . 
Mississippi. 
Missouri . . . 
Nebraska . . 

Nevada 

N. Hampshire 
New Jersey . . 
New York . . . 
N. Carolina.. 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 
Rhode Island 
S. Carolina 
Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont . 
Virginia . 
West Virginia 
Wisconsin 



Total . . 
Plurality 
Per cent . 



Whole Vote 






92,973 

72,927 

89,288 

27,603 

67,182 

16,976 

31,769 

94,653 

312,584 

244,992 

177,316 

90,132 

152,961 

62,546 

51,656 

96,866 

122,352 

189,361 

70,065 

76,510 

235,988 

54,391 

5,578 

39,187 

127,778 

563,048 

142,952 

368,286 

24,604 

392,785 

12,391 

69,764 

133,270 

223,679 

17,331 

145,497 

67,317 

146,459 



4,911,017 

62,683 

48.87 






59,144 

50,895 

102,416 

36,166 

65,898 

13,053 

28,031 

47,692 

337,411 

238,480 

197,089 

154,406 

118,122 

46,34' 

71,716 

85,748 

146,724 

192,669 

111,685 

43,509 

202,929 

76,903 

7,193 

43,250 

123,366 

562,001 

125,068 

400,082 

26,860 

473,804 

19,030 

21,733 

124,090 

91,701 

39,514 

139,356 

63,096 

161,157 



4,848.334 
*48.25 



P5 



e 

rQ 

ci5 



762 
1,847 
2,017 
1,961 
1,685 
10 

"i35 

10,849 
8,293 



16,341 

M 
120 

3,994 

5"~ 

24,382 

753 

3,583 



26 

552 

3,456 

17,002 



5,170 

726 

17,002 

422 



957 
3,321 

785 



805 
4,598 



133,825 



1.3S 



W 

o 
m 



610 



2,920 

762 

2,494 

64 

72 

168 

-2,005 

3,028 

1,472 

4,954 

3,139 

338 

2,143 

2,82 

9,925 

18,403 

4,684 



2,153 



1,571 

6,153 

25,001 

454 

11,269 

492 

15,737 

928 



1,151 
3,508 
1,752 
138 
939 
7,656 



151,809 
' " ' 1.51 



H 

A 



33,829 
22,032 



1,284 

3,923 

3,738 

46,961 

6',5i2 



34,839 
16,199 



11,118 



33,001 
33,059 



4,412 

1,047 

17,884 



48,031 

9,180 

131,978 



6,141 
4,221 



469,389 
62,683 



H 
< 

g fi 



xn 



13,128 
g,563 



24,827 

19^773 
64,274 



20,060 



24,373 

3,308 

41,620 



22,512 
1,615 
4,063 



31,796 
2,256 

81,019 
6,639 



22,183 
14,698 



406,706 



10,048,061 



422 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 
PRESIDENTIAL POPULAR VOTE, 1888. 



States. 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California , 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware , 

Florida , 

Georgia 

Illinois , 

Indiana 

Iowa , 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

N. Hampshire. 

New Jersey 

New York 

N. Carolina 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania . . 
Rhode Island . . 

S. Carolina 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West Virginia. 
Wisconsin . , . . . 



Total 

Pluralities 



Whole Vote. 



o 



117,320 

85,962 

117,729 

37,567 

74,920 

16,414 

39,561 

100,499 

348,278 

261,013 

179,877 

102,745 

183,800 

85,032 

50,481 

106,168 

151,855 

213,469 

104,385 

85,471 

261,974 

80,552 

5,326 

43,382 

151,493 

635,757 

147,902 

396,455 

26,522 

446,633 

17,530 

65,825 

158,779 

234,883 

16,788 

151.977 

78.677 

155,232 



5,538,233 
98,017 






56,197 

.58,752 

124,816 

50,774 

74,584 

12,973 

26,657 

40,496 

370,473 

263,361 

211,598 

182,904 

155,134 

30,484 

73,734 

99,986 

183,892 

236,387 

142,492 

30,096 

236,257 

108,425 

7,229 

45,724 

144,344 

648,759 

134,784 

416,054 

33,291 

526 091 

21,968 

13,736 

138,988 

88,422 

45,192 

150,438 

78,171 

176,553 



5,440,216 



P>^ 



583 

641 

5,761 

2,191 

4,234 

400 

423 

1,808 

21,695 

9,881 

3,550 

6,779 

5,225 

160 

2,691 

4,767 

8,701 

20,942 

15,311 

218 

4,539 

9,429 

41 

1,566 

7,904 

30,231 

2,789 

24,356 

1,677 

20,947 

1,250 

5,969 
4,749 
1,460 
1,678 
1.084 
14,277 



249,907 



10,613 

' l',266 
240 



136 

7,090 

2,694 

9,105 

37,7 

622 

39 

1,344 



4,555 

1,094 

22 

18,632 

4,226 



13 



626 

47 

3,496 

363 

3,873 

18 



48 
29,459 



1,508 
8,552 



148,105 



140 



2,668 



2,8 



O 



1,591 



1,591 



11,380,860 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 423 

Plumed Knight. — A sobriquet of James Gr. Blaine, 
originating in a speech of Colonel Eobert G. Ingersoll, 
who said: ^' Like an armed warrior^ like a plumed 
knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the 
American Congress and threw his shining lance full 
and fair against the brazen forehead of every defamer 
of this country and maligner of its honor/' 

Political Bargain is a corrupt arrangement whereby 
a politician promises support to a measure or man in 
consideration of similar support to be given to some- 
measure or man of his choice. The election of John 
Quincy Adams in 1824 was charged to a bargain be- 
tween him and Henry Clay, the price being the Secre- 
taryship of State. Clay was, as a matter of fact, appointed 
to this position, but although the charge clung to him, 
and in after years injured him politically, there is no 
proof of its truth. Clay always denied the charge. 
Political bargains are now so common as not to be matters 
either for surprise or comment. 

Political Boss is a politician that absolutely controls 
his party or faction. Such were Tweed and Kelly in 
!New York. 

Political Workers. {Bee Boys, Tlie.) 

Polk, James Knox, was born in Mecklenburg 
County, North Carolina, JSTovember 2, 1795. He died 
at Nashville, Tenn-^ssee, June 15, 1849. He was gradu- 
ated at the University of North Carolina and admitted 
to the bar. In politics he was a Democrat. He was a 
member of the House of Eepresentatives from 1825 to 
1839, and during the last four years was speaker. From 
1839 to 1843 he was Governor of Tennessee; from 1845 
to 1849 he was President. During his administration 
the Mexican War was fought and the Oregon boundary 
dispute was settled. 

Poll Tax. — A poll tax is a tax levied on every head 
or poll of the population. It is a direct tax, and in its 
original form bears necessarily more heavily on the poor 
than on the rich; the tendency at present, therefore, is 
to supply its place with an income tax. Congress has 
power, by Article 1, section 9, of the Constitution, to 



424 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

levy a poll tax in proportion to the census, but this 
power has never been exercised. The States, however, 
have very generally levied such taxes. In 1860 it was 
employed by twenty-seven of the States and Territories. 
It is not now so common, and some of the State Consti- 
tutions forbid it. In some States, as in Massachusetts, 
its payment is a necessary pre-requisite for voting. 
Where it is employed it is not uncommon to except cer- 
tain classes, as ministers, from its payment. 

Pond Tax Law. {See ProMlition.) 

Poor Man's Dollar. — The silver dollar is so-called 
by those favoring its compulsory coinage. {See Silver 
Question. ) 

Poor Richard. — In 1732 Benjamin Franklin began 
the publication of ^"^ Poor Eichard^s Almanac.^' It has 
become renowned by reason of the homely but striking 
maxims it contained. 

Popular Sovereignty. — This name was applied to 
the doctrine that the principle of slavery ^^ should be 
kept out of the national Legislature, and left to the peo- 
ple of the Confederacy in their respective local govern- 
ments.^'' It was first stated as above by Lewis Cass in 
1847. Behind this doctrine the Northern Democrats 
sought refuge, both from the Wilmot Proviso and from 
the Southern demands for active measures in benalf of 
slavery. On the other hand, Calhoun maintained that 
a man^s right to his property, even though it be in slaves, 
must everytvhere be maintained, so that a man could 
take his slave into any territory regardless of the wishes 
of the inhabitants thereof. Calhoun nicknamed the 
doctrine ^^ squatter '^ sovereignty. Douglas, its chief 
supporter, maintained that it was the basis of the com- 
promise of 1850, and in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill an- 
other attempt to apply it was made. But when it be- 
came evident that this doctrine meant the admission of 
all future Territories as free, the interpretation was 
strained so as to bring it v/ithin Calhoun^s declarations, 
on the ground that a Territory could not manifest its in- 
tentions on the subject until it was ready to be admitted 
as a State, in other words, not through its Territorial 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 425 

government. A disagreement on this subject led to the 
withdrawal of a part of the Democratic national con- 
vention which nominated Douglas in 1860. 

Population of the United States. — The table on 
page 399 gives the population of the United States as 
shown by the decennial census which the Constitution 
provides for (Article 1, section %, clause 3). Indians 
not taxed are excluded, as are also the whole populations 
of Alaska and Indian Territory, which have not yet 
been fully organized. The first were estimated in 1881 
at 245,000; the second, in 1880, at 30,178; and the 
third, in 1880, at 70,000. The total population, -actual 
and estimated, in 1880 was about 50,500,000. The 
totals of the last three censuses include a few Chinese, 
Japanese and civilized or taxed Indians, who together 
numbered 1,054 in 1880. 

According to the census of 1890 the total population 
of the United States was 62,622,250. 

The following table shows the population of the 
various States and Territories for 1890: 



States and Territories. 



1890. 



States and Territories. 



1890. 



Alabama 1,513.017 

Arizona 59,620 

Arkansas 1,128,179 

California 1,208,130 

Colorado 419,198 

Connecticut 746,258 

Dakota 

Delaware 168,493 

District of Columbia 230,392 

Florida 391,422 

Georgia 1,837.353 

Idaho 84,385 

niinois 3,826,351 

Indiana 2,192,404 

Iowa 1,911.896 

Kansas 1,427,096 

Kentucky 1,858,635 

Louisiana 1,118,587 

Maine 661,086 

Maryland 1,042,390 

Massachusetts 2,238,943 

Michigan 2,093,889 

Minnesota 1,301,826 

Mississippi 1,289,600 

Missouri 2,679, 184 



Montana 132,159 

Nebraska 1,058,910 

Nevada 45,761 

New Hampshire 376,530 

New Jersey 1,444,933 

New Mexico 153,593 

New York 5,997,853 

North Carolina 1,617,947 

North Dakota 182,719 

Ohio 3,672,316 

Oklahoma 61,834 

Oregon 313,767 

Pennsylvania 5,258,014 

Rhode Island 345,506 

South Carolina 1,151,149 

South Dakota 328,808 

Tennessee 1,767,518 

Texas 2,235,523 

Utah 207,905 

Vermont 332,423 

Virginia 1,655,980 

Washington 349,390 

West Virginia 762,704 

Wisconsin 1,686,880 

Wyoming 60,705 



Total ; 62,622,250 



426 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Population and Congressional Representa- 
tion. — Under the act to apportion representatives in 
Congress among the States under the Federal census of 
population in 1890, which passed Congress and was ap- 
proved February 7, 1891, the whole number of repre- 
sentives after March 4, 1893, will be 356. In accord- 
ance with the act, the several States will be represented 
in the lower House of the Ffty- third Congress and will 
be entitled to electoral votes as follows : Alabama, 9 
representatives and 11 electoral votes; Arkansas, 6 re- 
presentatives and 8 electoral votes ; California, 7 repre- 
sentatives and 9 electoral votes ; Colorado, 2 representa- 
tives and 4 electoral votes ; Connecticut, 4 representa- 
tives and 6 electoral votes ; Delaware, 1 representative 
and 3 electoral votes ; Florida, 2 representives and 4 
electoral votes ; Georgia, 11 representatives and 13 
electoral votes ; Idaho, 1 representative and 3 electoral 
votes ; Illinois, 22 representatives and 24 electoral 
votes; Indiana, 13 representatives and 15 electoral votes; 
Iowa, 11 representatives and 13 electoral votes ; Kansas, 
8 representatives and 10 electoral votes ; Kentucky, 11 
representatives and 13 electoral votes ; Louisiana, 6 re- 
presentatives and 8 electoral votes; Maine, 4 representa- 
tives and 6 electoral votes ; Maryland, 6 representatives 
and 8 electoral votes ; Massachusetts, 13 representatives 
and 15 electoral votes; Michigan, 12 representatives and 
14 electoral votes; Minnesota, 7 representatives and 9 
electoral votes ; Mississippi, 7 representatives and 9 
electoral votes ; Missouri, 15 representatives and 17 
electoral votes; Montana, 1 representative and 3 electoral 
votes; Nebraska, 6 representatives and 8 electoral votes; 
Nevada, 1 representative and 3 electoral votes ; New 
Hampshire, 2 representatives and 4 electoral votes; New 
Jersey, 8 representatives and 10 electoral votes; New 
York, 34 representatives and 36 electoral votes; North 
Carolina, 9 representatives and 11 electoral votes ; 
North Dakota, 1 representative and 3 electoral votes, 
Ohio, 21 representatives and 22 electoral votes; Oregon, 
2 representatives and 4 electoral votes; Pennsylvania; 
30 representatives and 32 electoral votes; Rhode Island, 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 427 

2 representatives and 4 electoral votes; South Carolina, 
7 representatives and 9 electoral votes; South Dakota, 2 
representatives and 4 electoral votes; Tennessee, 10 re- 
presentatives and 12 electoral votes; Texas, 13 repre- 
sentatives and 15 electoral votes; Vermont, 2 repre- 
sentatives and 4 electoral votes ; Virginia, 10 represen- 
tatives and 12 electoral votes; Washington, 2 repre- 
sentatives and 4 electoral votes ; West Virginia, 4 re- 
presentatives and 6 electoral votes ; Wisconsin, 10 
representatives and 12 electoral votes; Wyoming, 1 re- 
presentative and 3 electoral votes. By this apportion- 
ment the membership of the House of Eepresentatives 
will be increased from 332 to 356, and 223 electoral 
votes will be necessary for a choice. When a State fails 
to re-district before the election following the re-appor- 
tionment, the additional members of the House from 
that State are elected by the entire State instead of by 
districts, and such members are known as Congressmen 
at Large. 

Popular Names of Cities. — The nicknames given 
to the various prominent cities in the United States are 
as follows : Brooklyn, N. Y., City of Churches; Bos- 
ton, Hub of the IJniverse; Baltimore, Monumental 
City ; Buffalo, Queen City of the Lakes ; Chicago, 
Garden City; Cincinnati, Queen City; Cleveland, Forest 
City; Detroit, City of the Straits; Hannibal, Bluff City; 
Indianapolis, Railroad City; Keokuk, Gate City; Louis- 
ville, Falls City; Lowell, City of Spindles; New York, 
Gotham, Empire City; New Orleans, Crescent City; 
Nashville, City of Eocks; New Haven, City of Elms; 
Philadelphia, Quaker City, City of Brotherly Love; 
Pittsburg, Iron City ; Portland, Me., Forest City; 
Rochester, Flour City; St. Louis, Mound City; 
Springfield, 111., Flower City ; Washington, D. C, City 
of Magnificent Distances. 

Porcelaine Currency — or more properly Wampum 
— was a kind of money used originally by the Indians 
and later adopted by the English, Dutch and French 
colonists. It consisted of coins or beads made from the 
black or purple eye of the common hard shell clam and 



428 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

from the stem of the shell of the periwinkle. Through 
the center of the coin or bead, a small hole was drilled and 
they were then strung on threads or strings made from 
the sinews of deer, or else woven into various kinds of 
belts. The English, French and Dutch colonists 
adopted wampum as a medium of exchange, the New 
Netherlands colony records 1662 note " kept in luampum, 
and beaver skins.'^ Massachusetts colony in 1687 
ordered it should pass '^ six a penny ^^ for any sum 
under twelve pence; Connecticut and New Haven in 
1640 adopted it also, a fair fathom of purple wampum 
being worth ten shillings, and one fathom of white 
wampum five shillings. The records of New Amster- 
dam (New York city) of 1641 authorizes '' four beads 
of good black well-strung wampum or eight of the 
white" to be reckoned the value of one stuyver, a 
Dutch coin worth about one cent. Wampum' was called 
by the Dutch, Zewant. 

Pork. — A term used in politics to designate the 
spoils of legislation. {See Log Rolling). 

Postal Currency. — This currency was the invention 
of General Spinner, who represented the Syracuse dis- 
trict of New York in Congress and was appointed Treas- 
urer of the United States by President Lincoln. Dur- 
ing the war and until the resumption of specie pay- 
ment there was a great scarcity of change. Spinner 
being appealed to from all quarters to take some meas- 
ure to supply the demand for small change, silver hav- 
ing vanished, was powerless, as he had no law under 
which be could act. In his dilemma he thought of the 
postage stamp, and sent down to the post-office depart- 
ment and purchased a quantity of stamps. He then 
ordered a package of the paper upon which Government 
securities are printed, which he cut into various sizes. 
On these pieces he pasted stamps to represent different 
amounts, thus initiating a substitute for fractional 
silver. This was not, however, a Government trans- 
action in any sense; it could not be. The General 
distributed his improvised currency among the clerks of 
\he department, and finally through imitation it be- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 429 

came the medium of small exchange. From this Gen- 
eral Spinner got his idea of fractional currency, and 
went before Congress with it which body readily 
adopted it by an act July 17, 1862, authorizing it to be 
used as currency in sums of less than five dollars. 

Postal Service. — The first mention of a postal serv- 
ice in the United States is that of the General Court 
of Massachusetts in 1639: *^It is ordered that notice 
be given that Richard Fairbanks, his house in Boston is 
the place appointed for all letters which are brought 
from beyond the seas, or are to be sent thither to be left 
with him, and he is to take care that they are to be de- 
livered or sent according to the direction. And he is 
allowed for every letter a penny, and must answer all 
miscarriages through his own neglect in this kind.^' 

Postmaster - General. (See Post- Office Depart- 
ment. ) 

Post-Office Department is one of the executive 
departments of the government. It was established by 
Act of May 8, 1794. The Postmaster-General, who is 
at its head, is a member of the President's Cabinet, by 
virtue of a custom that originated in the time of An- 
drew Jackson. His salary is $8,000 per annum. He 
is appointed by the President and confirmed by the Sen- 
ate. The department has charge of the transmission of 
mail matter, the preparation of stamps and postal cards, 
the issue of money orders and postal notes, the estab- 
lishment and discontinuance of post-offices, and the- ap- 
pointment of postmasters whose salaries are 11,000 or 
under; of these there were 61,387, June 30, 1891. Dur- 
ing the fiscal year of 1891 the revenue of the depart- 
ment was $65,931,786, and its expenditures $71,662,- 
463. In the transaction of this business the Postmaster- 
General is assisted by 

SAI^RY. 

First Assistant $4,000 

Second Assistant 4,000 

Third Assistant 4,000 

Fourth Assistant 4,000 

Superintendent of Foreign Mails 3,000 

Superintendent of Money Orders 3,50C 



430 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

The following is a complete list of all the Postmasters- 
General: 

NOT MEMBERS OP THE CABINET. 



NAME. 


STATE. 


YEARS. 


Samuel Osgood 


Massachusetts 

Pennsylvania 

Georgia 

Connecticut 


1789—1791. 


Timothy Pickering- 

Joseph Habersham^ 


1791—1795. 
1795—1801. 


Gideon Granger 


1801—1814. 


Return J. Meigs, Jr 


Ohio 

Ohio :. 


1814—1823. 


John McLean 


1823—1829. 







MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. 



NAME. 


STATE. 


TEARS. 


William T. Barry . . 

Amos Kendall 


Kentucky 

Kentucky 


1829—1835. 
1835—1840. 


John M. Niles 


Connecticut 

New York 

Kentucky 


1840—1841. 


Francis Granger 


1841—1841. 


Charles A. Wickliff e 


1841—1845. 


Cave Johnson 


Tennessee 


1845—1849. 


Jacob Collamer 


Vermont 


1849—1850. 


Nathan K. Hall. . 


New York 

Connecticut 


1850—1852. 


Samuel D. Hubbard. . .*. 


1852—1853. 


James Campbell 


Pennsylvania 


1853—1857. 


Aaron V. Brown 


Tennessee 


1857—1859. 


Joseph Holt 

Horatio King 

Montgomery Blair 

William Dennison 


Kentucky 


1859—1861. 


Maine 


1861—1861. 


Maryland 


1861—1864. 


Ohio 


1864—1866. 


Alexander W. Randall 

John A. J. Creswell 

Marshall Jewell 


Wisconsin 

Maryland 

Connecticut 


1866—1869. 
1869-1874. 
1874—1876. 


James M. Tyner 


Indiana 


1876—1877. 


David McK. Key 

Horace Maynard 


Tennessee 


1877—1880. 


Tennessee 

New York 


1880—1881. 


Thomas L. James 


1881—1881. 


Timothy 0. Howe 


Wisconsin 


1881—1883. 


Walter Q. Gresham 


Indiana 


•1883—1884. 


Frank Hatton 


Iowa 


1884—1885. 


William F. Vilas 


Wisconsin 

Michigan 


1885—1887. 


D. M. Dickinson 


1887—1889 


Joha Wanamaker 


Pennsj'^l vania 


1889— 









President by Three Votes. — John Adams was 
so called, he having seventy-one electoral votes to sixty- 
eight for Jefferson. 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 431 

Presidential Bee. — When a man lias presidential 
aspirations and allows liis public acts to be influenced by 
his desire to draw votes, his action is frequently ascribed 
to his haying the presidential bee in his bonnet. The 
reference is probably to a certain uneasiness in the de- 
portment of an individual under both circumstances. 

Presidential Fever. — When a man is thought to be 
very anxious to become President, his acts are frequently 
explained on the theory that he has the presidential 
fever, as it is called, meaning thereby that his aspirations 
and his consequent desire to become popular have ren- 
dered his public acts abnormal, just as fever does the 
physical system. 

Presidential Flag. {See Flag, Presidential.) 

Presidential Succession. — The Constitution, Ar- 
ticle 2, section 1, provides that ^' in case of the removal 
of the President from office, or of his death, resignation 
or inability to discharge . . . the duties of the said 
office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President,^' 
the power to provide for further contingencies being left 
with Congress. This Congress did by means of the Act 
of March 1, 1792. In cases of death, of removal by 
impeachment, or of resignation no difficulties are met 
with, but the power to declare the ^^ inability ■'' of the 
President in cases where the same is not on the surface, 
as in insanity, is lodged nowhere. In such a case the 
Vice-President would probably take it upon himself to 
act as President, and the Supreme Court would be the 
final judge of the validity of his acts. The law of 1792 
declares that in case of inability of the Vice-President 
the office devolves on the president j^ro tempore of the 
Senate, and after him on the Speaker of the House, 
until a new election can be ordered. It also provided 
that the Secretary of State should notify the Executives 
of the States of any vacancy in the Executive office by 
reason of failure on the part of the Vice-President, and 
if at that date there be still tw^o months intervening be- 
fore the first Wednesday in December (the day on which 
the electors vote), then an election for President shall be 
ordered to be held within thirty-four days preceding the 



432 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN' POLITICS. 

latter day. If the intervening time be less than two 
months, and the current presidential term expire on the 
4th of March following, then no election for thb unex- 
pired term takes place; but if the time be less than two 
months, and the term does not so expire, then a new 
election shall be ordered for the following year. The 
Twelfth Amendment provides that in cases in which the 
House has not exercised its right of choosing a Presi- 
dent (when the choice falls to it) by March 4th follow- 
ing, the Vice-President shall act as Preside^^t; but fails 
to provide for a contingency Avhere neither President nor 
Vice-President is selected, and where no President ])ro 
tempore of the Senate has been chosen. The assassina- 
tion of Garfield at a time when the House was not organ- 
ized and while there was no President pro tempore of the 
Senate, led to agitation of the subject, and in 1883 a bill 
was introduced into the Senate to regulate this matter, 
but it was not considered by the House. In December, 
3 G85, substantially the same bill was again introduced and 
this time passed. It was approved January 19, 1886. 
Its provisions are as follows: In case of inability on the 
part of both President and Vice-President, the Execu- 
tive ofl&ce falls to the Cabinet officers in the following 
order, provided the officer on whom it devolves has been 
confirmed by the Senate, and is by birth and otherwise 
qualified to hold the office: The Secretaries of State, of 
the Treasury, of War, the Attorney- Greneral, the Post- 
master- G-eneral, the Secretaries of the Navy, of the In- 
terior. The officer thus selected serves out the unex- 
pired term. 

President Pro Tempore of the Senate. {See 
Vice-Preside7it of the United States, ) 

Presidents, Coincidence in the Ages of. — John 
Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Mon- 
roe and John Quincy Adams, each of them, except 
John Adams, was in his fifty-eighth year when inaugu- 
rated, as was also Washington. Each, except John 
Quincy Adams, closed his term in his sixty-sixth year. 
Each was, therefore, eight years older than his suc- 
cessor. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



433 



President of the United States. — For the powers 
of the President, see Executive. Below is a list of the 
Presidents of the United States: 



Name. 


State. 


Term. 


George Washington 


Virginia 

Massachusetts. 

Virginia 

Virginia 

Virginia 

Massachusetts. 

Tennessee 

New York 

Ohio 

Virginia 

Tennessee 

Louisiana 

New York 

New Hamps're 
Pennsylvania . 

Illinois 

Tennessee 

Illinois 

Ohio 

Ohio 

New York. .. . 
New York.... 
Indiana 


April 30, 1789- 
March 4, 1797- 
March 4, 1801- 
March 4, 1809- 
March 4, 1817;^ 
March 4, 1825- 
March 4, 1829- 
March 4, 1837- 
March 4, 1841- 
April 6, 1841- 
March 4, 1845- 
March 4, 1849- 
July 10, 1850- 
March 4, 1853- 
March 4, 1857- 
March 4, 1861- 
April 15, 1865- 
March 4, 1869- 
March 4, 1877- 
March 4, 1881- 
Sept. 20, 1881- 
March 4. 1885- 
March 4, 1889- 


-1797 


* John Adams 


-1801 


t Thomas Jefferson 


-1809 


t James Madison 


-1817 


+ James Monroe 


-1825 


X John Quincy Adams 

i Andrew Jackson 

i Martin Van Buren 

I William Henry Harrison 

II John Tyler 

§Jame8ltnox Polk.. 

U Zachary Taylor 


-1829 
-1837 
-1841 
-1841 
-1845 
-1849 
-1850 


II Millard Fillmore 

§ Franklin Pierce 

§ James Buchanan 


-1853 
-1857 
-1861 


t Abraham Lincoln 

^ Andrew Johnson 


-1865 
-1869 


if Ulysses Simpson Grant 

i Rutherford Birchard Hayes. 

t James Abram Garfield 

\ Chester Alan Arthur 


-1877 
-1881 
-1881 
-1885 


§ Grorer Cleveland 

^Benjamin Harrison 


-1889 



* Federalist. 

t Republican (Democratic). 



X Coalition. 
§ Democrat. 



H Whig. 

H Republican. 



Presidents de Facto and de Jure. — The presi- 
dential election of 1876 was practically decided by the 
Electoral Commission. Many of the adherents of Sam- 
uel J. Tilden, the defeated nominee, asserted that his 
defeat was the result of fraud, and to emphasize this be- 
lief they persisted in speaking of him as President de 
jure (by right) and of Rutherford B. Hayes, the success- 
ful candidate, as President de facto (actual President as 
distinguished from rightful President). 

President's Message. — Article 2, section 3 of the 
Constitution declares that the President ^^ shall from 
time to time give to the Congress information of the 
state of the Union and recommend to their considera- 
tion such measures as he shall judge necessary and expe- 
dient."'' This section has led to the annual messages 



434 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

which it is the custom of the President to lay before 
Congress immediately on its assembling. Washington 
and Adams read these to Congress m person. Jefferson 
inaugurated the custom since followed of sending it to 
the House. This message deals, in more or less detail, 
with the internal and foreign affairs of the nation, 
stating what steps have been taken in any direction, and 
recommending such as the President deems necessary. 
The message of President Cleveland to the Fiftieth Con- 
gress at its first session was an exception in this respect, 
dealing only with the subject of the reduction of the 
tariff, his object being to emphasize the importance 
of that subject, in view of the rapidly increasing sur- 
plus. This course had been adopted by but one Presi- 
dent before him. President Madison's messages in 1813 
and 1814, during the War of 1812, related exclusively to 
that struggle. 

Primary Convention. {^See Nominating Convene 
tions. ) 

Privateer. — A privateer is an armed vessel owned, 
equipped and manned by private parties, which bears a 
commission (called letters of marque or letters of marque 
and reprisal) from a government to attack and seize the 
property of enemies at sea. The inducement to indi- 
viduals to engage in privateering is a share in the prizes 
captured. The practice has been recognized by inter- 
national law. The advantage to a belligerent State is an 
increase of its effective naval forces, which is especially 
desirable when the regular navy is small. The draw- 
backs to the system are that privateers, actuated by the 
hope of gain and not being under any naval discipline, 
are liable to infringe the rights of neutrals and to disre- 
gard the limits of legitimate war. During the last hun- 
dred years various steps have been taken to abolish pri- 
vateering. The most important step v/as taken in 1856, 
just after the Crimean War, when by the Declarations of 
Paris many of the nations of Europe agreed not to em- 
ploy privateers against each other. All the chief states 
of Europe and America have since given their adherence 
to this declaration except Spain, the United States and 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 435 

Mexico. The United States was willing to become a 
j)arty to the agreement only on condition that all private 
property at sea, not contraband, should be exem^Dt from 
capture. But this '^Marcy'^ or '^^ American ^^ amend- 
ment, as it was called, was not accepted. During the 
Civil War the Confederate States offered letters of 
marque to persons of all countries, but no admittedly 
foreign vessels were so commissioned. During the same 
period the Congress of the United States empowered the 
President to grant commissions to privateers, but none 
such were granted. In 1861 the United States offered 
to assent to the Declarations of Paris, but England and 
France declined our adherence unless on condition 
(which was, of course, not accepted) that our action 
should have no bearing on the '^internal differences pre- 
vailing in the United States.^' This government is far 
from favoring the system of privateering, although Con- 
gress is permitted by Article 1, section 8,- of the Consti- 
tution, to ^^ grant letters of marque and reprisal/' and 
among civilized nations the commissioning of pri- 
vateers is practically at an end. 

Private Legislation is the passage by Congress, or 
a State Legislature, of an act which affects only individ- 
uals or particular classes of men or things. " Private 
act ^^ is a term used in opposition to a ^^ general law ^^ 
which affects the whole community. 

Proclamation of Amnesty. — In the history of this 
country there have been five such proclamations: all had 
relation to the Civil War. The first was issued by Presi- 
dent Lincoln December 8, 1863. The Act of Congress 
of July 17, 1862, had authorized it, notwithstanding the 
fact that a general pardoning power, in cases of offense 
against the United States, is granted to the President by 
the Constitution. This proclamation offered pardon 
and restoration of all property, exce|)t slaves or in cases 
where rights of third parties would be interfered with, 
to all persons then in rebellion against the government, 
on condition of their taking a prescribed oath. This 
oath declares adherence to and support of the Consti- 
tution and the Union and of all laws and proclamations 



436 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

regarding slaves and slavery " so long and so far as not 
modified or declared void by the decision of the Supreme. 
Court. " From this offer there were excepted all persons 
that had left any Federal position or office to join the 
Confederacy, all civil or diplomatic officers and army or 
navy officers of the Confederate States above certain 
rank, and those that had treated Federal colored soldiers 
otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war. March 26, 
1864, a supplemental proclamation stated that the 
offer was not open to prisoners of war. May 29, 1865, 
President Johnson issued a similar proclamation, the 
oath being somewhat shorter, but of the same import as 
of the former To the former exceptions were added 
Confederate foreign agents. Confederate soldiers or 
officers who were graduates from West Point and An- 
napolis, Governors of rebel States, deserters, privateers- 
men, Canada raiders, persons worth over 120,000, and 
those that had broken an oath taken under the former 
proclamation. In 1867 a bill was passed repealing the 
Act of July 17, 1862. Johnson neither signed nor vetoed 
it, and it became a law. September 7, 1867, Johnson 
issued another proclamation, the third of the kind. It 
offered amnesty to all that would take an oath almost iden- 
tical with that of the proclamation of 1865, excepting only 
the President, Yice-President and heads of departments of 
the Confederacy, army and navy officers above certain 
high ranks, foreign agents. Governors of States, those 
that had treated prisoners of war unlawfully, those held, 
in legal confinement and parties to Lincoln's assassina- 
tion. President Johnson's proclamation of July 4, 1868, 
offered amnesty to all except those under indictment in 
a Federal court, and his proclamation of December 25, 
1868, offered it to all unconditionally without the formal- 
ity of any oath. Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment places disability to hold office on those that had 
held certain officers under the United States and had 
then engaged in rebellion, but Congress was empowered 
to remove the disability by a two-thirds vote of each 
House. Many have availed themselves of this power. 
The Act of May 22, 1872, removed the disability of all 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 437 

except only tliose that had been members of the Thirty- 
sixth and Thirty-seventh Congresses, judicial, army or 
navy officers, heads of departments or foreign ministers, 
and holding such offices had engaged in rebellion. An 
attempt to sweep away even these restrictions failed in 
1873. 

Progressive Labor Party. — This organization be- 
gan its life as a separate political party after seceding 
from the Syracuse, (^. Y.) Convention of the United 
Labor Party. {See that title.) It held its own conven- 
tion in New York, September 28, 1887, adopted a plat- 
form and nominated a candidate for Secretary of State 
of ]^ew York. He received 7,622 votes out of a total of 
1,045,376, most of the votes coming from New York 
City. The principal points of its platform were as fol- 
lows: ''That all should have free access to land and to 
the instruments of production without tribute to land- 
lords and monopolists;''^ woman suffrage; '"' repeal of all 
conspiracy laws, tramp laws and all class legislation and 
privileges;^^ ''^the public ownership and management of 
. . . all industries involving the use of public fran- 
chises or the performance of public functions,"^ and the 
submission to the people for rejection or approval of all 
important laws. 

Prohibition. — The object of the Prohibitionists is to 
obtain laws prohibiting the manufacture and sale of in- 
toxicating liquors, except for the purpose of manufac- 
turing industries, science and art. They argue that this 
is advisable because vast sums of money are annually 
wasted by the people in the purchase of liquor, and its 
consumption reduces the productiveness of labor; be- 
cause pauperism and crime are largely increased thereby; 
because the habit of drinking renders the citizen less 
able to serve in defense of the government when neces- 
sary; and because the government should protect the de- 
fenceless women and children who are most injured by 
drunkenness. The opponents of prohibition dispute 
some of the facts of its advocates, assert that drunken- 
ness is rather the accompaniment than the cause of 
pauperism and crime, and argue that in any event pro- 



438 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

hibitory laws cannot be enforced, and that a high license 
system (see High License) will be more effectual in re- 
straining the sale of liquor. They also contend that pro- 
hibitory laws infringe the individual liberty of the citizen. 
On December 5, 1887, the Supreme Court of the United 
States rendered an important decision, holding that it 
is within the discretionary police powers of a State to 
protect the public health, safety and morals, even by the 
destruction of property, and that the Kansas laws, pro- 
viding for the destruction, without compensation, of 
property used in connection with liquor-selling, do not 
violate the provision in the Fourteenth Amendment to 
the Constitution that *'^no State shall make or enforce 
any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities 
of citizens of the United States, nor shall any State de- 
prive any person of . . . property, without due 
process of law.^^ The Prohibitionists have been a factor 
of importance in the politics of some of the States since 
about the middle of the century. A prohibitory law was 
passed in Maine in 1846, and in 1851 a more stringent 
one, including a provision for the seizure and destruction 
of intoxicating liquors, (known as the ^^ Maine Law" and 
drafted by General Neal Dow), was enacted and has 
since been in force, except for the years 1856 and 1857. 
Vermont in 1852, New Hampshire in 1855, and Con- 
necticut in 1854, passed the Maine Law; the first has re- 
tained and enforced it, the second has retained and not 
enforced it, and the last never enforced it and repealed 
it in 1872. New York had the Maine Law on the statute 
books between 1855 and 1857. Ohio and Michigan by 
their Constitutions forbade the passage of a license law, 
thus leaving the mere alternative between free liquor and 
prohibition. This clause of Michigan's Constitution has 
been repealed: the question of replacing it was defeated 
in 1887, by a small popular majority. In Ohio attempts 
have been made to tax the sale of liquor by the ^^ Pond 
Tax Law,'' and the '^ Scott Tax Law," but both of these 
were pronounced unconstitutional by the courts. A 
Prohibitory Amendment to the Constitution of Kansas 
was ratified by the people in 1880, and this has been 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 439 

enforced by legislation. A similar amendment was passed 
in Iowa in 1882^ and had a large popular majority, but 
the next year it was pronounced unconstitutional for 
informalities in its passage. In 1884 a prohibitory law 
was passed. In North Carolina in 1881^ a prohibitory 
law, submitted to popular vote, was defeated (166,000 to 
48,000 in round numbers). After several previous trials 
of prohibition, Khode Island in 1887, passed a stringent' 
prohibitory law. In 1887, on the question of prohibitory 
amendments to the State Constitutions, the Prohibition- 
ists were defeated by large majorities in Oregon, Tennessee 
and Texas. Most of the States have passed laws pro- 
hibiting the sale of liquor to minors and on Sundays. 
Many States have adopted local option, and a few are 
trying high license. {8ee tliose titles.) Such is a brief 
outline of the more important successes and defeats of 
prohibition in the States. National conventions of the 
Prohibition party (previous to 1884, called the Prohibi- 
tion Home Protection party) have been held from time 
to time and candidates have been nominated for the 
presidency and vice-presidency of the United States, and 
have received votes as follows: 

|POPTJLA_B VOTE. 

iaw ) James Black, of Pennsylvania, \ t^^na 

^^''^ I Rev. John Mitchell, of Michigan, j ^'^"" 

1B7R J Green Clay Smith, of Kentucky, \ « «eQ 

^^'^ 1 Gideon T. Stewart, of Ohio, \ •/' '^^^ 

iccn ( Neal Dow, of Maine, I -.^ (.An 

^^*" 1 Rev. H. A. Thompson, of Ohio, f "'^^ 

-iooA J John P. St. John, of Kansas, ) ^k^ ^r-n 

^^^- ' \ William Daniel, of Maryland, f i&i.O'U 

IR8S j Clinton B. risk \ ^aa noA 
^^^ ( Rev. John A. Brooks, of Missouri. \ 244,034 

The aggregate Prohibition vote in the various State 
elections of 1886 was 294,863. In the national election 
of 1884, a considerable number of votes was drawn from 
each of the principal political parties, but chiefly from 
the Republicans, and the defeat of the Republicans in 
that campaign has been charged by some to the Pro- 
hibitionists. At the last national convention of the Pro- 
hibition party, held at Pittsburg, in July, 1884, a con- 
siderable number of the delegates were women. For the 



440 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

platform adopted by that convention (^See Party PlaU 
forms). 

Pro-Slavery.— Those that sympathized with the in- 
stitution of slavery in this country were said to hold pro- 
slavery views. 

Protection, in relation to the industries of a country 
(in which sense the word is generally used), means the 
prevention of ruinous foreign competition. This may 
be accomplished (1) by absolutely prohibiting the im- 
portation of certain articles; (2) by levying a duty on 
them that is practically prohibitive; (3) by granting 
premiums on certain exports; (4) by granting drawbacks, 
which are rebates of the whole, or nearly the whole, duty 
that has been paid on imported materials when these have 
been manufactured at home and exported; or (5) by so 
arranging the rates of duty on importations as to make 
their cost to the consumer equal to or greater than the 
cost of similar domestic products. The first three methods 
are not relied on in this country for purposes of protec- 
tion, while the last two have been and are still extensively 
used. The last method is the more prominent, and 
around it the arguments for and against protection group 
themselves. The reasoning of the protectionists is long 
and complicated. A few of their more important pro- 
positions may be briefly stated as follows: The United 
States as a nation is bound to secure advantages for its 
own citizens before regarding other countries; protective 
duties compel foreigners to pay part of our taxes; without 
protection we should become chiefly an agricultural coun- 
try, and such countries are comparatively poor and weak; 
diversified industries are called into being or strengthened 
by a protective tariff, and these are valuable to a nation 
in time of peace and necessary in time of war; the de- 
struction of protection would mean that the labor of this 
country would have to compete with the cheaper labor 
(usually called ^'^ pauper labor ''^) abroad; wages would fall 
and the American laborer would be reduced to the low 
level of life common to laborers abroad; the investment 
of capital at home is encouraged by protection, and on 
this the working classes depend; even if protection were 



■' DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 441 

a questionable policy to inaugurate, now that it is estab- 
lished in this country it should be continued for the sake 
of justice to invested capital and to prevent the financial 
disasters that would result from a revolution in our in- 
dustries. To the arguments of the free-traders they 
reply that governments have very generally found it 
necessary or advisable to regulate to some extent the trade 
of their citizens or subjects; that protection benefits the 
whole nation, not merely a part, by keeping up the price 
of labor; that no free trade argument can be drawn from 
inter-State commerce, since the localizing of industries 
can do no harm when all the localities are parts of a single 
whole; that competition between home industries will 
keep prices down to a fair point. Since the Civil War 
the Eepublican party has been practically a unit in sup- 
porting a protective tariff. Before that period members 
of both parties were found on each side of the line. The 
tariff has never been the main issue in a presidential elec- 
tion, though in 1880 and 1884 the Eepublicans strove to 
increase its importance. i^See Free Trade.) 

Put None But Americans on Guard To-Night. 
— One of the mottoes of the "Know Nothings.-'^ This 
sentence is supposed to have been the countersign on the 
eve of an important Eevolutionary battle, and is attrib- 
uted by some to Putnam and by others to Washington. 

Qualifications of Voters. — The President of the 
United States is chosen by electors appointed in each 
State *^* in such manner as the Legislature thereof may 
direct. •'^ (Constitution Article 2, section 1.) Senators 
are chosen by the Legislatures of the State. (Constitu- 
tion Article 1, section 3.) Eepresentatives are chosen 
by the people ^^ and the electors in each State shall have 
the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
numerous branch of the State Legislature.^^ (Constitu- 
tion Article 1, section 2.) It thus appears that the 
qualifications of voters for all the federal as well as for 
State offices are subject to the control of the respective 
States and, as might be expected, vary. The suffrage in 
general elections is in every State limited to males of a 
minimum age of twenty-one years. Periods of residence 



442 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, "' 

in the State varying from three months to two years, are 
requisites to voting, and in nearly all the States shorter 
periods of residence in the county., town and precinct 
respectively. Moreover, in eighteen States only citizens 
by nativity or otherwise are allowed to vote; in fifteen, 
citizens and aliens that have declared their intention of 
becoming citizens: the restrictions on the latter vary; in 
some States mere declaration is sufficient, in others a 
declaration, made a certain length of time (in no case 
more than a year) previous, is necessary. In addition to 
citizenship, one State (Connecticut), requires good 
moral character and ability to read any article of the Con- 
stitution or Statutes; another (Delaware), the paying of 
the county tax after the age of twenty- two; another 
(New York), citizenship for ten days previous; another 
(Pennsylvania), citizenship of the United States for one 
month and, if twenty-two years of age or over, payment 
of a tax within two years; another (Rhode Island), on 
the part of foreign-born citizens, ownership of real 
estate to the value of $137, or seven dollars annual rental. 
In none of the States are women allowed to vote at 
general elections; in the Territories of Wyoming and 
IJtah they are so allowed. In every State certain classes 
are prohibited from voting; among these are included 
in the various States, idiots, lunatics, persons convicted 
of crime punishable by imprisonment, Chinese, paupers, 
persons sending, bringing or accepting a duelling chal- 
lenge, non-payers of taxes for certain periods, TJnited 
States soldiers and marines, persons under guardian- 
ship, Indians, persons convicted of blasphemy, persons 
betting on the election at which they attempt to vote, 
deserters from the army or navy during the Civil War: in 
many cases those convicted of crime may have the right 
of suffrage restored by pardon. 

Quids. — A name given to the few supporters of Ran- 
dolph when he seceded from the Republican party in 1805. 
The Latin phrase tertium quid, a ^*^ third something ^^ 
(as distinguished from the two powerful parties), gave 
rise to the name. 

Race, Color or Previous Condition of Servi- 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 443 

tude. — These words occur in the Fifteenth Amendment 
to the Constitution. i^See Constitution of tlie United 
States. ) 

Radical Democracy, — In 1864, the Union men 
opposed to Lincoln^s renomination issued a call for a 
convention which met accordingly May 31st. The 
circular had attacked the administration vigorously. 
Their platform called for the suppression of the Ee- 
bellion, the preservation of the habeas cor]}us, of the 
right of asylum and the Monroe Doctrine. It recom- 
mended a popular vote and only a single term for presi- 
dents, an amendment to the Constitution prohibiting 
slavery, and called for the confiscation of the land of 
rebels and its distribution among actual settlers. The 
name Eadical Democracy was adopted; they were 
also known as Eadical men. G-eneral John C. Fremont 
was nominated: he accepted the nomination, but with- 
drew in Lincoln's favor September 21st. 

Radical Men. {See Radical Democracy.) 

Rag Baby. — A derisive name for the Greenback 
idea. i^See Greenbach Labor Party ; Rag Currency.) 

Rag Currency. — A term of derision applied to the 
currency advocated by the Creenbackers, namely, paper 
money. {^See Greenbach Labor Party.) 

Raiders. — Members of a legislative body are said to 
be raiders on the Treasury when they expend their best 
efforts in attempts to secure appropriations for purposes 
which are not necessary for the country, but which they 
desire because of the patronage connected therewith or 
of other special advantages to their particular locality. 

Railroading". — When a bill is passed without delay in 
a legislative assembly by the energetic efforts of corrupt 
members it is said to have been ^^ railroaded '^ through 
the House. 

Rail Splitter. — A sobriquet of Abraham Lincoln, 
who split the rails for fences when, in his early life, his 
family made a clearing in Illinois and built a log-house. 

Randall, Samuel J., was born in Philadelphia, 
October 10, 1828. He served in the local government of 
Philadelphia and also in the State Senate. In 1862 he 



4:44 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

was elected to Congress, and was continuously reelected. 
In the Forty-fourth Congress he was elected speaker to 
fill the vacancy caused by the death of M. C. Kerr. He 
was elected to the same office in the Forty-fifth and 
Forty-sixth Congresses. He was the leader of the high 
tariff wing of the Democratic party. Died April 13, 1890. 

Randolph, John, of Roanoke, was born in Ches- 
terfield County, Virginia, June 2, 1773, and died at 
Philadelphia May 24, 1833. He served in Congress from 
1799 to 1813, from 1815 to 1817 and from 1819 to 1823; 
from 1825 to 1827 he was in the Senate and from 1827 
to 1829 again in the House. In 1830 he was for a short 
time Minister to Eussia. He was a Democrat, although 
at various times antagonizing his party. He was a man 
of extraordinary ability, though extremely eccentric. 
His person was spare and his voice very shrill. One of 
his foibles was his pride in his descent from Pocahontas. 

Re-admission of Southern States. {See Recon- 
struction; Admission of States to the Union.) 

Rebel Brigadiers is a phrase applied to men in 
public life that served in the Confederate Army during 
the Civil War. The phrase is applied irrespective of 
the rank they held. It is a venomous phrase and used 
only by their opponents. 

Rebellion. — The name given in the North to the 
Civil War {which see). 

Rebs. — An abbreviation for rebels, the word used at 
the North to characterize the Confederates. 

Receipts and Expenditures of the United 
States. {See Expenditures and Receipts of the United 
States. ) 

Recent Unpleasantness, The. — Same as Late 
Unpleasantness {tvhich see). 

Reciprocity is the granting by one nation of certain 
commercial privileges to another, whereby the citizens 
of the latter are put on an equal basis with citizens of 
the former in certain branches of commerce. The term 
was formerly used chiefly with reference to shipping, but 
is now applied also to privileges concerning imports. 
One nation agrees to reduce or abrogate entirely the 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 445 

duties on certain merchandise imported from another, 
in return for like concessions as regards itself. It is cus- 
tomary to provide that, should either of the parties to 
the treaty grant more favorable conditions to a third 
nation, such privileges should inure also to the benefit 
of the other party to the treaty; such an agreement is 
called the ^^ most favored nation ^^ clause of the treaty. 
Eeciprocity existed between the United States and 
Canada from 1854 to 1856 as to many articles, and now 
exists between this country and the Hawaiian Islands, as 
to certain products of each country, by a treaty made in 
1876. The latter treaty was intended to benefit the 
sugar refiners of the Pacific coast. But it is not a part 
of the regular policy of the United States to engage in 
reciprocity with foreign nations. 

Reconstruction. — The'end of the Civil War saw the 
governments of the Southern States overthrown; they had 
been declared insurgent and they were now practically 
in the position of conquered territory. The problem 
before the country was how these States were now to be 
treated. The plans to this end have by some writers 
been classified as follows: 1. The theory that there had 
always been a large number of Union men in these 
States and that as soon as a loyal government was estab- 
lished by these, the State by that fact again became 
regularly constituted. 2. That contained in President 
Lincoln^s proclamation of December 8, 1863, agreeing 
to recognize any loyal government set up by one-tenth 
of the number of voters of 1860, after they had taken 
a prescribed oath of allegiance, and offering annesty on 
certain conditions to all but a specified portion of those 
in rebellion. 3. Sumner's theory that by secession a 
State renounces its right as a State, that thus slavery 
(an institution resting merely on State authority) was 
abolished, and that Congress should take measures to 
establish this fact, to protect all the inhabitants of the 
State and set up a Republican form of government 
therein. 4. Thaddeus Stevens' theory that insuperable 
resistance to the Constitution, suspended its operations 
and that the national government must decide when it 



446 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

is to be resumed. 5. The Davis- Wade plan, introduced 
by Henry Winter Davis and Benjamin F. Wade, from 
the committee on rebellious States, providing for the ap- 
pointment of provisional governors, the enrolment of 
citizens willing to take the oath of allegiance, the adop- 
tion and approval of a Constitution, and the admission 
of the State. 6. The congressional plan, the one 
actually carried out. The Legislatures reconstructed 
under the proclamation of December 8, 1863, had 
adopted measures strongly discriminating against the 
negroes, and this had consolidated Eepublican opinion at 
the North against the President^'s policy, which feeling 
was reflected in the Congress that assembled in Decem- 
ber, 1865. Lincoln had meanwhile been assassinated 
and Johnson had succeeded him. It was first enacted 
that no State should be represented in either House 
until Congress had declared that State entitled to repre- 
sentation. And here the President and Congress began 
to diverge. Congress then passed a bill proposing the 
Fourteenth Amendment and declaring any State ratifying 
it to be entitled to representation. The Civil Eights Bill 
and a bill enlarging the power of the f reedmen^s bureau 
followed, passed over the Presidents veto. The fii'st of 
the Confederate States to be readmitted to representa- 
tion was Tennessee, on July 24,1866. According to 
Congress the rebellious States had, by their secession, 
suspended their State governments; the Constitution of 
the United States, however, remaining operative as re- 
gards these States which, be it remembered, were not 
regarded as destroyed, but as capable of restoration to 
their ''^former political relations in the Union by con- 
sent of the law-making power of the United States. ''^ 
It was about this time that those Republicans in sym- 
pathy with the President held the ^^ arm-in-arm ^^ con- 
vention, but the bulk of the party considered adherence 
to Johnson^s policy as treason to the party. Moreover 
the President, on a western trip taken about this time, 
delivered many indiscreet speeches, and thus widened 
the gap between himself and Congress. The latter now 
passed a series of laws, many of them over the Presi- 



DICTION AR Y OF A AMERICAN POLITICS. 447 

dent's veto, and all intended to limit his opportunities of 
opposition to its plans. Among these were the Tenure 
of Office Act, and acts establishing universal suffrage in 
the territories, admitting Nebraska as a State and mak- 
ing General Grant irremovable as head of the army. 
The Fourteenth Amendment had been adopted by but 
one Southern State, Tennessee, and so Congress was 
obliged to take further stejos looking to reconstruction. 
Eor this purpose the South was divided into five military 
districts; military governors were appointed with power 
to protect life and property, either by military commis- 
sions or by the local courts; these governors were also to 
supervise the election of delegates to a constitutional 
convention, to which all but certain disqualified classes 
were eligible, and for delegates to which only those 
eligible were allowed to vote. These constitutions were 
to be ratified by a popular vote and then to be passed on 
by Congress, after which the new Legislature was to ratify 
the Fourteenth Amendment, and when that had become 
part of the Constitution the State's representatives were 
to be admitted to Congress. This bill was passed over 
the President's veto March 2, 1867. The military gov- 
ernors were appointed and reconstruction proceeded. 
The Constitutions thus adopted abolished slavery, re- 
pudiated the debts incurred during the civil war, re- 
nounced the right of secession and agreed to pass no 
law^s abridging the liberty of any class of citizens. 
Legislatures and governors were elected under them, and 
on June 22, 1865, Arkansas was readmitted to the 
Union; by act of June 25, 1868, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama and Louisiana were 
added to the list. Virginia, Mississippi and Texas were 
not readmitted till the acts of January 26, February 23 
and March 30, 1870, respectively; Georgia was consid- 
ered by Congress to have failed in complying with its 
reconstruction policy, and her readmission was not com- 
plete till made so by act of July 15, 1870; as punish- 
ment for their delay, these last four States were obliged 
to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment as a condition pre- 
cedent to admission. The Fourteenth Amendment had 



448 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

been declared adopted July 11, 1868. Thus the TJniori 
was once more complete. The action of Congress was 
declared constitutional by the Supreme Court of the 
United States in the case of Texas vs. White. 

Reed, Thomas B., was born in Portland, Maine, 
October 18, 1839. He is a lawyer and a graduate of 
Bowdoin College. He has served in both Houses of the 
Legislature and as the Attorney-General of his State. 
He has been a member of every Congress since the 
Forty-fifth. He is the recognized leader of the Eepub- 
licans in the House of Eepresentatives. 

Refunding of United States Debt. — At its high- 
est point (1865) the debt of the United States exceeded 
12,800,000.000. This was composed of a great variety 
of different obligations, some bearing as high as seven 
and three-tenths per cent, interest. Of this debt, $830,- 
000,000, bearing interest at seven and three-tenths per 
cent., matured in 1867 and 1868, and about 1300,000,000 
other debt matured in the same period. To meet this 
there were issued in 1865 $332,998,950, fifteen years, six 
per cent, bonds; in 1867 $379,616,050, fifteen years, six 
per cent, bonds; in 1868 $42,539,350, fifteen years, 
six per cent, bonds; in 1867 and 1868 $85,150,000 de- 
mands, three percent, certificates. The refunding act 
of 1870 authorized the issue of not more than $200,- 
000,000, ten years, five per cent, bonds; of not more 
than $300,000,000, fifteen years, four and a half per 
cent, bonds; of not more than $1,000,000,000, thirty 
years, four per cent, bonds. In 1871 this was amended, 
increasing the amount of five per cent, bonds to $500,- 
000,000, the total issue, however, not to be increased 
therebv. Under this act there were issued a total of 
$412,806,450 of five per cent, bonds, and after 1876 
$250,000,000 four and a half per cent, bonds. In 
1879 a bill was passed authorizing the issue of $10 cer- 
tificates, bearing four per cent, interest and exchangeable 
into the four per cent, bonds of the acts of 1870 
and 1871. These certificates were issued as a part 
of the refunding scheme, and were intended to supply a 
safe means cf investment for people of small means, an 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 449 

object that was defeated by the premium at which the 
four per cent, bonds were selling, which acted as an in- 
ducement to buy up these certificates and to exchange 
them for the bonds. On December 1, 1891 , there were 
but $88,720,00 outstanding {see Belt Siatement, December 
1, 1891, imder DeM of United States.) In 1879 over 
$741,000,000 four per cent, bonds were issued under the 
acts of 1870 and 1871. ^ The net result of all these 
changes was that the national debt, considerably more 
than one-half of which was in 1865 outstanding at six 
per cent, and over, was in 1879 costing but four and 
four and a half per cent, for more than one-half of its 
then principal. In 1881 over 1670,000,000 of the public 
debt running at five and six per cent, matured. Con- 
gress failed to provide the means for meeting it, and there 
was at the disposal of the Secretary for this purpose only 
the surplus revenue and somewhat over $100,000,000 of 
four per cent, bonds under the acts of 1870 and 1871. 
Under these circumstances the Secretary (Windom), 
forced to act on his own responsibility, made a general 
offer to the holders of these bonds to extend the bonds of 
such as might desire it at three and a half per cent, re- 
deemable at the pleasure of the government. This 
measure was a complete success, over $460,000,000 bonds 
being extended at three and a half per cent. The next 
Congress (in 1882) authorized three per cent, bonds, 
redeemable at the pleasure of the government, to be 
issued instead of the bonds extended at three and 
a half per cent., and more than $300,000,000 were so 
issued. Meanwhile the reduction of the debt proceeded 
so rapidly that the last of the three and a half per cents 
were called for payment November 1, 1883, and the last 
of the three per cents July 1, 1887, leaving outstanding 
only the four and a half and four per cent, bonds. The 
rapid extinction of our national debt, and the equally 
rapid decline in the interest rates on the same, is un- 
paralleled. For further and more detailed information 
regarding the debt and its extinction see Dedt of United 
States and Surplus, 
Registration is a precaution taken in certain States 



450 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

to prevent frauds at elections. It consists of the prepara- 
tion of lists of the voters of every precinct, each voter 
being required to present himself before the day of elec- 
tion to have his name recorded and to answer any ques- 
tions as to his qualifications. By affording opportunity 
for scrutiny and comparisc i of lists much imposition is 
avoided. Seventeen States have registration laws; eight 
States require registration in cities or towns containing 
more than a certain specified population; in one (Geor- 
gia) local law exacts it in some counties. In Illinois 
registration is required, but (except in a few cities) a 
vote will be granted, even in its absence on the filing of 
proper affidavits. Ehode Island requires it of all not 
owning real estate, and Minnesota of all not known to 
all the election judges. Eight States do not require it; 
in three of these (Arkansas, Texas and West Virginia) 
it is constitutionally x)rohibited. 

Remonetization. {Bee Coinage.) 

Removal of Government Deposits from the 
United States Bank. — President Jackson in his mes- 
sage to Congress in 1832 recommended an investigation 
into the affairs of the Bank of the United States, with 
a view to determining whether the government deposits 
could safely be left there. In March, 1833, the House 
passed a resolution that the deposits could with safety 
remain in the bank. The President, who was opposed 
to the bank, resolved, nevertheless, to remove them. 
The law creating the bank had provided that govern- 
ment funds were to be left in it, unless the Secretary of 
the Treasury should otherwise direct, in which case the 
latter was to lay before Congress the reasons for the re- 
moval. In January, 1833, William J. Duane was ap- 
pointed Secretary of the Treasury. He was found op- 
posed to the removal, especially to the removal before 
the meeting of Congress, and Jackson tried in vain to 
change his determination. In September Duane asked 
the President to make a written request for his 
HDuane^s) resignation, which the former did on the 23d. 
On the same day Eoger B. Taney, the Attorney-General, 
was appointed Secretary of the Treasury. He at once 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 451 

issued orders directing collectors to deposit funds col- 
lected in certain specified State banks, while the funds 
in the Bank of the United States were withdrawn as 
needed. There was no actual transfer from the latter 
to the State banks. The only result of a long debate in 
Congress was a resolution of censure by the Senate. 
Taney's nomination was not sent to the Senate until 
June 23, 1834, and it was rejected by that body. 

Removals from Office. (See Term and Tenure of 
Office.) 

Repeating is a form of election fraud accomplished 
by causing the same men to vote at different polls. Men 
that make a practice of this are called repeaters. 

Republican League of the United States is an 
association of the various Republican clubs of the 
country. In response to a call issued by the Republican 
Club of New York, delegates met in that city in Decem- 
ber, 1887, and organized with Senator William M. 
Everts as chairman. James P. Foster, president of 
the New York Republican Club, was elected president 
of the League. Its objects are to consolidate the Re- 
publican party and to secure united and harmonious 
action, especially in the campaign of 1888. 

Republican Party. — This was the original name of 
the Democratic party, for an account of which see 
Democratic- Republican Party. It is also the name of the 
principal opponent of that party from 1854 to the pres- 
ent time. The dissolution of the Whig party in 1852 
left a number of factions agreeing in nothing but in 
their opposition to the Democratic party, and having 
none of the elements necessary to the formation of a 
united party. But from these there sprang the most 
powerful party the Democratic party has yet had to en- 
counter — a consistent advocate of broad construction, 
and internal improvements, more popular than the 
Federal party and more homogeneous and courageous 
than the Whigs. The name was adopted partly because 
its associations were thought well suited to draw together 
many of the discordant elements. It was suggested at a 
meeting of a number of members of Congress, and was 



452 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

first formally adopted at a Michigan convention in July, 
1854. The old Whigs, the Free-Soilers, many Know- 
Nothings and some few Democrats were the elements 
that went to make up the party; the Abolitionists were 
a species of allies. Its success in the States was at first 
marked, eleven Senators and a plurality of the House 
belonging to the party. In 1856 a national convention 
was called and Fremont was nominated. The platform 
declared against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
and the extension of slavery, and in favor of the Pacific 
Kailroads, of the admission of Kansas as a free State, aud 
of the improvement of ''rivers and harbors of national 
character.''^ Fremont was defeated by a small majority. 
Between 1856 and 1860 the party gained largely in com- 
pactness, the uncompromising attitude of the slave 
power uniting Northerners more closely, and drawing 
away from the party those not in sympathy with it. The 
platform of 1860 was, with slight exceptions, the same 
as in 1856, except that a protective tariff was demanded, 
and that threats of secession were condemned. In the 
convention but few of the Southern States were repre- 
sented. Abraham Lincoln was nominated and elected. 
His election was by the Southern States declared to be 
sufficient cause for their secession and thus was the 
country plunged into Civil War. During the war the 
history of the government is the history of the party. 
The war policy of the President was supported by the 
party, as were also the measures intended to cripple 
slavery. In 1864 Lincoln was re-nominated and re- 
elected by a large majority. His assassination followed 
hard upon his inauguration, and the Vice-President, 
Johnson, became President. Between him and Congress 
there sprung up, almost at once, a conflict on the sub- 
ject of the reconstruction of the seceded States, Con- 
gress demanding ''substantial guarantees ''' of the pre- 
servation of the rights of the negroes as a condition 
precedent to admission : his impeachment and acquittal 
followed. The measures of Congress on the subject of 
reconstruction were approved by the party. That the 
party was carried somewhat too far on this subject. 



DICTION A R V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 453 

was shown by the declaration of the unconstitutionality 
of parts of the Civil Eights Bill by a Supreme Court, 
the members of which ■ were appointed by Eepub- 
lican Presidents. In 1868 Grant was nominated and 
elected. The party placed itself on record as opposed 
to the intimidation of negro voters by Southern whites, 
and the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution is 
due to its efforts, as were also the Thirteenth and Four- 
teenth. In 1872 Grant was renominated, but a portion 
of the party, disapproving of its coercive measures 
toward the South, held a separate convention under the 
name of Liberal Eepublican party. Grant was never- 
theless elected, but his second term was marred by 
scandals arising from the corruption of subordinates 
selected by him. The State elections just previous to 
1876 had been unfavorable to the party, and the Demo- 
crats, with Tilden as their candidate, waged a vigorous 
campaign against Hayes, the Eepublican nominee. The 
result was long in doubt and was settled only by the Elec- 
toral Commission. Hayes was declared elected. During 
his administration specie payments were resumed. In the 
convention of 1880 a determined stand was made by 
Grant^s friends to secure his nomination on the ground 
that having been out of office for one term, his renomi- 
nation could not be considered as for a ** third term:^^ 
but although his supporters clung to him throughout, 
Garfield was nominated and elected. The assassination of 
Garfield soon after his election brought Vice-President 
Arthur to the presidency. In 1884 Blaine was chosen 
to represent the party. He was personally obnoxious to 
a considerable number of Eepublicans, thereafter called 
Mugwumps, and in New York, always a doubtful, and in 
this case the deciding, State, the defection was sufficient 
to give the electoral vote of the State to the Democratic 
candidate, Cleveland, by the small plurality of 1,047, in 
a total vote of over 1,100,000. Thus, after an uninter- 
rupted sway of twenty-four years the party's candidate 
for the presidency was defeated. The principles of tho 
party, as stated in the Party Platforms of 1884 and 
1888 are elsewhere given. 



454 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Resignation is the relinquishment of an office or 
position of honor or trust by a formal act directed to the 
power that bestowed it, or the legal agent of such power. 
The office of President or Vice-President can, by law, 
only be resigned by a written and subscribed instrument 
lodged in the office of the Secretary of State. The res- 
ignation of a Senator or Eepresentative is addressed to 
the Governor of his State. A Cabinet officer directs his 
resignation to the President, and it is customary for the 
members of a Cabinet to hand their resignations to a new 
President, if these have not already been addressed to the 
outgoing President to take effect at the expiration of his 
term. It is not unusual for the President to call for the 
resignation of one or more of the Cabinet. As to the 
person succeeding to the office of President or Vice-Presi- 
dent when such officer resigns, see Presidential Succes- 
sion. When a Senator resigns the Governor of his State 
makes a temporary appointment till the next meeting of 
the Legislature, which elects a successor. In case a Eep- 
resentative resigns, the Governor issues a writ for the 
election of his successor. The place of a Cabinet officer 
iasupplied by the process of nomination by the President 
and confirmation by the Senate, the next highest officer 
in the department performing his duties temporarily. If 
a Governor resigns, his place is commonly supplied by 
the Lieutenant-Governor, President of the Senate and 
Speaker of the House, in the order named. Other State 
offices are usually filled by temporary appointments made 
by the Governor till a successor is duly elected as pre- 
scribed by law. A vacancy in an appointive office is filled, 
of course, merely by a new appointment. 

Resolutions of '98. — {See Kentuchy Resolutions of 
1798; Virginia Resolutions of 1"^^^.) 

Resumption of Specie Payments. — {See Commer- 
cial Crises; Resumptio7i Act.) 

Resumption Act. — By this name is known the Act 
of January 14, 1875, which directed the resumption of 
specie payments on January 1, 1879. The bill was intro- 
duced in the Senate and favorably reported by the chair- 
man of the Finance Oommittp-e, Senator Sherman, to 



DICTIONAR Y OP AMERICAN POLITICS, 455 

whom subsequently, as Secretary of the Treasury under 
Hayes, fell the duty of carrying its provisions into effect. 
i^See Commercial Crises.) 
Retaliation Act. — {See Fishery Treaties.) 
Retired List. — {See Army of the United States; 
Navy of the United States.) 

Returning" Boards are certain boards established 
for the purpose of canvassing the votes given in an elec- 
tion. They were established in some of the recon- 
structed States at the South, after the Civil War, for 
the purpose of equalizing any fraud or violence that 
might be practiced on the negroes at the polls, the first 
one being established in Arkansas by its Constitution of 
1868. Under this Constitution the board had power to 
correct or to reject any returns, and even to set aside the 
election and order a new one — in short, judicial powers. 
The Constitution of 1874 gave to it the power merely to 
canvass the votes. Plorida, South Carolina and Louis- 
iana had returning boards possessing judicial powers. 
While in the case of State elections the powers given to 
returning boards would necessarily require the sanction 
of the State Constitution, the case is different in elec- 
tions for presidential electors, because the Constitution 
of the United States prescribes that these shall be ap- 
pointed in such manner as the Legislature of the State 
may direct, thus placing the power to regulate this 
matter entirely into the hands of the Legislature regard- 
less of any provisions of the State Constitution. This 
subject is of interest chiefly in relation to the presiden- 
tial election of 1876, in which the result hinged upon 
the action of those boards. The laws of Florida con- 
stituted the Secretary of State, the Attorney- General 
and the Comptroller, or any two of them with any other 
member of the State cabinet selected by them, as the 
returning board. In 1876 the State Circuit Court for 
Leon County ordered an immediate canvass by the 
board. From Baker County there were two returns. 
Disregarding the vote from this county, the popular 
vote was about a tie> The return from this county 
giving a Republican majority of 41 votes was thrown 



456 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

out, as was also the return from Clay County (giving a 
Democratic majority of 164), and a Democratic Gover- 
nor and Eepublican presidential electors were declared 
elected. On this return, the Governor gave his certifi- 
cate to the Republican electors, and these met and voted. 
The Democratic electors had met and voted on a certifi- 
cate of one member of the board. The court refused 
to receive the report of the returning boards and on 
January 1, 1877, a new return was made declaring the 
Democratic electors and State officers elected. A re- 
canvass by the new State officers, as ordered by the new 
Legislature, also resulted in favor of the Democratic 
electors, but the electoral commission accepted the Re- 
publican returns as the only one regular in form. The 
rulings of the courts have since practically deprived the 
board of its judicial functions. In Louisiana the board 
consisted of *^five persons, to be elected by the Senate 
from all political parties.^' In 1876 the Democratic 
member at once resigned, and his place was not filled. 
The board decided contests in secret, and refused to 
allow United States supervisors to be present. About 
1,200 ballots, bearing the names of only three Republi- 
can electors were counted as cast for all of the eight 
electors. In all, about 13,000 Democratic and 2,000 
Republican votes were rejected. The board declared 
the election of the Republican presidential electors, of 
the Republican State ticket, of four Republican and two 
Democratic Congressmen, and gave the Republicans a 
majority of two in the State Senate and of twenty-five 
in the Lower House. Subsequent legislation has de- 
prived the board of its judicial functions. In South 
Carolina the board consisted of the Secretary of State, 
the Treasurer, the Comptroller, the Attorney- General 
and the Adjutant-General. On November 22, 1876, the 
Supreme Court of the State ordered the board not to 
exercise judicial functions in counting the votes of the 
presidential electors. The board, notwithstanding, de- 
clared the Republican electors chosen. The members 
were arrested for contempt, but they were released by 
the federal Circuit Court on a writ of haleas corpus. 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 457 

The judicial functions of the board have been withdrawn 
by subsequent legislation. {^8ee Electoral Commission.) 

Returns, Can't Go Behind the. — This is the 
popular phrase to express the principle adopted by the 
electoral commission of not examining into the Yotes as 
actually cast, but of taking the result declared by the 
returning boards through the proper channels. 

Revenue of the United States. {See Expendi- 
tures and Receipts of the United Stcctes.) 

Rhode Island was one of the original States of the 
Union. It has two capitals. Providence and Newport. 
The population in 1880 was 276,531, and in the last 
census (1890) 345,506. Rhode Island sends two repre- 
sentatives to Congress, and has four electoral votes, 
which are safely relied on by the Eepublicans. Its 
popular name is Little Rhody, or Rhoda. (See Dorr 
Rebellion; Governors; Legislatures.) 

Rich Man's Dollar. — The gold dollar is so called 
by those favoring the compulsory coinage of standard 
silver dollars. {See Silver Question.) 

Riders are provisions added to a bill under consider- 
ation in a legislative assembly, having no connection 
whatever with the subject matter of the bill itself. 
They are usually provisions that would have no chance 
of passing on their merits and they are merged with im- 
portant bills by a minority, which makes the passage of 
the bill as thus amended the condition of its passage in 
any shape, or else they are thus added for the purpose of 
dodging the veto of the executive which they know 
would meet the measure if separately passed, and which 
they believe will not be exerted upon an otherwise good 
and important bill. The bills saddled with riders are 
usually appropriation bills. As their effect is practically 
to limit the veto power of the executive they are now 
by law forbidden in many States, and the rules both of 
the House and Senate in some measure limit their appli- 
cation. In order entirely to prevent this mischief it has 
been suggested that the Constitution be amended so as 
to enable the President to veto single items in an appro- 
priation bill. 



458 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Right of Search. — The right is undisputed in in- 
ternational law for the war vessel of a belligerent to visit 
private vessels on the high seas and to examine their 
papers and cargoes, to determine their destination and 
character. The right which England claims of search- 
ing neutral vessels for subjects and deserters, however, 
is a different matter, and was one of the chief causes of 
the War of 1812 {which see). 

Rights of Neutrals. (See Neutrality.) 

Ring. — A corrupt arrangement that '^ encircles 
enough influential men in the organization of each party 
to control the action of both party machines; men who 
in public push to extremes the abstract ideas of their re- 
spective parties, while they secretly join their hands in 
schemes for personal power and profit." This definition 
is from a pamphlet by Samuel J. Tilden. 

River and Harbor Bills. — The first bill for harbor 
improvements at national expense was passed March 3, 
1823. Various such bills were subsequently passed. 
President Polk, in 1846, and President Pierce, in 1854, 
defeated bills for that purpose by the exercise of the 
veto, and thereafter no attempt to pass such measures 
was made until 1870. Meanwhile most appropriations 
for necessary work had been made under different heads, 
such as fortifications. In 1870 12,000,000 was directly 
appropriated for the purpose. Between 1870 and 1875 
the amounts did not exceed 17,500,000; the appropri- 
ations since then are given under Appropriations. It 
has grown to be a practice to pass these bills by log- 
rolling (which see), and the amounts have thus been 
largely increased. In 1882 the appropriations for this 
purpose amounted to nearly $19,000,000. The bill was 
promptly vetoed by President Arthur and just as 
promptly passed over the veto by Congress. 

Rock of Chicamaugua. — A name applied to Gen- 
eral George H. Thomas by reason of the firm stand 
made by him at Chicamaugua during the Civil AYar, 
September, 1863. Thomas was born in Virginia in 
1816; he died March 28, 1870. 

Rogue's Island. — A nickname applied to Ehode 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 459 

Island when that State stood out and refused to ratify 
the Constitution. 

Roorbach is defined by Webster as follows: *'A 
forgery or fictitious story published for purposes of 
political intrigue. The word originated in 1844, when 
such a forgery was published, purporting to be an ex- 
tract from the 'Travels of Baron Eoorbach.-'^^ 

Rooster, Democrati|:. (^See Democratic Rooster.) 

Rotation in Office. (See Civil Service Reform.) 

Rum, Romanism and Rebellion. — During the 
presidential campaign of 1884, James G. Blaine, the 
Kepublican candidate, received a delegation of ministers 
favoring his election, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, in 
New York City. The spokesman, the Eev. Dr. Burch- 
ard, in the course of his address to Blaine, referred to the 
Democratic party as the party of ''Rum, Eomanism and 
Eebellion.^^ This phrase was at once seized upon by the 
newspapers opposed to Blaine, and telegraphed all over 
the country; and the fact was dwelt on that the slight- 
ing allusion to Catholics had not been rebuked by Blaine. 
It is impossible to estimate how many Catholic votes 
were turned from Blaine for that reason; Cleveland's 
popular majority over Blaine in New York was but 
1,047, so that 524 votes lost to Cleveland would have 
turned the State in Blaine's favor, and with New York 
he would have gained the presidency. Whether the in- 
judicious utterance above quoted lost the election for 
Blaine cannot be said. 

Sage of Greystone. — A popular name of Samuel J. 
Tilden. Tilden's residence on the Hudson Eiver was 
called Greystone. 

Sage of Monticello. — A popular name of Thomas 
Jefferson. On the termination of his second term as 
President he retired to Monticello, Virginia, where the 
remainder of his life was passed. 

Salary Grab.— On March 3, 1873, in the rush that 
always attends the closing hours of the national Legis- 
lature, the Forty-Second Congress signalized the last 
day of its existence by passing the act commonly called 
tbo " Salary Grab/^ It passed the House and the 



460 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Senate and received President Grant's signature on this 
same day. It provided for an increase of the President's 
salary from $25,000 to 150,000 a year, of the salaries of 
the Vice-President, justices of the Supreme Court, 
cabinet officers, the Speaker of the House, Senators, 
Eepresentatives, territorial delegates and various other 
federal officials. The act was to take eif ect immediately, 
except as to members of Congress whose salary was 
raised from 15,000 to 17,500 a year. As to these it was 
made retroactive to the beginning of the term of the 
Forty-Second Congress. It was this provision of the 
bill which gave it the name of a ''grab.'' Most of 
those that voted against it and some that voted for it, 
covered their past increase of salary into the Treasury. 
It was not a party measure, and one of the first acts of 
Congress was to repeal the law as to all officials except 
the President and the justices of the Supreme Court, 
The repealing act became a law on January 20, 1874. 

Salt River, Gone Up. — This phrase is applied to 
politicians who are forced out of public life, or who 
retire because of disappointed ambition. It is said that 
the phrase arose from a small stream of that name in 
Kentucky, the navigation of which was very difficult, 
and the unpleasantness of a journey up that stream was 
thought fairly to represent the feelings of the politicians 
to whom the phrase was applied. 
San Juan Dispute. {See Northwest Boundary.) 
Santo Domingo, Annexation of. — Santo Domingo 
is a republic occupying the eastern and larger portion of 
the island of Hayti. It is also called San Domingo, or 
the Dominican Eepublic, In July, 1869, President 
Grant sent General Babcock to San Domingo to report 
on the project of annexing it to the United States. In 
consequence of Babcock's report, a treaty of annexation 
was made on November 20, 1869, which was approved 
by popular vote in San Domingo. Its ratification was 
urged on the Senate to secure the fine harbor of Samana 
for a coaling station and commanding rendezvous for 
our navy, to prevent the acquisition of that bay by any 
foreign power, to free the slaves there, and by example 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 461 

and influence the slaves in Cuba and Brazil, and to 
secure a profitable possession for the United States. But 
charges were made that private speculators were the 
promoters of the plan, which was thus discredited. In 
May, 1870, the treaty was modified to meet some objec- 
tions, and Grant sent a special message to Congress, on 
May 31st, urging ratification. The Senate, however, on 
June 30th refused to ratify the treaty. In January, 
1871, Congress, in accordance with the President's 
message of December 5, 1870, agreed to the appointment 
of a commission to visit San Domingo and report on the 
project. B. F. Wade, Andrew D. White and S. G. 
Howe were appointed, visited San Domingo, and made 
a favorable report. The project, however, had now 
become thoroughly unpopular, and Grant in a special 
message of April 5, 1871, virtually abandoned it. 
Nothing has since been done to carry out his ideas of 
annexation. Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, was a 
bitter opponent of the whole plan, and chiefly to his 
efforts was due its defeat. 

Scalawag". — A word signifiying a low, worthless 
fellow. During the reconstruction period following the 
Civil War, it was at the South applied to Southerners 
who joined the Eepublican party and aided them in re- 
construction. 

Schurz, Carl, was born near Cologne, Germany, 
March 2, 1829. He left Germany by reason of his con- 
nection with the revolutionary disturbances of 1848. 
He served in the Civil War, attaining the grade of 
brigadier-general. In poKtics he was a Eepublican. 
He pursued journalism as a profession in St. Louis, 
Missouri. In 1869 he was chosen United States Senator. 
He was identified with the Liberal Eepublican move- 
ment in 1872. In 1877 he became Secretary of the 
Interior under Hayes. In 1884 he was one of the 
leaders of the revolt against Blaine in the Eepublican 
party. 

Scott, Dred, Case. {See Bred Scott Case.) 

Scott Tax Law. — {See Prohibition.) 

Scratching. — When a citizen votes a ticket contain- 



462 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POUTICS. 

ing the names of some of the candidates of the party 
with which he is not aflSliated, he is said to scratch the 
names of those of his own party that he omits. 

Scripomania. — A name applied to the craze for 
speculation in the stock of the Bank of the United States 
in 1791; also called Scripophobia. 

Scripophobia. — {See Scripomania. ) 

Scrub Race for the Presidency. — The presidential 
contest of 1824 was so called. The candidates, John 
Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford 
and Henry Clay, being all of the same party, the con- 
test was merely a personal one; the truth of the compari- 
son implied in the name, is obvious. 

Search, Right of. — {See Right of Search.) 

Secession. — The claim of the right of a State to 
secede from the Union is founded on the doctrine of 
'^ State sovereignty." But the right of secession or 
peaceable withdrawal must not be confounded with the 
right of revolution or violent revolt against unbearable 
oppression; in the latter case there is no claim of legal 
right; the appeal is to force and the revolutionists know 
that failure means the punishment inflicted for treason. 
This claim has been put forward by nearly every State 
of the Union in its turn and has on such occasions usually 
been condemned by the others as treasonable. It was 
either involved in or explicitly put forward by the 
^'Kentucky Resolutions," the ^^ Hartford Convention," 
and the ^'^Nullification Ordinance." The discussion 
preceding the annexation of Texas, led to threats of 
secession, in the North to follow the annexation, in the 
South to follow a refusal to annex. It is thus seen that 
the doctrine had been ventilated North and South, but 
no real attempt to secede had been made. There had been 
talk of co-operation among some of the Southern States 
for the purpose of carrying out a secession programme, 
(for no State would have attempted it alone), but all this 
came to naught. Since about 1835, however, slavery 
and '^ State sovereignty" had been bound up together 
and secession was the logical consequence of the latter. 
The feeling between slave-holding sections and non-slave- 



Die TIONA RY OF A ME RICA N P 01 1 TICS. 463 

holding sections, between North and South, had become 
more and more strained, and the election in 1860 of 
Lincoln, was all that was needed to change the theory 
into an attempt to secure the reality. South Carolina 
issued a circular to the other Southern States declaring 
that she would secede with any other State or alone, if 
any other would agree to follow. No State was prepared 
to secede alone, but Florida, Mississippi and Alabama 
agreed to secede with any other State. South Carolina 
led the way; a State convention was called and on De- 
cember 20, 1860, the Act of 1788, ratifying the United 
States Constitution, was repealed, and it was declared 
"that the union now subsisting between South Carolina 
and other States, under the name of the United States 
of America, is hereby dissolved ;^^ on the 24th a declara- 
tion of the causes of secession was adopted and on the 
same day the G-overnor proclaimed the secession of the 
State. Mississippi followed January 9, 1861; Florida, 
January 10th; Alabama, January 11th; Georgia, Janu-; 
ary 19th; Louisiana, January 26th; Texas, February 
1st, but the proceedings in this later State were very 
irregular. Virginia did likewise in April, Arkansas and 
North Carolina in May, and Tennessee, making the 
eleventh and last seceding State, in June. The Civil 
War settled the question forever. 

Secretary of Legation. {See Foreign Service.) 
Sectional President. — Lincoln was so called by the 
Southerners, who held that he represented not the whole 
people, but only the northern section of the nation. 
Sedition Laws. {See Alien and Sedition Laws.) 
Sedition Poles. — A derisive name for Liberty Poles. 
Self-Creaced Societies. — This phrase was used by 
Washington in a message to Congress on the Whisky In- 
surrection, to designate those whom he believed to be 
the instigators of the revolt. It was intended to apply 
to the Democratic Society. 
Selling Out. {See Trading.) 
Seminole War. {See Indian Wars.) 
Senate. — This is the name of the smaller of the two 
branches of the legislative division of the national gov- 



464 DICTIONAR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

ernment. It is also applied to the corresponding divi- 
sions of the State governments. When the term is 
used without qualification, the national Senate is meant. 
The Senate is composed of two members from every 
State, chosen by the Legislature. The term is six years. 
The terms of the Senators are so arransjed that one-third 
of them expire every two years. The Senate is thus a 
body having continuous existence and organization. Ar- 
ticle 1, section '6, of the Constitution treats of the 
Senate. A person, in order to be a Senator, must be at 
least thirty years ^f age. He must have been nine years 
a citizen, and must, when elected, be an inhabitant of 
the State he is chosen to represent. The Senate has the 
power to try all impeachments. It must confirm the 
appointments made by the President, and must ratify 
all treaties, for which purpose a two-thirds vote is 
necessary. When confirming nominations and ratifying 
treaties (executive business, as it is called) the Senate 
sits in secret session. All attempts to repeal this rule 
have failed; they are renewed at almost every session. 
The Vice-President of the United States presides over 
the Senate. In the absence of the Vice-President, or 
when he acts as President, the Senate chooses a Presi- 
dent jyTO temjwre of the Senate, and it is customary of 
the Vice-President to retire a few days before adjourn- 
ment for the session, in order to enable this officer to be 
chosen, because under a law now superseded this officer 
was in the line of presidential succession {luMch see.) 
In case of failure on the part of the electors to choose a 
Vice-President, the selection devolves on the Senate. 
^'K quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds 
of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the 
whole number shall be necessary to a choice.'^ (Consti- 
tution, Twelfth Amendment. ) The standing committees 
of the Senate are by a rule of that body to be elected 
by ballot unless otherwise ordered. They are, as a 
matter of fact, agreed upon in caucus, and the caucus 
list is voted on as a whole by the Senate. Each House 
provides rules for its own guidance, and those of the 
Senate differ in many respects from those of the House, 



DICTION'AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 465 

being in general more lax. There is practically no limit 
to the length of time which a Senator may consume in 
debate, and in general the " courtesy of the Senate/' 
as it is called, is relied on as a substitute for stringent 
rules. The salary of a Senator is $5,000, together with 
an allowance of $125. per annum for stationery and 
newspapers, and mileage at the rate of twenty cents a 
mile for travel to and from Washington for every annual 
session. Deduction from the salary is made for absence 
without leave. The United States Statutes provide as fol- 
lows for the filling of vacancies in the Senate occurring 
before the meeting of legislatures, and during the session 
of legislatures : '* Whenever on the meeting of the 
Legislature of any State a vacancy exists in the repre- 
sentation of such State in the Senate, the Legislature . 
shall proceed, on the second Tuesday after meeting and 
organization, to elect a person to fill such vacancy in 
the manner prescribed for the election of a Senator for 
a full term,^' and " whenever during the session of the 
Legislature of a State a vacancy occurs in the repre- 
sentation of such State in the Senate, similar proceed- 
ings to fill such vacancy shall be had on the second 
Tuesday after the Legislature has organized, and has 
notice of such vacancy.^' The Constitution of the 
United States adds the subjoined: "If vacancies 
happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess 
of the Legislature of any State, the Executive (that is, 
the Governor) thereof may make temporary appoint- 
ments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which 
shall then fill such vacancies." 

Seat of Government.— Previous to the final re- 
moval to Washington in 1800 the seats of Government 
were: Philadelphia, May 10, 1775 ; Baltimore, Decem- 
ber 20, 1776 ; Philadelphia, March 4, 1777 ; Lancaster, 
Pa., September 27, 1777; York, Pa., September 30, 
1777 ; Philadelphia July 2, 1778; Princton, New Jer- 
sev, June 30, 1783; Annapolis, Marvland, November 
26, 1783; Trenton, New Jersey, November 1, 1784; New 
York, January 11, 1785, where the Constitutional 
Government was organized in 1789. 



466 DICTION- AR V OF AMERICAi<t FOLlTlCS. 

Sergeant-at-Arms. — The sergeant-at-arms of a 
legislative body is the official that maintains order under 
the direction of the presiding officer. He serves pro- 
cesses and makes arrests when these are ordered by the 
House. In both the Senate and the House he is elected. 

Seventh of March Speech. — In January, 1850, 
Henry Clay introduced into Congress the series of reso- 
lutions that subsequently led to the Compromise of 
1850 (which see). During the debate on these resolu- 
tions, Daniel Webster delivered an extraordinary speech 
in which he opposed the views of the abolitionists and 
of all who in any way desired to restrict slavery. The 
one great aim of his speech was to smooth over differ- 
ences between North and South. It has been charged 
that this speech was a virtual recantation of his political 
opinions for the purpose of aiding his presidential aspi- 
rations. The speech was delivered March 7, 1850. 

Seward Whigs. (See Conscience Whigs.) 

Seward, William H., was born at Florida, New 
York, May 16, 1801, and died at Auburn, New York, 
October 10, 1872. He was a gTaduate of Union College 
and a lawyer by profession. He served in the State 
Senate, and was elected Governor in 1838 and 1840 after 
having been defeated in 1834. In 1849 he became 
United States Senator. He was in early life an anti- 
Mason, and joined the Whig party on its organization. 
He was a member of the anti-slavery faction of that 
party and its leader in the Senate. He became Secre- 
tary of State, under Lincoln, in 1861, and served in that 
office until 1869. 

Seymour, Horatio, was born in Pompey, New 
York, in 1811. He studied law; served as mayor of 
Utica and in the Legislature. He was a Democrat, a 
member of the " hunker,^^ or conservative faction. In 
1850 he was nominated for Governor and defeated by 
about 300 votes out of 430,000 cast. In 1852 he was 
elected, and in 1854 again defeated by a very small 
majority. In 1862 he was once more elected Governor. 
He was the acknowledged leader of his party in New 
York, and in 1868 he received its presidential nomina- 



l>ICTlOMAk V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 467 

tion, but lie was defeated. He then retired from public 
life. He died on February 12, 1886. 

Sharp-Shins. — A name given to small currency ob- 
tained by cutting silver dollars into parts. It was used 
in the early days of Virginia. 

Sherman, John, was born at Lancaster, Ohio, May 
10, 1823. He is a lawyer. He was in early life a Whig, 
but ultimately joined the Eepublican party, one of 
whose chiefs he now is. He served in Congress from 
1855 to 1861, and in the Senate from 1861 to 1877. He 
then became Secretary of the Treasury, and under his 
management the refunding of the debt took place. He 
then returned to the Senate, in which he is now serving. 

Sherman, William Tecumseh, was born at Mans- 
field, Ohio, February 8, 1820. He was graduated at 
West Point in 1840. He served in the army until 1853, 
when he resigned and turned to civil pursuits. On the 
outbreak of the Civil War he entered the service as a 
colonel in the regular army. He served with brilliant 
distinction, rising to the grade of major-general in the 
regular service. His best known achievements are the 
capture of Atlanta and his march to the sea. In 1866 
he was raised to the rank of lieutenant-general, and in 
1869 to that of general. He retired on !N^ovember 1, 
1883. He died February 14, 1891. . 

Shimonoseki Indemnity. — Shimonoseki is a sea- 
port of Japan whose forts command a strait of the same 
name. In 1864 these forts were attacked and destroyed 
by a squadron of war vessels, representing the United 
States, England, France and Holland, in retaliation for 
the firing on merchant vessels of those nations by the 
forts. The Japanese government was compelled to pay 
damages for the injuries inflicted by the forts, besides 
an indemnity, amounting together to 13,000,000. Our 
share in this sum was 1785,000. Only a small portion 
of it was needed for damages inflicted, and the re- 
mainder lay in our public treasury for some years. It 
was not applied to any public use, and finally, after 
repeated attempts to refund the extortionate excess, it 
was repaid to Japan in 1884. 



468 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Shinplasters. — During the war, small change dis- 
appeared from circulation and the people resorted to 
postage stamps and private notes. The latter, repre- 
senting ten, twenty-five and fifty cents, issued by retail 
dealers to facilitate trade, were of little value beyond the 
particular locality where they were issued , except as plasters 
for broken shins, and hence were called '^shinplasters." 
The fractional notes printed by the government under 
the law of 1863 were also called '^ shinplasters," but 
merely because their forerunners had borne that name. 

Shoe-String" District. — The Sixth Congressional 
District of Mississippi, as laid out in 1874, is so called 
because it consists of a narrow strip extending along the 
Mississippi Eiver almost the entire length of the State. 
i^See Oerrymander.) 

Sic Semper Tyrannis. — This Latin phrase, signify- 
ing, ''thus always to tyrants," constitutes the motto of 
the State of Virginia. They were the w^ords which John 
Wilkes Booth shouted out when he jumped on the stage 
of Ford^s Theater after assassinating Lincoln. 

Signal Service Bureau. — The signal service was 
first organizod for military purposes. l\\ war it is very 
necessary that different parts of an army should be able 
to communicate readily and quickly with each other, 
and therefore a special service was organized, equipped 
with flags, torches, heliostats, telegraph and telephone 
lines, and other instruments of communication, and in- 
structed in a code of signals which, while intelligent to 
themselves, were meant to be a complete mystery to all 
others. Such a service has been attached to the United 
States army for many years, but the meteorological 
division of this service is of recent creation. Feb. 9, 
1870, a joint resolution of Congress first imposed upon 
the Signal Service Bureau the duty of " giving notice 
by telegraph and signal of the approach and force of 
storms." The duty was cheerfully accepted, and under 
the chief signal officer. Gen. Albert J. Myer, was ad- 
mirably performed. So quickly and well were its 
meteorological observations made that the new bureau 
won the confidence of scientific men immediately, and 



DICTION AR y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 469 

in 1874 the Smithsonian Institution turned over its en- 
tire body of volunteer civilian weather observers to the 
direction of the signal service. The telegraphic facili- 
ties of the service soon led to a new system, that of 
simultaneous weather observation and instantaneous re- 
ports. This gave the central office valuable data on 
which to base a scientific study of the weather, and 
largely increased general confidence in its predictions. 
The network of signal lines now extends over the con- 
tinent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the 
Gulf of Mexico, including the West Indies, to the 
Canadian frontier, and daily reports are also re- 
ceived from the Canadian Dominion and its out- 
lying posts. Perhaps the most important work 
of the bureau is that on the Western frontier. Tri- 
daily observations are taken at all the stations east and 
west at 7 a.m., 3 p.m. and 11 p.m., Washington time, 
and immediately put upon the wires. So nearly are these 
observations simultaneous, and so carefully are the dif- 
ferences of time calculated,'^ that they are usually all 
concentrated at the central office within about forty-five 
minutes. They include readings of the barometer and 
of exposed and wet-bulb thermometers; the direction 
and velocity of the wind; the amount of rain or snow 
fallen since last reports; the kind, amount, and direc- 
tion of movement of clouds, auroras, haze, fog, smoki- 
ness, frost, etc., to which river stations add readings of 
the river gauge, and the seacoast stations the direction 
and character of the ocean swell. These data, received 
at the central office, are made the basis of draughting 
seven graphic charts, the first showing the barometric 
pressures, temperatures, winds and states of weather 
throughout the country; the second showing the dew 
points at all stations; and the third the cloud condi- 
tions visible from the different reporting stations. The 
fourth and sixth charts show the normal barometric 
pressures and temperatures, and existing variations 
therefrom in the same general mode; and the fifth and 
seventh show the deviations or departures from the nor- 
mal condition in these particulars, for the previous, 



470 i DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. , 

twenty-four hours. Armed with all this charted ma- 
terial, and taught by long experience how to reckon the 
probable course of storms, the signal officer proceeds 
to calculate the probabilities of the weather at the 
different points on his chart for the next twenty-four or 
forty-eight hours. These probabilities or " weather 
bulletins " are immediately sent by telegraph to all the 
stations, and made public through the daily press. 
Special " farmers' bulletins ^' are also printed and sent 
to small towns and villages along most of the railroads 
radiating from the chief cities of the Union, to be 
posted in some public place. If storms are to be ex- 
pected, the display of a cautionary signal is ordered at 
each station of the bureau. The general soundness of 
the plan upon which the Weather Bureau works is 
shown by the fact that, taking into account the entire 
twenty-one years of its existance, the percentage of 
verifications of its predictions has been over 85 per 
cent. In 1891 the signal service was transferred from 
the War Department to the Department of Agriculture. 

Silk Stockings is a term of reproach applied by 
professional politicians to the better circumstanced 
classes when these latter attempt to play a part in 
politics. Kid-glove politics (which see) is a similar 
expression. 

Sink or Swim, Live or Die, Survive or Perish, 
I Give My Hand and My Heart to This Vote.— 
August 2, 1826, Daniel Webster delivered a eulogy on 
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson in Faneuil Hall, 
Boston. They had both died on July 4, 1826. In the 
eulogy, Webster puts into Adams^ mouth the speech 
that he supposed him to have made in Congress, in 
1776, before voting for the Declaration of Independence. 
The proceedings of the Congress were secret; the jour- 
nal of its proceedings did not contain the debates; it is 
only known that Adams made a remarkable speech on 
that occasion. No record of it was preserved, and the 
one that Webster imagines him to have made is entirely 
the work of Webster. The speech contained the above 
sentence, and concluded as follows: ^^It is my living 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 471 

sentiment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my 
dying sentiment — independence now, and independence 
forever/'' On 'the day of Adams' death the noise of 
cannon attracted his attention. He asked the meaning, 
and was told that it was Independence Day. He replied, 
^' Independence forever."" 

Silver Bill, The, was a bill passed by Congress, 
vetoed by President Hayes, and passed over his veto 
February 28, 1878. It made the standard silver dollar, 
the coinage of which had been suspended by the Act of 
1873, a legal tender in any amounts, and directed its 
continued coinage at a minimum rate of $2,000,000, and 
a maximum rate of 14,000,000 per month. 
Silver Grays. (^See Conscience Whigs.) 
Silver Question. — Previous to the Act of 1834, the 
ratio of gold to silver at the mints of the United States 
had been one of the former to fifteen of the latter. 
The ratio in the principal European countries, notably 
France, was one to fifteen and one-half. Under these 
circumstances one part of gold might be exchanged in 
Europe for fifteen and one-half parts of silver, of which 
one-half of one part might be retained, and on sending 
the other fifteen parts to the United States one part of 
gold would be received therefor, the return of which to 
France would leave its owner richer by one-half of 
one part of silver. This was done, and gold flowed out 
of this country. As a remedy the ratio was changed, by 
the Acts of 1834 and 1837, to one to 15.98. This 
remedy was too drastic. Gold ceased to leave the 
country — in fact, returned to it, but silver flowed out 
rapidly, because now the exchange of silver for gold in 
France, and the reexchange of gold for silver here, pro- 
duced a profit. For the purpose of keeping in the 
country sufficient small coin for the needs of business, 
the Act of 1853 reduced the weight of fractional silver 
coins. By the Act of 1873 the coinage of silver dollars 
was stopped. The Act of 1878 revived the coinage of 
the 412^-grain silver dollar, and required the purchase 
of at least $2,000,000, and not more than $4,000,000, 
worth of silver bullion per month and its coinage into 



472 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

these dollars. Free coinage of silver was not established. 
By free coinage is meant the coinage into money of 
bullion for any one presenting the same for that purpose. 
There is in this country at present free coinage of gold. 
No country has at this time free coinage of both metals, 
for fear that fluctuations in the market price of silver 
might cause sudden and violent exports of the metal 
that happened for the time being to be more valuable, 
compared with its fellow in the markets of other coun- 
tries, than by the standard of the country^s mint. A 
double standard of gold and silver is possible only by 
the joint action of all the principal nations in establish- 
ing the same fixed ratio. The fall in the price of silver 
during recent years has rendered the gold value of the 
standard silver dollar considerably less than its face 
value (about seventy-five cents). Were the bullion value 
of these dollars equal to their face value, no harm could 
flow from their continued coinage, for whether for ex- 
port or other use they would everywhere be received. 
The danger lies in the possibility that the continued 
compulsory coinage of these dollars may lead to the 
issue of more than the business of the country requires. 
As the Secretary of the Treasury (in his report of 
December 5, 1887) pointed out, this would lead either 
to their export or to their depreciation at home. The 
former is impossible on account of the reduced bullion 
value of the coin; the latter is the result to be feared. 
The Treasury holds a trust fund of $100,000,000 for the 
redemption of legal tender notes, and the further sum 
of more than $100,000,000 in trust for the redemption 
of national bank notes. When the receipt by the gov- 
ernment of one form of money exceeds the demand of 
the people for that same form (for the government's 
creditors have their choice of the different forms of 
money in receiving payment), the result is the accumu- 
lation in the Treasury of the form of money not desired 
by the people. The bulk of the money held by the 
Treasury belongs to the above-mentioned trust funds. 
To them is thus apportioned the money not desired by 
the people. Had it not been for these funds, the govern- 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 473 

ment would have been obliged, in 1884, 1885 and 1886, to 
make payments in the coin received by it, namely silver, 
in spite of the fact that the people did not desire it, as is 
shown by its accumulation in the Treasury during those 
years; one result of which would have been, and will 
be whenever an aggravated case of the kind again 
happens, the forcing into circulation of a kind of money 
not desired, and its consequent depreciation. From 
this would flow all the financial and commercial hard- 
ships incident to a depreciated currency. In the report 
(above referred to) of the Secretary, he recommends 
that above the amount of silver held to redeem silver 
certificates, there should be kept on hand some fixed 
reserve in silver to meet the possible demand for silver 
on the part of United States creditors; the amount of 
this reserve to be fixed by Congress, and provision to bo 
made for the temporary cessation of silver coinage when- 
ever the reserve exceeds the specified limit by $5,000,000, 
to be resumed when the reserve is again reduced to its 
legal limit. The South and the West clamor for the 
continuation of the coinage of the silver dollar. They 
call it ^nhe poor man^s dollar, ^^ and the gold dollar 
'^the rich man's dollar.-'' They assert that the silver 
dollar is the only kind of money that can be rendered 
sufiiciently abundant for the needs of their sections. 
Those that assert the impossibility of this country main- 
taining a double standard without the cooperation of 
other countries, and those that assert the absolute im- 
possibility of maintaining a double standard — the mono- 
metallists — are dubbed **^gold bugs" by them. These 
sections refuse to see a distinction between absolute 
cessation of the coinage of the silver dollar and coinage 
limited and proportioned to the wants of the country as 
suggested by the Secretary. Congress has taken no 
action on this question, and the silence thereon of 
many public men is asserted to be an unwillingness to 
antagonize any portion of the community that can 
aid the political aspirations of an ambitious man. i^Sea 
Coinage^) 
Single Standard. — This phrase is used in discussion 



474 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICO. 

on bi-metallism, to indicate a single standard of value; 
that is, gold alone or silver alone. Double standard 
means the concurrent use of both metals as standards. 
{^See Bi-MetaUism.) 

Sinking Fund is a fund provided for the payment 
of a debt or obligation, and is formed by successively 
setting apart smaller amounts for this purpose. Even 
under the confederation an attempt was made by Alex- 
ander Hamilton to establish a sinking fund for the 
national debt; it was unsuccessful. The first sinking 
fund under the government of the United States was 
created by Act of August 2, 1790. The present sinking 
fund to retire the national debt was established by Act 
of February 25, 1862: as subsequently modified it sets 
apart all duties on imported goods as a special fund, 
first, for the payment of interest on the public debt, 
and second, for the purchase every year of one per cent, 
of the national debt; bonds so redeemed are to be can- 
celled and deducted from the outstanding indebtedness 
of the government; but in addition to the one per cent, 
thus redeemed there is to be purchased annually an 
amount of government bonds equal to the annual inte- 
rest on bonds previously bought for the sinking fund. 
The sinking fund is thus, as far as interest is con- 
cerned, in the position of any other holder of the gov- 
ernment's obligations, receiving interest on all the bonds 
that have been purchased for its account, only the bonds 
belonging to it have been cancelled and the debt is con- 
sidered reduced by that amount. The Act of April 17, 
1876, provides that fractional currency redeemed by the 
Treasury shall constitute a part of the sinking fund. 
The estimated sinking fund requirement for the year 
ending July 1, 1892, is $44,006,111. The operations of 
this fund will provide for the payment of the entire 
national debt by the date of maturity of the government 
bonds having longest still to run, viz.: the four per 
cent, bonds due in 1907. 

Sinophobist, meaning literally, a hater of the Chi- 
nese, is a term sometimes applied to those who have 
clamored for a restriction of Chinese immigration to 
this country. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 475 

Sioux War. {See Indian Wars,') 
Six Companies. (/See Cliinese Question,) 
Slavery. — In 1620 the first cargo of negro slaves was 
landed in Virginia. Thereafter slavery was an institu- 
tion in that colony, as it was, indeed, in all of the thir- 
teen colonies, except Georgia. Georgia was formed 
by Oglethorpe in 1 732, and as long as he was in control, 
until 1752 (when its charter was surrendered to the 
crown), slavery was prohibited. The physical character 
of the Northern colonies, requiring as it does, the appli- 
cation to the soil of intellect as well as of labor, in order 
to render it productive, was not calculated to make slave 
labor profitable, but none of the colonies had at first any 
objections to slavery on moral grounds. After the Eevo- 
lution statesmen, both North and South, deplored its in- 
troduction by their forefathers and regarded it as a 
necessary evil. The provisions in the Constitution, 
leaving the slave-trade unhampered for twenty years, and 
requiring the return of fugitive slaves, were won from 
the convention only by the importunity of South Caro- 
lina and Georgia. The invention of the cotton-gin ren- 
dered the labor of slaves vastly more profitable. This is 
seen when we state that the exports of cotton in 1792 
were 138,328 pounds, and in 1795, 6,276,300 pounds, 
the cotton-gin having been invented in 1793. This 
event, opening prospects of unlimited profit by the em- 
ployment of slaves, increased the Southern sentiment in 
favor- of slavery. In the North it was dying a natural 
death. Yet, as late as 1826, John Eandolph, of Vir- 
ginia, said in the House: " I envy neither the head nor 
the heart of that man, .... who rises here to 
defend slavery upon principle. ^^ And the Missouri 
Compromise distinctly recognized the power of Con- 
gress to exclude slavery from Territories. In the House 
the. anti-slave power was in control, but the Senate, 
containing two Senators from every State, regardless of 
population, was always in a position to defeat restrictive 
measures. The South, perceiving this advantage, 
steadily refused admission to free States, without the 
admission at the same time of a corresponding number 



476 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

of slave States* The slave power, thus forced to an ex- 
tension of slave territory, began to assert the *^ essential 
righteousness ^' of slavery, and then to deny the power 
of Congress to restrict it in the Territories. The Kan- 
sas-Nebraska Bill accomplished this latter purpose, thus 
annulling the Missouri Compromise. As soon as it be- 
came evident that Kansas would become a. free State, 
the doctrine was further elaborated, and it was asserted 
to be the duty of Congress to protect slavery. The 
election of a Republican President in 1860 gave occa- 
sion for the one remaining step, secession. Thus was 
the Civil War begun, and in that struggle slavery per- 
ished. 

Smelling" Committee — This vigorous phrase is used 
by the machine politicians to denote a legislative com- 
mitee of inquiry, whose investigation it is feared will re- 
sult in personal damage to them. 

Snuff Takers. {See Conscience Whigs.) 

Soap. — A political slang term for money; usually ap- 
plied to money corruptly used. 

Social Bands. — A name applied to societies organ- 
ized in Missouri, after the passage of the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, for the purpose of taking '' possession of 
Kansas on behalf of slavery. ^^ 

Softs, or Soft-shells. (See Barnburners.) 

Soldiers' Home. — This home is intended for aged 
or disabled soldiers of the regular army of the United 
States. It is situated at Washington, D. C, occupying 
a beautiful site outside the city limits, was established 
in 1851 with the money raised by a levy on the City of 
Mexico during the Mexican War, and is supported oy a 
regular tax on each soldier of the army. A home for 
volunteer soldiers of the Civil War is situated at Day- 
ton, Ohio, with branches at Augusta, Maine, Milwaukee, 
Wisconsin, and Hampton, Virginia. 

Solid South. — Since the Civil War the sympathy of 
Southern whites has, until now, uniformly been with 
the Democratic party, and since the withdrawal of Union 
troops at the South, during Hayes' administration, the 
Southern States have all voted Democratic, or in the 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 477 

cnrrent phrase, have gone solidly Democratic. Hence 
the term Solid South; that is, the South solidly Demo- 
cratic. There are signs that the supremacy of the solid 
South will soon be broken. That event, when i\b occurs, 
will be the final step in the series of reconciliations be- 
tween l^orth and South. 

Sons of '76. (8ee American Pafty.) 

Sons of Liberty. {See American KnigTits.) 

Sons of the South. — A name applied to societies 
organized in Missouri after the passage of the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, for the purpose of taking ^*^ possession of 
Kansas on behalf of slavery.^'' 

Sore-head is a person whose ambition is disappointed, 
not by defeat suffered at the hands of antagonists, but 
by failure of his party to honor him, and who does not 
accept the result with good grace. A sore-head may go 
to the extent of bolting his party's convention {see Bolt- 
ers), or he may simply sulk for a time and finally re- 
cover his good humor. A kicker {which see) is a general 
term for a dissatisfied adherent. A sore-head is a kicker 
with a personal grievance. 

South Americans. — This term was used before the 
Civil War to designate the Southern members of the 
American or Know-Nothing party. Their only desire 
was to prevent all agitation on the subject of slavery 
whether for or against the institution. 

South Carolina was one of the original States of 
the Union. On December 20, 1860, a State convention 
passed an ordinance of secession and led all the Southern 
States into the Confederacy. By Act of June 25, 1868, 
South Carolina was re-admitted to the Union. The 
capital is Columbia. The population in 1880 was 995,- 
577, and in the last census (1890) 1,151,149. South Caro- 
lina has seven seats in the House of Eepresentatives and 
nine electoral votes. It is a reliably Democratic State 
at present in national elections. The two Carolinas 
were named after Charles I., of England (in Latin 
Carolus). Popularly it is called the Palmetto State. 
{See Electoral Commission; Goveryiors; Legislatures.) 

Southern Confederacy. {See Confederate States.) 



478 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Southwest Territory. {See Territories.') 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. — The 

title of the presiding officer of the House of Eepresen- 
tatives {which see). He is elected by the members of 
that body. Below is given a list of the Speakers of the 
House of Representatiyes: 



Congress. 


Years 


1 


1789—1791 


2 


1791—1793 


3 


1793—1795 


4—5 


1795—1799 


6 


1799—1801 


7—9 


1801—1807 


10—11 


1807—1811 


1^-13 


1811-1814 


13 


1814—1815 


14-16 


1815—1820 


16 


1820—1821 


17 


1821—1823 


18 


1823—1825 


19 


1825—1827 


20—23 


1827—1834 


28 


1834-1835 


24—25 


1835—1839 


26 


1839—1841 


87 


1841—1843 


28 


1843-1845 


29 


1845-1847 


30 


1847—1849 


31 


1849—1851 


32—33 


1851—1855 


34 


1856-1857 


35 


1857—1859 


36 


1860-1861 


37 


1861—1863 


3&-^0 


1863—3869 


41—43 


1869—1875 


44 


1875—1876 


44—46 


1876—1881 


47 


1881—1883 


48-50 


1883-1889 


51- 


1889—1891 


52 


1891— 



Name. 



F. A. Muhlenburg 

Jonathan Trumbull. 
F. A. Muhlenburg. . . 
Jonathan Dayton — 
Theodore Sedgwick.. 

Nathaniel Macon 

Josephs. Varnum... 

Henry Clay 

Langdon Cheves 

Henry Clay 

John W. Taylor 

Philip P. Barbour 

Henry Clay 

John W. Taylor 

Andrew Stevenson... 

John Bell 

James K. Polk 

R. M. T. Hunter...... 

John White 

John W. Jones 

John W. Davis 

Robert C. Winthrop. . 

Howell Cobb 

Linn Boyd 

Nathaniel P. Banks. 

James L. Orr 

William Pennington. 

Calusha A. Grow 

Schuyler Colfax 

James Gr. Blaine 

Michael C. Kerr 

Samuel J. Randall 

John W. Keifer 

John Gr. Carlisle 

rhomas B. Reed 

George F. Crisp 



State. 



Pennsylvania. 
Connecticut. 
Pennsylvania. 
New Jersey. 
Massachusetts 
North Carolina. 
Massachusetts. 
Kentucky. 
South Carolina. 
Kentucky. 
New York. 
Virginia. 
Kentucky. 
New York. 
Virginia. 
Tennessee. 
Tennessee. 
Virginia. 
Kentucky. 
Virginia. 
Indiana. 
Massachusetts. 
Georgia. 
Kentucky. 
Massachusetts. 
South Carolina- 
New Jersey. 
Pennsylvania. 
Indiana. 
Maine. 
Indiana. 
Pennsylvania. 
Ohio. 

Kentucky. 
Maine. 
Georgia. 



Specie Circular. — Between 1830 and 1836 prosperity 
largely increased in the United States. Considerable 
artificial stimulus was afforded by the deposit of govern- 
ment funds in the State banks. The sales of govern- 
ment lands in 1830 yielded 12,329,356.14; in 1836, 124,- 
877,179.86. New banks, with but little capital, sprung 
up everywhere and their circulating notes were rapidly 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 479 

absorbed. On July 11, 1836, the Secretary of the 
Treasury, under Jackson, issued a circular ordering gov- 
ernment agents to receive only gold or silver in payment 
of land sales. This is known as the ^* Specie Circular.'^ 
As a result the use of bank notes diminished. The 
issues were presented for payment with the result of a 
general suspension of specie payments in May, 1837. 

Specie Payments. {^See Commercial Crisis; Re- 
sumption Act.) 
Specific Duties. {8ee Customs Duties.) 
Spoils System. {See Civil Service Reform.) 
Squatter Sovereignty. {See Popular Sovereignty.) 
Stalwarts. — This is a name by which a faction of 
the Eepublican party is known. The name arose about 
the time of the national convention of 1880, and was 
applied to the wing of the party that supported the 
claims of General G-rant to a nomination for a third 
term; the name was due to the tenacity with which 
these supporters clung to him. They were led by Sena- 
tor Roscoe Oonkling, of New York. Opposed to them 
were the Half-breeds, as they were called, under the 
leadership of James 0. Blaine. The contest between 
these factions was very warm during Garfield^s short ad- 
ministration, the quarrel being on the division of the 
offices. Blaine was Secretary of State, and the admin- 
istration was regarded as identified with the Half-breeds. 
The outcome of the quarrel was the resignation of Sena- 
tor Oonkling and his colleague, in the expectation of an 
immediate reelection, which would have served as a re- 
buke to the President. In this Oonkling was disap- 
pointed. He failed of reelection. Meanwhile Gar- 
neld^s death and the accession of Arthur, a Stalwart, to- 
gether with the latter^s judicious conduct, healed the 
party split, at least on the surface. Nevertheless, the 
enormous Democratic majority in the New York State 
election for Governor in 1882, caused as it was by the 
abstention of Eepublican voters, showed that the gulf 
had not yet been bridged. The withdrawal of Oonk- 
ling from political life, however, aided in uniting the 
party, and these lines of division have practically disap- 
peared. 



480 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Standard Silver Dollar. {Bee Coinage.) 
Stanton, Edwin M., was born in Stenbenville, 
Ohio, December 19, 1814, and died at Washington, 
December 24, 1869. He was graduated at Kenyon Col- 
lege, and became a lawyer. He was Attorney- General 
under Buchanan, and had, up to the Civil War, been a 
Democrat. In 1862 he became Secretary of War under 
Lincoln, retaining the post in Johnson's Cabinet until 
his removal. The impeachment of Johnson was in con- 
sequence of alleged illegal acts in connection with this 
removal. In 1869 Stanton was nominated and confirmed 
as Justice of the Supreme Court, but died before he 
could assume the duties. 

Star Chamber Sessions. — The Star Chamber was 
an English Court, abolished in the last year of the 
reign of Charles I. The court was composed of high 
officers of the realm; it sat in secret; its power which 
was very great was used to extort money by means of 
fines, and for the overthrow of powerful enemies of the 
Crown not otherwise to be reached. The name is said 
to have arisen from the fact that the roof of the room in 
which the court met was decorated with stars. In Amer- 
ican politics the term star chamber sessions is sometimes 
used to characterize secret sessions of any kind, and is 
more particularly applied to the executive sessions of the 
Senate. {8ee Executive Sessions.) 
Star Organization. {See American Knights.) 
Star Route Trials. — Star Koutes are those mail 
routes of the United States government on which, 
owing to lack of railroad or steamboat facilities, the 
mail is carried on horseback or wagons. They are called 
star routes because in the route books of the Post-office 
Department they are marked with a star (*). Early in 
1881 vague rumors were in circulation of extensive 
fraud in this service. It was said that there was a 
" ring''' to defraud the government. Included in it were 
some of the large contractors, the Second Assistant 
Postmaster-G-eneral, Thomas J. Brady, some subordi- 
nates in the department. Senator Stephen W. Dorsey, 
of Arkansas^ and others. Brady resigned April 20, 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 481 

1881. Proceedings in one of the principal cases were 
begun against the conspirators, but they were dismissed 
on account of irregularity in the form of the action. 
Early in 1882 several persons were arrested for furnish- 
ing fraudulent bonds on the bids for service, and in- 
dictments were found against Brady, Stephen W. 
Dorsey, John W. Dorsey, John M. Peck and John E. 
Miner, who had made the bids; H. M. Vaile, a sub-con- 
tractor ; M. 0. Rerdell, S. "W. Dorsey^'s secretary ; 
Turner, a clerk in Brady^s office; and against one of the 
principal contractors. The method by which, as 
charged, the government was defrauded consisted in first 
obtaining the contracts for the routes, and in subse- 
quently having the payments vastly increased, in com- 
pensation for additional mail trips per week, and faster 
time on each trip. This latter was called ^' expediting " 
the route. The Dorsey combination, as the conspirators 
were popularly called, controlled one hundred and thirty- 
four Star Eoutes, on which the original compensation 
was 1143,169. By increasing the number of trips be- 
yond what the locality required, and by ^^ expediting" 
them, this amount had been increased to $622,808. 
On one route the compensation had been increased 
from $398 to $6,133.50; the revenue derived there- 
from by the government was $240. The cases came 
up for trial in the District of Columbia, June 1, 

1882. The government employed special counsel to aid 
the District Attorney, and the defendants, too, were 
represented by eminent lawyers. After a protracted 
trial, the case was submitted to the jury on September 
8th; as they were not able to agree as to all of the de- 
fendants, they were kept out until September 11th, on 
which day, the presiding judge, Wylie, deeming an 
agreement on all the defendants unlikely, accepted the 
verdict. Peck and Turner were found not guilty; 
Miner and Rerdell, guilty; as to the Dorseys, Vaile and 
Brady there was a disagreement. Preparations were at 
once made for a new trial in the cases in which there had 
been a disagreement and the motions of the counsel of 
Miner and Rerdell for a new trial were granted, The 



483 DICflONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

second trial began in December, 1882. Rerdell, on tliis 
trials pleaded guilty and turned States^ evidence. On 
June 12, 1883, the case was given to the jury, and on 
the 14th, a verdict of not guilty was rendered. In 
April, 1883, W. P. Kellogg, ex-Senator from Louisiana, 
and Brady were indicted for receiving money for services 
in relation to a Star Eoute contract. The cases never re- 
sulted in a conviction. At the conclusion of the 
first of these trials charges of attempted bribery of the jury 
both on behalf of the government and of the defense, 
were made. The foreman of the first jury, Dickson, 
and another juror, claimed to have been approached on 
behalf of the government, and still another juror on 
behalf of the defense. Before the first trial had ended 
Dickson had made a sworn statement of the facts in his 
case, and it was charged that he had used it in the jury- 
room for the purpose of influencing the verdict. The 
Department of Justice investigated the cases, and declared 
its belief that no government officials were involved; it 
implied that all the attempts had been for the purposes 
of the defense. Dickson was subsequently indicted for 
attempting corruptly to influence the jury. 

Stars and Bars. — A popular name for the flag of the 
Confederacy, which consisted of a blue union with white 
stars, one for every State of the Confederacy, and a field 
of three bars, the center bar of white, the other two of 
red. There were also battle-flags of different designs. 
State Rights. (See State Sovereignty.') 
States, Admission of, to the Union. {See Admis- 
sion of States to the Unio7i.) 
State, Secretary of. {See State, Department of.) 
State, Department of. — This is the oldest of the 
executive departments of the government, having been 
established by the Act of July 27, 1789. The Secretary 
of State (whose salary is 18,000) is at its head. He is 
appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, 
and is a member of the President's Cabinet. He is the 
medium of communication between the United States 
and any of the States or any foreign country. H-e has 
charge of the great seal of the United States, which he 
affixes to all public documents requiring it, he also cour- 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



483 



tersigns them. His department has charge of all am- 
bassadors and consuls; in its custody are all the engrossed 
copies of the laws of the United States and all treaties. 
The principal subordinates are as follows: 

SALARY. 

Assistant Secretary $4,500 

Second Assistant Secretary 3,500 

Third Assistant Secretary ,3,500 

Chief Clerk 2,750 

The following are the Secretaries of State from the 
beginning of the government: 



Name. 


State. 


Term. 


Thomas Jefferson 


Virginia 


1789—1794 


Edmund Randolph 


Vii-ginia 

Massachusetts 


1794—1795 


Timothy Pickering* 


1795 — 1800 


John Marshall 


Virginia 


1800—1801 


James M adison 


Virginia 


1801—1809 


Robert Smith 

James Monroe 


Maryland 

Virginia 


1809—1811 
1811 1817 


John Quincy Adams 


Massachusetts 


1817 1825 


Henry Clay 


Kentucky 

New York 

Louisiana 

Delaware 


1825 — 1829 


Martin Van Buren 


1829 1831 


Edward Livingston 


1831 1833 


Louis McLaine 


1833 1834 


John Forsyth 


Georgia 


1834 — 1841 


Daniel Webster 

Hugh S. Legare . . 

Abel P. Upshur 


Massachusetts 

South Carolina 

Virginia 


1841—1843 
1843—1843 
1843—1844 


John C. Calhoun 


South Carolina 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 


1844—1845 


James Buchanan 

John M. Clayton 


1845—1849 
1849—1850 


Daniel Webster 

Edward Everett 

William L. Marcy 


Massachusetts 

Massachusetts 

New York 


1850—1852 
1852—1853 
1853—1857 


Lewis Cass 


Michigan 


1857—1860 


Jeremiah S. Black 


Pennsylvania 


1860—1861 


William H. Seward 


New York 


1861-1869 


E. B. Washburne 


Dlinois 


1869—1869 


Hamilton Fish 


New York 


1869—1877 


William M. Evarts 


N€w York 


1877—1881 


James G. Blaine 


Maine 


1881—1881 


Frederick T. Freliughuysen . . . 


New Jersey 


1881—1885 


Thomas F. Bayard 


Delaware 

Maine, . 


1885—1889 


James G. Blaine 


1889— 







Star Spangled Banner. — This national song was 
written during the bombardment of Fort McHenry, near 



484 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Baltimore, by the British during the "War of 1812. 
Francis Scott Key, a lawyer, of Frederick, Maryland, had 
gone on board the British flag-ship to solicit the release 
of a friend who had been carried on board a prisoner. 
The British, as they were on the point of attacking Fort 
McHenry, detained Key, and he as well as his friend and 
another American were transferred to another vessel lying 
near. There they watched the fight and here during the 
bombardment did Key write the song. 

States, Familiar Names of. — Alabama . 

Arkansas — Bear State. California — Golden State. Col- 
orado — Centennial State. Connecticut — Nutmeg State, 
Wooden Nutmeg State, Free Stone State, Land of Steady 
Habits. Delaware — Diamond State, Blue Hen State. 
Florida — Peninsula State. Georgia^Empire State of 
the South. Illinois — Prairie State, Sucker State. In- 
diana — Hoosier State. Iowa — Hawkeye State. Kan- 
sas — Garden State, Garden of the West. Kentucky — 
Corn Cracker State. Louisiana — Creole State, Pelican 
State. Maine — Pine Tree State, Lumber State. Mary- 
land . Massachusetts — Old Colony, Bay State, 

Old Bay State. Michigan — Wolverine State, Lake 
State. Minnesota — Gopher State. Mississippi — Bayou 
State. Missouri — Pennsylvania of the West. Ne- 
braska . Nevada — Sage Hen State. New 

Hampshire — Granite State. New Jersey . 

New York — Empire State, Excelsior State. North 
Carolina — Tar State, Turpentine State, Old North State. 

Ohio — Buckeye State. Oregon . Pennsylvania 

— Keystone State. Ehode Island — Little Rhody or 
Rhoda. South Carolina — Palmetto State. Tennessee — 
Big Bend State. Texas — Lone Star State. Vermont — 
Green Mountain State. Virginia — Old Dominion, 
Mother of Presidents, Mother of States. West Vir- 
ginia — Pan Handle State. Wisconsin — Badger State. 

State Sovereignty. — Nullification is the setting 
aside and ignoring of a national law by a State. Strictly 
speaking, ^^ State Sovereignty" is the doctrine that the 
States, at the formation of the Union, delegated a por- 
tion of their sovereignty to the national government, 



niCTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 485 

reserving the riglit to revoke the agency and to resume 
the exercise of all the elements of sovereignty at any 
time by seceding. ^'^ State rights"^ is the doctrine that 
every State is sovereign within the limits of its own 
sphere of action^ made so by the declared will of the 
nation as expressed in the Constitution; and that the 
will of the nation, appropriately manifested, as provided 
in the Constitution, may change that sphere. In the 
Constitution, the rights of the national government are 
distinctly stated; the rights of the State are limited only 
by the expressly declared national right. Previous to the 
Civil War the term ^' State rights " was used to designate 
the idea of ^^ State sovereignty,^^ and misuse has raised 
a prejudice in many minds even against the legitimate 
theory of '^ State rights^' brought forward since that 
event. The arguments against *^^ State sovereignty" 
may be summarized as follows: The colonies did not 
fight eacli for its own independence, but each for the 
independence of all, as is shown by their joint action 
throughout, in military as well as civil matters. The 
sovereignty acquired in that struggle was never individ- 
ually exercised, but all remained under the national 
sovereignty raised by the common fight for liberty. All 
the elements and insignia of sovereignty were vested in 
the national government, as the power to declare war 
and peace and to coin money ;, and moreover the power 
to amend the Constitution, except in a very few particu- 
lars, was given to three-fourths of the States, and on the 
theory of State sovereignty this would imply the self- 
contradictory condition of a sovereign State voluntarily 
exposing itself to changes in its government without its 
consent to the change. It may be maintained that 
secession would afford the needed relief; but if this had 
been the intention, the consent of all the States to an 
amendment would have been required, since it must be 
presumed that the union was intended to endure. The 
doctrine of ''State sovereignty" was put forward at 
various times. {See Hartford Convention; Nullification.) 
Soon after the nullification troubles it became the ally 
of slavery, and the result of the Civil War put it to rest 



486 DICTION A R y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

forever. State sovereignty and secession finally disposed 
of, the theory of States rights as above outlined could be 
developed. The danger of extreme particularism had 
been avoided; extreme centralization during the exercise 
of war powers by the President and Congress was inevit- 
able. The Supreme Court holds the balance, and " its 
adjudication has, since the war, laid down the relations 
of the States and the national government as above. 

Step-Father of His Country. — A nickname ap- 
plied to Washington by venomous opponents during his 
presidency. 

Stephens, Alexander H., was born in Wilkes 
(now Taliaferro) County, Georgia, February 11, 1812, 
and died at Atlanta, Georgia, March 4, 1883. He was 
a lawyer and a graduate of the University of Georgia. 
He served in the State Legislature and in Congress 
(from 1843 to 1859) as a Whig. When that party- 
ceased to exist he became a Democrat, but opposed seces- 
sion; when his State had actually seceded he joined it, 
however. He became Vice-President of the Confederacy. 
In 1877 he again went to Congress, leaving the House to 
become Governor of his State in 1882. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, was born at Peacham, Ver- 
mont, April 4, 1792, and died at Washington, August 
11, 1868. He was graduated at Dartmouth, and then 
practiced law in Pennsylvania. He served in the State 
Legislature, and was sent to Congress in 1849, where he 
served until 1853, and again from 1859 to 1868. He 
was originally a Whig, subsequently joining the Kepub- 
licans. After the war he took a prominent part in Re- 
construction. {See that title and Broad Seal War.) 

Still Hunt. — When a politician quietly works to 
secure support for himself without openly avowing his 
candidacy he is said to be engaged in a Still Hunt. 

Straw Bail. — Bail is security given for the appear- 
ance of an offender when called for trial. This is usu- 
ally in the form of a bond by a real-estate owner, the 
bond to be forfeited on the non-appearance of the 
accused. When bail bonds are given by men who pre- 
tend to possess the. necessary qualifications while in 
reality they do not, the bail is called Straw Bail. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 487 

Strict Construction. {^See Construction of the Con- 
stitution. ) 

Strikers. — In politics this term is applied to men 
that seek corruptly to influence legislation. {See Loliby. ) 
Whether the striker has any real power to do this or 
not is immaterial; what is important to him is, that 
those desiring legislation influenced may think so, and 
intrust to him money intended for that purpose. The 
term is also applied to legislators that introduce or sup- 
port bills obnoxious to particular interests* (usually to 
some corporation), for the purpose of being bought off 
by the interests thus threatened. This is a species of 
political blackmail. 

Strong Government Whigs were the members of 
that faction of the American Whigs that favored the 
establishment of a strong central government. Opposed 
to them were the P articular ists. 

Stuffing The Ballot-Box. {See Ballot-Box Stuff- 
ing. ) 

Stump. — In the early days of this country political 
orators traveled from town to town, usually addressing 
crowds in the open air from the most convenient place, 
frequently the stump of a tree. From this arose the 
practice of calling a political harangue a stump-speech; 
the derivation of ^'stumping the State ^^ and ^''stump- 
speakers " is obvious. 

Submission Men. — Those that opposed the War of 
1812, and desired peace at any price, were called ^^sub- 
mission men.^' 

Subsidies, are direct pecuniary encouragement given 
by the government to private enterprises, especially -for 
purposes of transportation. Our protective system of 
import duties is in the nature of an indirect bounty or 
subsidy to domestic manufacturers. {See Protection; 
Tariff' Laivs of the United States. ) Eailroads and steam- 
ship companies have usually been the recipients of direct 
aid from the government, but subsidies to railroads 
have generally taken the form s of land grants. For grants 
to railroads see Land Grants; Pacific Railroads. 
No grants have been made for the last fifteen years. 



488 DICTION AR r OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

The reasons urged in support of these subsidies were 
that railroads were thus established much sooner than 
they otherwise could have been, and the country was de- 
veloped, while the government lost nothing because the 
lands it retained were greatly enhanced in value. There 
is no doubt that much of our national development is 
due to our extensive railroads, and that this has been 
greatly encouraged by national aid; but, on the other 
hand, the dangers of railroad speculation followed, and 
the government interests were not sufficiently protected. 
In 1845, subsidies to steamship lines, in the form of pay- 
ments for carrying the mails, were comme'nced, and a 
line was established from New York to Bremen, and 
subsequently to Havre and Bremen; the subsidy was 
$350,000 annually. In 1847 another act was passed, 
under which subsidies were paid to the Collins line to 
Liverpool, the Greorge Law line to Aspinwall, and the 
Pacific Mail Steamship Company running from Panama 
to Oregon. In 1851 and 1852 the subsidies to the Pacific 
Mail and the Collins lines, respectively, were largely 
increased. In 1852 the total amount of subsidies 
for the foreign mail services was $1,946,686. About 
1858 most of these subsidies wei'e withdrawn. In 1864 
a subsidy was authorized for mail service to Brazil, and 
in 1865 a contract for ten years was made with the United 
States and Brazil Steamship Company at $150,000 per 
annum. The same year saw a contract for monthly 
mail service to China with the Pacific Mail Company at 
an annual subsidy of $500,000. In 1872 an additional 
amount of $500,000 was offered to the same company for 
a semi-monthly service, but it was found impossible to 
construct the vessels as provided in the required time. 
Disclosures were made of corruption in obtaining the 
passage of the last act, public attention was forcibly 
directed to the matter, the Senate judiciary committee 
declared that the subsidy of 1872, had been forfeited by 
non-fulfillment of the contract on the part of the com- 
pany, and the government consequently would not grant 
an extension of time. Both the Pacific and the Brazil 
subsidies ceased in 1875, and no others have been granted. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS 489 

Subsidies to steamship companies have been advocated for 
the purposes of encouraging our carrying trade and com- 
merce and to provide vessels that can be utilized in time 
of war for naval purposes. It is probable, however, that 
these results could be achieved more naturally in other 
ways and it is the general belief that corruption is apt to 
attend the gi^anting of subsidies. 

Sub-Treasury System. — Under the Act of July 4, 
1840, the United States for the first time assumed exclu- 
sive charge of its own funds. The Bank of the United 
States had failed to obtain a new charter, and the system 
of deposits in State banks (see Pet Banks; Specie 
Circular) had been a failure. At the special session of 
Congress, called to meet the emergency presented by the 
panic of 1837, a bill providing for a treasury system in- 
dependent of the banks had been introduced by the 
Democrats, but had failed, owing to the fact that the 
^' conservative '' Democrats joined the Whigs in opposing 
it. The ^' conservatives ■'■' had disappeared from the Con- 
gress that met in December, 1839, and during that session 
the bill became law through the aid of some of the Whigs 
who favored a sub-treasury system. The act provided 
for four receivers-general at New York, Boston, Charles- 
ton, and St. Louis, respectively; it made the mint at Phil- 
adelphia and its branch at New Orleans places of deposit; 
it provided for proper bonds for the honesty of the officials 
to secure the government, and ordered that after June 30, 
1843, all payments to and from the government were to 
be in g*old or silver. The success of the Whigs at the 
election of 1840 led to the repeal of the law, to take eifect 
August 13, 1841. Between this date and August 6, 1846, 
the government funds were managed at the discretion of 
the Secretary of the Treasury, principally by deposit in 
State banks, security being taken by the government. 
The election of 1844 brought the Democrats back to 
power, and a new sub-treasury act, substantially the same 
as the first, became law in August, 1846. The system then 
established is still in force. The government acts as its 
own bank, keeping its funds in the vaults of the treasury 
and of the various sub-treasuries; in addition the govern- 



490 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

ment may deposit its funds witli certain of the national 
banks designated as depositories^ they giving security 
therefor in the shape of government bonds. 

Sub-Treasury Whigs were those Whigs that, in 
the Twenty-sixth Congress, supported the establishment 
of an independent treasury. The Whig party was opposed 
to this measure. The sub-treasury Whigs held the bal- 
ance of power in that Congress, and one of them, R. M. 
T. Hunter, of Virginia, was elected Speaker. The 
measure was, with their aid, carried by the Democrats. 

Succession, Presidential. {See Presidential Suc- 
cession. ) 

Suffrage is the privilege of participating in the gov- 
ernment of a State by voting at an election of officers or 
on a change in the fundamental law. Two theories re- 
garding the suffrage have been advanced; one that it is 
a natural right, like liberty, the other that it is a privilege 
extended by the government, to be exercised under such 
restrictions or limitations as the latter may impose. This 
latter principle is the one on which the majority proceed 
in practice, even when professing the former. The thir- 
teen original colonies all limited the suffrage to free- 
holders or to those that possessed property of a certain 
value, or to those that had paid taxes of a certain amount. 
After the Revolution, however, the States began gradually 
to remove these restrictions, ]!s ew Hampshire leading the 
way in 1792; the present qualifications of voters in the 
States are given under Qualifications of Voters. The 
Constitution of the United States does not guarantee the 
suffrage to any citizens of the United States. This sub- 
ject is under the jurisdiction of the States; the Constitu- 
tion (Article 1, sections 2 and 3, and Article 2, section 1) 
provides for the election of Congressmen, Senators and 
President, and in every case is the qualifications of the 
voters left to the States. • {See Qualifications of Voters.) 
The Fourteenth Amendment provides for the reduction 
of the representation of a State in Congress, in propor- 
tion to the number of citizens deprived of the suffrage, 
except for crime. This was intended to guard against 
the disfranchisement of the recently emancipated negroes. 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 491 

which object was still more effectively accomplished by 
the Fifteenth Amendment, which forbade the denial to 
a citizen of the right to vote on account of race, color, or 
previous condition of servitude. It did not, even by im- 
plication, guarantee a vote to every citizen; it simply 
provided that if any citizens vote, others shall not be 
forbidden to vote for any of the above reasons. Among 
the anomalies that have arisen under this head we may 
mention that in Tennessee, before the Civil War, free 
negroes were allowed to vote, while in Connecticut this 
privilege was denied to them. The Territories have no 
voice in the federal elections. {^8ee sections of Constitution 
last referred to.) The governors are appointed; but the 
Territorial Delegate in Congress is chosen by a popular 
election. So also is the Territorial Legislature, which 
may prescribe the other qualifications of voters, provided 
no person shall vote unless twenty-one years of age, a 
citizen of the United States, or an alien that has declared 
his intention of becoming a citizen and has taken the 
required oath. Under the power thus granted women 
now vote in Wyoming Territory. The inhabitants of 
the District of Columbia cannot, of course, vote at federal 
elections. In its local government the District is imme- 
diately Tinder the control of Congress. (See Constitution, 
Article 1, section 8, clause 17; District of Columbia; 
Qualifications of Voters; Registration; Woman Suf- 
frage.) 

Suffrage Party. {See Dorr Reiellion.) 
Sumner, Charles, was born at Boston, Massachusetts^ 
January 6, 1811, and died in Washington, March 11, 1874. 
He was a graduate of Harvard and a lawyer. Origin- 
ally an anti-slavery Whig, he became a free-soiler in 
1848, and a coalition with the Democrats elected him to 
the Senate in 1851, in which he sat until his death. He 
was an able orator, and throughout his life an uncom- 
promising enemy of slavery. In 1856 he was the sub- 
ject of a brutal and ruffianly assault in the Senate 
Chamber. {See Broohs, Preston S.) In 1871 he was 
removed from the Chairmanship of the Committee on 
Foreign Relations at the instance of the administration.- 



492 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

He was, thereafter, its opponent. He was in his life 
prominent in the impeachment of Johnson, in the Ee- 
construction period, in the Alabama claims, and in the 
controversy over the San Domingo annexation, the defeat 
of the last being mainly due to his efforts. 

Sumptuary Laws. {See Laios, Sumptuary.) 
Sunset Cox, a nickname for Samuel S. Cox, 
said to have been given to him in consequence_ of a 
yery ambitious description of a sunset written while he 
was a journalist. He was born in Ohio, September 30, 
1824, and graduated at Brown University; he was a law- 
yer ; he served as Kepresentative of New York until he 
was appointed Minister to Turkey in 1885. He returned 
in 1887, and again entered the House of Eepresentatives. 
He was a Democrat. He died September 10, 1889. 
. Supreme Court. {See Chief Justice; Judiciary.) 
Surplus, The. — ^'^By surplus revenue is meant the 
money which annually remains in the Treasury of the 
United States after the officers of this department [the 
Treasury] have collected the taxes laid on the people by 
the laws of Congress and have paid all the expenses and 
obligations of the government, except principal of the 
interest-bearing debt.''^ (Eeport of the Secretary of the 
Treasury, December 5, 1887.) The question as to the 
disposition of a surplus, as above defined, becomes of 
importance on occasions when there is either no public 
debt outstanding at the time, or when such outstanding 
debt has not matured, and is, therefore, not redeem- 
able. When the outstanding public debt is redeemable, 
the surplus is of course applied to its extinguishment. 
Twice before in the experience of the United States has 
this problem confronted it. In 1835 the government 
debt was reduced to 137,733, this sum representing 
obligations which, though due, had not yet been pre- 
sented for payment; a surplus then accumulated, and 
it grew so rapidly that in 1836 the government was 
in possession of a surplus of over 140,000,000. The 
disposition of this sum was long debated, the debates 
culminating in an Act of Congress passed in 1836, 
providing for the distribution among the States, in 



DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 493 

proportion to their respective representation in Con- 
gress, of all but $5,000,000 of this sum, on condition 
that the States authorized their treasurers to receive 
these sums and agreed to refund the amounts when de- 
manded. The sum to be divided was $37,468,859, and 
it was to be paid in four installments, on January 1, 
April 1, July 1, and October 1, 1837. The first three 
installments were paid to all but the few States that had 
refused to accept it on the conditions imposed; the 
fourth installment was postponed until January 1, 1839, 
owing to the financial situation caused by the panic of 
1837, and to a deficit of about $10,000,000 in the re- 
ceipts and expenditures of that year. Its payment was 
finally indefinitely postponed. The return of these 
loans to the States has never been demanded, nor is it 
likely that such demand will ever be made. The panic 
of 1837 is attributed in large part to the distribution of 
the surplus among the States, leading as it did to reck- 
less inflation in banking and commercial enterprises. 
Just previous to 1852 a surplus again began to ac- 
cumulate in the Treasury; it had been used previous 
to July, 1853, in the purchase in the market of govern- 
ment bonds to the amount of over $11,000,000; on July 
30, 1853, an offer was made by the Treasury to redeem 
at a premium of twenty-one per cent. $5,000,000 of the 
loans due in 1867 and 1868, and similar offers at varying 
rates of premium were from time to time renewed, with 
the result of retiring over $42,000,000 more of the 
government obligations by October 1, 1857. On this 
total of over $53,000,000 of debt redeemed, a total 
premium of about $8,000,000 was paid. The debt then 
increased, and the outbreak soon afterward of the Civil 
War removed any further immediate danger of annoy- 
ance from a surplus. In 1866 the national debt reached 
its highest point; since then there has been a surplus in 
the Treasury every year, and it has heretofore been ap- 
plied to the retirement of government obligations redeem- 
able at the pleasure of the government. During this 
period of twenty-six vears the surplus was smallest in 
1874, being $2,344,882.30, and greatest in 1882, being 



494 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

$145,543,810.71. Duringthe fiscal year ending June 30, 
1887, it amounted to 1103,471,097.69, which is but 
$1,000,000 less than the surplus of 1884, the largest 
since the reduction of taxation in 1883 (by a revision of 
the tariff), although in that year the government expenses 
(exclusive of interest on the debt), were over $30,000,000 
less than in 1887. For the fiscal year ending July 1, 
1892, the surplus is estimated at $26,838,541. On July 
1, 1887, the call of the government for the redemption of 
the last of the three per cent, bonds outstanding, 
matured ; these bonds were the only remaining ones re- 
deemable at the pleasure of the government. The only 
considerable amounts now remaining outstanding {^8ee 
Debt of United States), are the four per cent, bonds, 
due in 1907, and four and one-half per cent, bonds due 
in 1891. These are not redeemable before maturity. 
The danger confronting the country lies in the accumu- 
lation in the Treasury of over $100,000,000 per year of 
money needed by the business interests of the country. 
There was no outlet by means of the payment of bonds be- 
fore 1891, and long before that time such accumulation 
might work inconceivable hardship and distress. The 
government avoided this temporarily, by availing itself 
of a provision of the national bank laws permitting the 
deposit with certain of these banks of government funds 
secured by deposits of United States bonds with the 
Treasury. These deposits increased from $15,439,904 
on September, 1886, to $52,199,917 on January 1, 1888. 
The relief thus afforded was considerable. Other tem- 
porary measures taken for the relief of the country 
were the purchase by the government of bonds, sealed 
offers for the sale of which were invited by the govern- 
ment in its circular of August 3, 1887 ; this was fol- 
lowed by a general offer made by the government in its 
circular of September 22, 1887, for the purchase prior 
to October 8th, of not more than $14,000,000 in all, of 
four per cent, and four and one-half per cent, bonds at 
a premium of twenty-five per cent, up to October, and 
twenty-four per cent, from October 1st, to October 8th, 
for ^the four's, and of eight and four-tenths per cent. 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICA AT POLITICS. 495 

for the four and one-lialf' s. By tliese two expedients 
bonds to the amount of about 125,000,000 were pur- 
chased at a premium of $2,852,015.88. Thus was the 
situation in 1887 tided over until Congress met. Then 
arose the necessity of measures for permanent relief. 
The experience of 1837 in distributing or '^ depositing," 
as it was called, funds with the States was too disastrous 
to be repeated. Three alternatives were given by 
Secretary of the Treasury : 1. The purchase of inter- 
est bearing debt. 2. Increased appropriations. 3. 
Reduction of taxation, so that receipts shall not more 
than equal expenditures. The first plan had many ad- 
vocates, who maintained that the government (whose 
money lies idle in the Treasury vaults) does not make 
interest on its funds ; that therefore it is not at a dis- 
advantage in paying money now rather than in nine- 
teen years (as would be the case with a merchant) ; that 
it must finally pay the principal of its debt a7ici four 
per cent, interest per annum for nineteen years (in the 
case of the four per cent, bonds), making a total of 
1176 for every $100 of principal ; and that therefore 
every bond purchased at any price cheaper than seventy- 
six per cent, premium is a profit to the government. 
The opponents objected that any large purchases would 
drive the price far above the present market value, 
which they considered a sufficiently high price for the 
government to pay. The objections to the second plan 
have been stated to be that increased expenditure for 
internal or other improvements tends to debauch and 
corrupt the public service and the country, and that, 
moreover, the government has no right to tax the 
people to an extent greater than that necessary for the 
purposes of the government economically administered. 
Both of the great political parties stand pledged to the 
third plan, of a reduction of taxation. The national 
banking system, based as its circulation is on govern- 
ment bonds, must necessarily fail as to one of its most 
important elements whenever the government bonds are 
all redeemed. In order to avert the immediate neces- 
sity of this, and yet to dispose of the surplus, a plan was 



496 DICTION AR Y OF A MERICAN POLITICS. 

proposed by John Jay Knox, formerly Comptroller of 
the Currency, as follows: Government bonds at pres- 
ent outstanding are to be replaced by bonds bearing two 
and one-half per cent, interest, and for the amount of 
annual interest thus surrendered (two per cent, in the 
case of the four and one-half per cent., and one and one- 
half })er cent, in the case of the four per cent.), the 
holders are to receive the present value of this sum cal- 
culated by the tables of annuity or 23.55 per cent, in the 
case of the four per cents. The amount of money 
thus required for the four's alone, about 1175,000,000; 
would dispose of the surplus for several years to come, and 
thus give time to devise a system of permanant reduction, 
leaving the present principal unaffected and open to use 
by the national banks. A variation of this plan, instead 
of paying the premium in cash, provides instead for the 
issue to the holders of two and one-half per cent, bonds 
redeemable at the government's option out of the annual 
saving of interest. Since these plans were proposed, how- 
ever, extreme liberality in the re-rating of old pensions 
and the granting of new ones have reduced the surplus 
materially, as will be seen by reference to the figures for 
1891. 

Suspension of Specie Payments. — {See Commer- 
cial Crises.) 

Swinging Round the Circle, was the phrase ap- 
plied by Andrew Johnson to his trip to Chicago in 1866. 
The occasion was the laying of the corner-stone of a 
monument to Stephen A. Douglas. Johnson went West, 
attended by a large party; in all the larger cities at which 
he stopped he delivered political speeches, not always in 
the best taste. He was frequently very violent in his 
abuse of Congress, with which he was then engaged in a 
quarrel, and on several occasions he lost his temper com- 
pletely, so much so, that '''Don't get mad, Andy," was 
the advice offered by some one in the crowd at Cleveland. 

Tailor's Plot. — A scare similar to the Tuh Conspir- 
acy. A tailor in Philadelphia was observed to be manu- 
facturing clothing of a foreign cut in large quantities; it 
was at once assumed that they w^ere for some band of 
Frenchmen in conspiracy against the government. The 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 497 

shop was seized and some men were imprisoned; then it 
turned out that they were for the use of soldiers in Hayti. 
This was in 1799. 

Tall Sycamore of the Wabash, is a name some- 
times applied to Senator Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana. 

Tammany. — In 1789 the Columbian Order was organ- 
ized in New York City by William Mooney. In 1805 it 
was incorporated and the name of Tammany Society was 
assumed, the name being taken from that of an Indian 
chief. Its organization was supposed in a general way 
to imitate Indian customs, consisting of Sachems or 
chiefs, a Sagamore or master of ceremonies, the mem- 
bers being called braves, its meeting-place the wigwam, 
etc. It was at first a social organization, but about 1800 
the majority of its members were in sympathy with 
Aaron Burr, and the society entered politics under his 
standard. From the first the qualities that have always 
been most prominent in it prevailed, thorough organiza- 
tion and a thorough canvass. Tammany was for a short 
time allied with DeWitt Clinton, but they separated and 
Tammany came to be recognized as the regular DemO' 
cratic faction. It had thus gained a position in New 
York politics. It has since been a factor, if a very un- 
certain one, to be reckoned with. Its field of greatest 
activity is in the local politics of New York City, but in 
the politics of the State its influence is considerable be- 
cause of the large vote cast in New York City. About 
1830 there was added to its organization the general com- 
mittee, containing representatives of every election dis- 
trict. This unwieldy body is practically controlled by 
sub-committees where the leaders of the organization 
make their will felt. Sometimes the regular Democratic 
organization and sometimes a freebooter, its influence in 
its own party is, to a great extent, owing to fear of its 
treachery. In 1879, the re-nomination of Lucius Eobin- 
son did not meet its approval; it thereupon withdrew, 
and nominated John Kelly, its boss, as in popular phi-ase 
its leader is known. Kelly polled 77,000 votes against 
375,000 for Eobinson, and 418,000 for Cornell, the Re- 
publican. Tweed was its boss in the days of his success 



498 biCTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

{see Tweed Ring), and liis overthrow dealt it a severe 
blow; but it has always recovered its position. Its 
organization and traditions both tend to make it subject 
to the control of a small clique, and its large following in 
a State always doubtful, gives it an influence in national 
politics otherwise out of proportion to its numerical 
strength. 

Taney, Roger Brooke, was born in Maryland in 
1777, and died in Washington in 1864. He was At- 
torney-General of the United States, and in 1832, was 
appointed Secretary of the Treasury, but failed of con- 
firmation. In 1836 Jackson appointed him Chief -Justice 
of the Supreme Court, and the Senate confirmed the 
nomination; a few years previous his nomination to that 
court had been rejected. His most famous decision is 
the Dred Scott case (wliicli see). 

Tariff Commission. — A commission appointed in 
1882 by President Arthur, in accordance with a con- 
gressional resolution, to take testimony and report a 
tariff bill to Congress. {See Tariffs of the United States.) 

Tariff for Revenue Only. — This phrase, which has 
long been in use, contains the substance of the posi- 
tion occupied by those that believe in a fiscal tariff 
merely — that is, a tariff that shall provide revenues for 
the government without attempting to afford protection 
to domestic industries. {See Tariffs of the United 
States. ) 

Tariff is a Local Issue. — In October, 1880, an 
interview with General W. S. Hancock, the Democratic 
nominee for President, appeared in print, in which he 
was reported to have said: ^^The tariff question is a 
local question." This was at once seized on by his poli- 
tical enemies, and has become current in the form given 
above. 

Tariff of Abominations. — A name given to the 
tariff of 1828. 

Tariffs of the United States. — The right to levy 
duties on imports for the purpose of paying the national 
debt and providing for the common defense is granted 
to Congress by Article 1, section 8, clause 1, of the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 499 

Constitution. Under clause 3 of the same section Con- 
gress also has power *^to regululate commerce with for- 
eign nations/' and this is understood to include the 
power which Congress has frequently exercised of so ar- 
ranging the tariff as to protect domestic interests. The 
first clause above referred to proyides that *^all duties 
shall be uniform throughout the United 
States/' and section 10^, clause 2, of the same article 
prohibits any State from levying duties without Con- 
gressional consent, "^^ except what may be absolutely 
necessary for executing its inspection laws.'' A tariil 
imposing duties with the sole object of securing money 
to carry on the government is called a fiscal tariff, or 
tariff for revenue only. If such is its main object, but 
there is a purpose at the same time of so arranging the 
duties as to protect home industries, it is called a tariff 
for revenue with incidental protection. When the chief 
object is to protect domestic producers and manufactur- 
ers the tariff is called protective (the so-called American 
System, which see). Under the authority of the Con- 
stitution, and to provide revenues for the new govern- 
ment, the first days of the First Congress saw a tariff act 
introduced. It was carried, and became a law July 4, 
1789. The preamble to this act recited that one of its 
objects was '^the encouragement and protection of man- 
ufacturers;" but subsequent acts have not generally 
made this one of their declared purposes, however much 
it may have been an actual one. The act of 1789 levied 
both specific and ad valorem duties, the average of which 
was equal to an ad valorem duty of eight and a half per 
cent. From the date of this act up to 1816 numerous 
tariffs (not less than seventeen) were enacted. The 
Embargo Act, by cutting off supplies from Europe, 
stimulated our home manufactures, which gained still 
further when, at the beginning of the War of 1812, the 
existing duties (which had been slightly increased from 
time to time since 1789) were doubled. The embargo 
and the war seem to have transferred much capital from 
the carrying-trade to manufacturing, and the latter in- 
terests now made a strong appeal for protection, which 



500 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

resulted in the first essentially protective tariff in our 
history. The act became law on April 27, 1816, having 
passed the Senate by a vote of 25 to 7 and the House by 
88 to 54. It was considered a Southern measure, the 
South at that time favoring protection while the North op- 
posed it. This tariff favored specific rates and introduced 
minimum duties. A period of speculation, competition 
in manufacturing, and then of financial depression, led 
to an attempt to pass another tariff that should be still 
more highly protective. The attempt was successful, 
and on May 22, 1824, the country had a new tariff, 
though it barely passed Congress, having a majority of 
but five in the House and four in the Senate. It was 
advocated by the central and western sections of the 
country, and opposed by the South and IS^ew England. 
Iron, wool, hemp and sugar were protected; the average 
rate of duties was thirty-seven per cent. It was m the 
debates on this bill that it was first seriously asserted 
that Congress had no constitutional power to pass a tariff 
for protective purposes only. ]^ew England now began 
to favor protection to aid her growing manufactures, 
especially that of woolens, and the South began to think 
that the North and East were profiting at her expense. 
New England wanted high duties on woolens and cottons 
and low rates on iron, hemp, salt and molasses; Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Kentucky had exactly the opposite 
interests. The result was the tariff of 1828, which was 
called '^the tariff of abominations;^^ it passed the House 
by a vote of 105 to 74. The high duties of this law 
caused such a storm in the South and among certain 
classes in other sections, that various new tariffs were 
soon introduced into Congress. The result was the act 
of July 14, 1832, which reduced the iron duty, and in- 
creased the rate on woolens. This act led to the nullifi- 
cation movement {which see), wherein South Carolina 
was the leader, and from that to Henry Clay^s Compro- 
mise Tariff. This became a law March 2, 1833, having 
passed the House by a vote of 119 to 81 and the Senate 
by 29 to 16. Its main feature was a provision that 
all ad valorem duties of more than twenty per cent. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 501 

should have one-tenth of the excess cut off every two 
years, till, in 1842, no such duties should exceed twenty 
per cent. It adopted the principle of home valuation 
(ivMcli see). It was a complicated and deceptive bill, 
and was little better than a makeshift. It caused so 
little satisfaction and so diminished the revenue that in 
1842 a new tariff was enacted that was based on pro- 
tection principles, levied duties averaging thirty-three 
per cent., and re-adopted foreign valuations {whicli see). 
In 1846 a new tariff measure passed the House by a vote 
of 114 to 95, was approved by the Senate only by means 
of the vote of its presiding officer, and became a law. It 
was framed in accordance with an exhaustive and able 
report of Robert J. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury 
under Polk. The highest duty that it imposed was 
seventy-five per cent., the average twenty-five per cent. 
It was carefully framed, and produced a very much 
larger revenue than its immediate predecessor. In 1857 
it was found necessary to reduce the customs revenue, 
and an act was passed cutting down the average of duty 
to twenty per cent. This, on the other hand, provided 
an insufficient income, and in 1861 the ''^Morrill tariff^' 
bill was adopted, which was largely protective. The 
Civil War now involved the government in unusual ex- 
penses, and during its continuance many tariff measures 
were adopted imposing higher and higher rates of duty, 
primarily for the purposes of revenue, but involving in 
many cases protection also, and the duties were often so 
high that they became prohibitive. From the close of 
the war the Eepublican party may be considered as far 
more thoroughly devoted to the protection idea than the 
Democrats. The former was now in complete control of 
the government. On July 14, 1870, a tariff act was 
passed on the protection plan, making reductions chiefly 
on such articles as tea, coffee and sugar, and on luxuries 
such as wines. In 1872 tariff acts were passed making 
some reductions, but they retained the protective prin- 
ciple. No general tariff measure was now passed until 
1888. In the meantime duties continued to be collected 
under various laws which were vexatiously conflicting — 



502 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

some passed before 1861, fourteen principal statutes en- 
acted between then and 1873, and twenty minor acts 
passed in the same period. In 1874 the sugar duty was 
increased one-fourth, and a ten per cent, reduction made 
by the act of 1872 on certain articles was repealed. This 
whole mass of high duties was called a '^ war tariff," and 
an outcry was made for a removal of the taxes that were 
no longer necessary to the government. The customs 
revenue reached its highest point in 1872, and a surplus 
was finally created in the Treasury that threatened finan- 
cial disaster to the country and encouraged extravagance 
in Congressional appropriations. The protectionists, 
however, desired to keep the protective tariff, with some 
slight reductions, and reduce the income of the gov- 
ernment by cutting down the internal revenue 
taxes. The opposing party desired that the high war 
and protective duties should be reduced. The question 
came to a head in 1882. In May of that year Congress 
appointed, through the President, a commission of nine 
civilians to consider the matter. President Arthur se- 
lected as members of this tariff commission persons who 
were protectionists. They took voluminous testimony 
all over the country and reported a bill to Congress in 
December. Neither branch of Congress was satisfied 
with this bill and each debated one of its own. They 
were finally forced to refer their measures to a confer- 
ence committee composed of members of each House, a 
majority of whom favored high protective duties. The 
committee reported a bill which there was little time to 
consider, and which was passed one day before the close 
of the session and became a law on March 3, 1883; it 
went into effect as to most of its provisions on July 1st of 
the same year. The law of 1883 made many reductions, 
but retained in full force the protective principle. 
President Cleveland, in his message of December, 1887, 
by dealing only with the surplus and the revenue brought 
the tariff question prominently before Congress and the 
nation. The Republican party are almost unanimously 
in favor of high protective duties; the Democratic party 
are mostly in favor of extensive reduction, but a powerful 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 503 

minority hold opposite views. On May 21, 1890, the 
ways and means committee reported to the House a 
tariff bill which was subsequently passed, called the 
" McKinleybill,^^ after the chairman of that committee. 
It increases the duty on wool and all classes of woolen 
manufactures. {^See American System; Custom Duties ; 
Exports and imports ; Protection; Free Trade. ) 

Tatooed Man. — During the presidential campaign 
of 1884, a New York illustrated paper published a car- 
toon which represented the Eepublican candidate, James 
G. Blaine, in the role of Phryne, before the Athenian 
judges. His robe was removed and he appeared tatooed 
with the names of the scandals with which his enemies 
tried to connect him. This was regarded as an excellent 
conceit, and from it arose the name of ^^ tatooed man,^^ 
so often applied to Blaine. 

Taxation Without Representation is Tyranny. 
This phrase formulated the complaints of the colonists, 
before the revolution, which were the chief cause of that 
war for independence. 

Taylor, Zachary, was born in Orange county, Vir- 
ginia, November 24, 1784; he died while President, in 
Washington, July 9, 1850. Early in his life he accom- 
panied his father to Kentucky, where he remained until 
1808, when he was appointed to a lieutenancy in the 
army. His services, principally against the Indians, 
caused his gradual promotion, and at the outbreak of the 
Mexican War he was a major-general. While in com- 
mand of the southwestern department, in 1840, he had 
purchased an estate in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, which 
,was thereafter his residence. His distinguished services 
in the Mexican War brought him prominently before the 
public, and in 1848 he was nominated as President by 
the Whigs and elected. He died after having served 
somewhat over a year. 

Tecumseh's Conspiracy. — {See Indian Wars.) 

Temperance. — {See ProMMtioii. ) 

Tennessee, was originally a part of North Carolina. 
The settlers of this region attempted, without success, to 
form a separate State government in 1784, under the 



504- DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

name of Franklin or Frankland. It was ceded to the 
national government in 1789 — 1790. i^See Territories.) 
In 1794 it was made a Territory. It was admitted to the 
Union on June 1, 1796. On June 8, 1861, a popular 
vote decided in favor of secession, and the State was re- 
admitted to the Union by Act of July 24, 1866. The 
capital is Nashville. The population in 1880, was 
1,542,359, and in the last census (1890) 1,767,518. Ten- 
nessee sends ten representatives to Congress, and has 
twelve electoral votes. In national politics it is Demo- 
cratic. It is popularly known as the Big Bend State. 
{See Governors; Legislatures.) 

Tenure of Office Act. — {See Term and Tenure of 
Office.) 

Term and Tenure of Office. — The term of an 
oflBce is the period for which, the tenure the conditions 
irnder which, the office is to be held. Article 2, section 
2, clause 2, of the Constitution provides that the Presi- 
dent " shall nominate, and by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other 
public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme 
Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose 
appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and 
which shall be established by law; but the Congress may 
by law vest the appointment of such inferior offices, as 
they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts 
of law, or in the heads of departments ;^-' and clause 3, 
of the same article, says ''^the President shall have 
power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during 
the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which 
shall expire at the end of their next session.^' Congress 
has accordingly vested in the courts, the heads of de- 
partments and the President alone the appointment of 
the great bulk of the officers of the government, who 
are termed '''inferior^' officers, though that term is not 
susceptible of exact definition. It is considered that the 
power of removal is given with the power of appoint- 
ment, except as provided by law. Up to Jackson's time 
it was the theory of our government that removals 
should only be made for cause, but then the introduc- 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 505 

fcion of the '^spoils system ^^ led to frequent removals for 
purely partisan reasons, and that was the custom fol- 
lowed to a recent date. {See Civil Service Reform.) 
Prior to 1820 no term of office was provided for any in- 
ferior officer, except United States Marshals, but in that 
year a bill was passed providing that district-attorneys, 
naval officers (these are officials in the customs service,) 
navy agents, surveyors and collectors of customs, pay- 
masters and some other officers, should be appointed for 
terms of four years. In 1836 a bill was passed provid- 
ing that postmasters receiving a thousand dollars a year 
or more, should be appointed by the President for terms 
of four years and confirmed by the Senate, and should 
be removable at the pleasure of the President. Various 
other offices have since been given the same term. The 
^* tenure of office act,^^ that is generally meant when the 
phrase is used, was the one of March 2, 1867. This act, 
and one passed in 1869, provided that no officer subject 
to confirmation by the Senate should be removed with- 
out the consent of that body, but during a recess of the 
Senate the President might remove such officer and ap- 
point a successor till the end of the next session of the 
Senate. There were about 3,500 officers subject to the 
provisions of these acts, which gave a power to the Sen- 
ate that was not contemplated in the formation of our 
government: which increased its power of rewarding 
political services, and by the '' courtesy of the Senate " 
{which see)y have virtually given to the Senators of a 
State the control of the appointments therein. This 
was part of the plan by which the spoils system grew 
and flourished, and many demands have been made that 
the government should return to its early policy of unre- 
stricted terms for inferior officers during efficiency and 
good behavior, and should take from the Senate its 
usurped prerogative of passing judgment on the re- 
movals of the President. These acts were repealed by 
the Act of March 3, 1887. 

Territories. — Many of the boundaries of the thirteen 
original States of the Union were not precisely defined 
and it was years before the conflicting claims were set- 



506 DICTION AR Y of AMERICAN POLITICS. 

tied between them. Moreover, aside from the bounda- 
ries of the States proper, seven of them claimed terri- 
tory as far as the Mississippi, under their original char- 
ters and grants from the King of England. Four of 
the present States have been formed out of well defined 
territory of four of the original States. Vermont was 
originally claimed as part of New York, Kentucky 
and West Virginia were within the original limits of 
Virginia, and Maine was at first under the jurisdiction 
of Massachusetts. The remaining territory of the 
United States east of the Mipiissippi (which comprises 
the original extent) was claimed by Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina and Georgia, and their claims often overlapped 
each other. G-radually these claim* were ceded to the 
federal government, sometimes freely, sometimes for a 
compensation. New York in 1781 ceded her vague 
western claims. Virginia followed in 1784, receiving 
some land in Ohio, and Massachusetts in 1785. Con- 
necticut's cession of 1781, reserving a tract along Lake 
Erie (a tract in Ohio still known as the ^' western re- 
serve ''), was accepted by Congress in 1786. In 1800 
Virginia and Connecticut, while retaining the property 
in their lands in Ohio, gave up the jurisdiction to the 
national government. South Carolina gave up her 
claims in 1787; North Carolina in 1789 ceded Tennes* 
see, which was accepted by Congress in 1790; G-eorgia 
ceded her claims in 1802, which were accepted the next 
year. The region which now comprises the. States of 
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and that 
part of Minnesota east of the Mississippi were organized 
into the Northwest Territory, by the ordinance of 1787 
{which see). In 1800 Ohio, preparatory to its admission 
as a State, was separated from this region, and the re- 
mainder became known as the Indiana Territory. Ten- 
nessee and Kentucky, though never organized under one 
territorial government, were generally known as the 
Territory of the United States southwest of the Ohio, 
or the Southwest Territory. The organization of Miss- 
issippi Territory, including the present State of that 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 507 

name, and Alabama, was commenced in 1798, and com- 
pleted two years later; when Mississippi became a 
State in 1817 the remainder of tlie district was called 
Alabama Territory. The regions which the United 
States has acquired since 1783 are described under the 
article Annexations. California was so soon admit- 
ted as a State that it was never organized as a Territory, 
and Texas was annexed as a State. The other portions 
3f these acquisitions have borne various names from 
time to time; prominent among these are the Territories 
of Orleans, Louisiana and Missouri. All that portion 
of the Louisiana purchase south of what is now the 
northern boundary of the State of Louisiana, was by 
Act of March 26, 1804, organized into the Territory of 
Orleans. The Act of April 8, 1812, admitted this Ter- 
ritory to the Union as the State of Louisiana. The re- 
mainder of the Louisiana purchase was, by Act of Con- 
gress, March 3, 1805, organized into the Territory of 
Louisiana, with its capital at St. Louis. On June 4, 
1812, shortly after the admission of the Territory of 
Orleans into the Union as the State of Louisiana, the 
name of the Territory of Louisiana was altered to 
Missouri. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 {ivliicli 
see) resulted in the admission of that State in 1821, and 
from the Territory of the same name various States and 
Territories have since been formed. There are atpres- 
ent five organized and two (Alaska and Indian Terri- 
tory) unorganized Territories of the United States. The 
unorganized Territories are under the direct control of 
Congress. Each organized Territory has a Grovernor, 
appointed by the President, for four years and ratified by 
the Senate. The Legislature, officially known as the 
Legislative Assembly, is composed of a Council and a 
House of Eepresentatives, chosen every two years by the 
people. A delegate to Congress is elected for the same 
term. He has the right of debate, but not a vote in the 
House. Territorial legislation is subject to Congress- 
ional control. Territorial courts are provided for, the 
judges of which are appointed by the President for four 
years, and confirmed by the Senate, and over which the 



508 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Supreme Court of the United State has appellate juris- 
diction. 

Territory Southwest of the Ohio. {See Terri- 
tories. ) 

Texas was originally a part of Mexico, from which it 
declared its independence, and it was annexed to the 
United States as a State by joint resolution of Con- 
gress, December 29, 1845. {See Annexations III. ) On 
February 1, 1861, a State convention passed an ordin- 
ance of secession, which was ratified by popular vote. 
Texas was re-admitted to the Union by Act of Congress, 
March 30, 1870. The capital is Austin. The popula- 
tion in 1880 was 1,591,749, and in the last census (1890) 
2,235,523. Texas has eleven seats in the House of Rep- 
resentatives and thii'teen electoral votes, which can 
safely be relied on by the Democratic party. Popularly 
it is call the Lone Star State. {See Governors; Legisla- 
tures. ) 

Them Steers. — Solon Chase was a member of the 
Greenback party, which created some political excitement 
a few years ago, especially in Maine. He was accustomed 
to travel through that State with a banner bearing the 
picture of a yoke of steers and a bushel of corn, together 
with various other figures. These were used to illustrate 
Chase's argument that the resumption of specie payments 
was a mistake. He always referred to the prominent 
figures on the banner as '^them steers.^' 

Thermopylae of Texas. — When Texas was fight- 
ing for .independence, in February, 1836, about 140 of 
her troops were besieged by 4,000 Mexicans in Fort 
Alamo on the San Antonio Eiver. For a week or two 
they made a heroic struggle against overwhelming odds, 
and inflicted great damage on their opponents. At last, 
however, the six survivors, among whom was '^'^Davy" 
Crocket, surrendered to Santa Anna under the promise of 
his protection. At the command of that general, how- 
ever, they were butchered, and their fallen comrades were 
horribly mutilated. But three persons survived the mas- 
sacre — a woman, a child and a servant. Thereafter the 
Texans were roused to fury by the cry, ^'Eemember the 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 509 

Alamo!" In allusion to the heroic defense made by the 
Grreeks of antiquity at Thermopylae, this struggle is known 
as the Thermopylae of Texas. 

Third House. {See Lobby, The.) 

Third Term. — General U. S. G-rant served as Presi- 
dent two termSj, from 1869 to 1877. The precedent set 
by Washington in declining a third term, has generated 
a prejudice in the American mind against more than two 
terms. A large faction of the Republican party, headed 
by Roscoe Conkling, of New York, desired the nomina- 
tion of G-rant by the Eepublican National Convention in 
1880. It was asserted that his candidacy for a third 
term was in reality the same as the candidacy of a new 
man, for one term had intervened since Grant had left 
office. The faction supporting Grant was known as the 
Stalwarts (ivhich see). It constituted a firm body of a 
little over 300 votes in a total of about 750. Despite 
changes and vacillations on the part of the adherents of 
other candidates, this following, with insignificant varia- 
tions, clung to Grant to the last, casting 306 votes for 
him on the last ballot, which nominated Garfield. Medals 
commemorative of the event were subsequently struck and 
sent to these delegates. This band is frequently referred 
to by sympathizers as the " Gallant 306," the '^ Stalwart 
306," etc. 

This is the Last of Earth; I am Content. — The 
dying words of John Quincy Adams. He was stricken 
with apoplexy while in his seat in the House of Eepre- 
sentatives and died two days later, February 23, 1848. 

Thomas Jefferson Still Survives. — The dying 
words of John Adams. Thomas Jefierson had passed 
away a few hours before on the same day, unknown to 
Adams. 

Three Hundred and Six. {See Third Term.) 

Three Hundred and Twenty-Nine. — A campaign 
cry of the Democrats in 1880, originating in charges 
against the Eepublican ca^ndidate, James A Garfield, in 
connection with the Credit Mobilier scandal {ivhich see). 

Thurman, Allen G., was born in Lynchburg, Vir- 
ginia, November 13, 1813. In his childhood his family 



510 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

moved to Ohio, where he was subsequently admitted to 
the bar. He represented his State in the Twenty-ninth 
Congress. From 1851 to 1856 he was on the State 
Supreme Court bench, the last two years as Chief Justice. 
He served in the Unitea States Senate from 1869 to 1881. 
In 1888 he was nominated by the Democratic party for 
Vice President, but was defeated. 

Tidal Wave. — In political parlance an election is 
said to be a ^'^ tidal wave^^ election when the majority of 
the winning party is, from any causC;, unprecedentedly 
large. The comparison is obvious. 

Tilden, Samuel Jones, was born in New Lebanon, 
Columbia County, New York, February 9, 1814, and 
died August 4, 1886. He was graduated at the New 
York University, having previously studied at Yale, and 
became a lawyer. In 1845 he was elected to the Assem- 
bly as a Democrat, and joined the Barnburner faction. 
He soon after retired to the practice of law, and did not 
again appear until about 1869. He was active in over- 
throwing the Tweed ring in New York City, and the 
prominence thus gained led to his nomination and elec- 
tion as Grovernor in 1874. In that position he broke up 
the canal ring in the State, and in 1876 received the Dem- 
ocratic nomination for President. He was defeated. 
(/See Contested Presidential and Vice-Presidential Elec- 
tions; Electoral Commission.) The Democrats have 
always maintained that he was defrauded of the presi' 
dency. 

Times That Try Men's Souls.— In 1776, when 
the patriot cause against Great Britain was looking very 
dark, Thomas Paine published the first number of his 
American Crisis, which commenced with the sentence; 
'^ These are the times that try men^s souls." 

Tippecanoe and Tyler Too. — {See Hard Cider 
Compaign. ) 

Tissue Ballots are votes printed on thin tissue 
paper, for the purpose of enabling more than one vote to 
be cast by an individual. It was charged that this form 
of election fraud was especially common at the South, 
used for the purpose of depriving the negro of his politi- 
cal power. 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Ml 

To be Prepared for War is one of the Most 
Effectual Means of Preserving Peace. — This sen- 
tence occurs in the address which Washington delivered 
in person before Congress at the opening of its second 
session, January 8, 1790. 

Toledo War. — In 1835, a dispute which had smoul- 
dered for some years between the State of Ohio and Mich- 
igan Territory came to a head. The controversy arose 
as to a tract of land, which included the city of Toledo, 
and was claimed by both the State and the Territory: 
hence the name of the Toledo war. The militia were 
called out on both sides. Finally the national govern- 
ment interferred. President Jackson removed Governor 
Mason, of Michigan Tern^ory, for his officiousness, and 
Congress, in 183 B, settled the controversy by admitting 
Michigan as a State on condition of her yielding the 
claim to tbe tract in dispute, the Upper Peninsula being 
given her in compensation. Under this act Michigan 
became a State in January of the next year. 

Tompkins, Daniel D., was born at Searsdale, New 
York, June 21, 1774, and died on Staten Island, New 
York, June 11, 1825. He was a lawyer, and a graduate 
of Columbia. He served as justice of the Supreme 
Court of the State, and as Governor from 1807 to 1817. 
From 1817 to 1825 he was Vice-President of the United 
States. He was a Democrat. During the War of 1812, 
while Governor of New York, he personally rendered 
considerable financial aid to the federal government, 
with the result of passing his last days deeply in debt. 

Tonnage Tax. — A tax imposed on each ton of bur- 
den of vessels entering in a port. (^See Navigation 
Laws. ) 

Tory. — The terms Whig and Tory had been in use in 
English politics for about one hundred years before the 
American Ke volution; the first as designating the faction 
opposing the royal prerogative and generally in favor of 
reforms, the latter as upholding the prerogative and 
clinging to old institutions. In the colonial days of this 
country, the term Tory thus came to mean an adherent 
of the crown, and the terra Whig an opponent thereof, 



512 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

and so at the outbreak of the Eevolution the American 
sympathizers were known as Whigs, the supporters of 
England as Tories. The termination of the war and the 
resulting independence of this country, did away with 
differences characterized by the terms and so with the 
terms themselves. {^8ee American Whigs.) 

To the Victor Belong the Spoils of the Enemy. 
In 1832 Martin Van Buren was nominated by President 
Jackson for the post of Minister to England. He was 
rejected. In the course of the debate on his nomination, it 
was charged that Van Buren had introduced in Washing- 
ton the ^oils system as practiced in New York politics. 
Senator William L. Marcy, of JSTew York, in replying, 
used the following language in reference to these New 
York politicians: " They see nothing wrong in the rule 
that to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy. ^' 

Trade Dollars. — (See Coinage,) 

Trading is a form of political treachery. When an 
organization withholds its support from a particular 
candidate or candidates of its own party and works for 
his opponent at the polls, it is said to be ^^ trading" its 
candidate off. The friends of the opponent thus aided, 
agree in return to support some other candidate of the 
organization. The success of some member of a ticket is 
thus assured by the abandonment of the remainder. An 
organization will sometimes thus abandon one of its 
candidates even when it has no desire to insure by his 
defeat the election of some other of its own nominees; 
in those cases the consideration is money and the trans- 
action is termed selling out. Both of these operations 
are common, especially in cities where voters are many 
and organizations compact. They are usually carried 
out by printing on ballots the names of all the regular 
party nominees, except that of the candidate traded off; 
for this name that of the opponent is substituted, and as 
voters usually do not scan their ballots carefully, the re- 
sult is easily accomplished. In New York City where 
the Democratic majority is overwhelming, it is very com- 
mon for a local Republican ticket to be nominated, with 
no intention of honest support, but merely for the pur- 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 513 

pose of trading it off, and of thus gaining votes for the 
Republican State or national ticket. To remedy these 
evils some States have provided for the printing of bal- 
lots at the public expense. 

Treason is an act of disloyalty to a government of 
which the offender is a citizen or subject. It is some- 
times called high treason in distinction from petit trea- 
son, which is the killing of a person to whom the crimi- 
nal owes duty or obedience, as a husband or a master. 
Petit treason in England and the United States is now 
considered merely as murder. Misprision of treason is 
concealment by one who has knowledge of a treasonable 
act. By the Constitution, Article 3, section 3, treason 
against the United States consists ^' only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving 
them aid and comfort. " The history of European nations 
shows that kings have made free use of accusations of 
treason to secure the death of political offenders and to 
obtain possession of their property. To avoid this form 
of oppression in the United States, the Constitution 
further provides that conviction of treason can only 
follow ^^ on the testimony of two witnesses to the same 
overt act, or on confession in open court, ^' and that for- 
feiture of property shall last no longer than the criminaFs 
life. The Act of 1790 prescribed death as the punish- 
ment of treason. The trial of Aaron Burr was the most 
important one that occurred under this act. By the Act 
of 1862 the punishment of treason, in the discretion of 
the court, is death or imprisonment for not less than 
five years and a fine of not less than $10,000; the slaves 
of the offender were also declared free, and he was 
rendered incapable of holding federal office. At the 
close of the Civil War there were a few indictments for 
treason at the South, including that of Jefferson Davis, 
but these were never pushed to trial. Treason may also 
be committed against the individual States of the Union, 
and the Constitutions of most of them define treason in a 
similar way to the wording of the federal Constitution. 
Prosecutions for treason against a State are very rare. 
The prosecution of the leader of the Dorr Eebellion, in 



514 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Rhode Island, resulted in his being sentenced to impri- 
sonment for life, but in a few years he was restored to 
Uberty and all his rights. (^See Attainder.') 

Treasury Department is one of the three original 
executive departments of the government. It was es- 
tablished by Act of Congress of September 2, 1789. At 
its head is the Secretary of the Treasury, who is a 
member of the President's Cabinet. He is appointed by 
the President and confirmed by the Senate. His salary 
is $8,000. This department has charge and control not 
only of all the fiscal affairs of the government, but also 
of the national banks (so far as they are subject to gov- 
ernment control), of the currency and coinage, of the 
customs and internal revenue systems, the commercial 
marine, the light-house and life-saving systems, the 
coast and interior surveys, the inspection of steam ves- 
sels and of the marine hospitals. The principal assist- 
ants of the Secretary are given below: 

SAIiABy, 

Assistant-Secretary $4,500 

Assistant-Secretary 4,500 

Assistant-Secretary 4,500 

Chief Clerk 3,000 

Director of Mint 4,500 

Chief Bureau of Statistics 3,000 

Supt. Life Saving- Service 4,000 

Chairman Light House Board = 5,000 

Chief Bureau Engraving .- 4,500 

Supervis. Surg.-General 4,000 

Supt. Coast Survey , 6,000 

Comm. of Navigation 3,600 

First Comptroller 5,000 

Second Comptroller 5,000 

Comp. of Customs 4,000 

FirstAuditor 3,600 

Second Auditor 3,600 

Third Auditor 3,600 

Fourth Auditor 3,600 

FifthAuditor 3,600 

SixthAuditor 3,600 

Treasurer • — 6,000 

Comm. of Internal Revenue 6,000 

Comp. of Currency ,....,., ..,,.,,., 5,000 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



515 



Below is given a list of the Secretaries of the Treasury 
from the beginning of the goyernment; 



Nam-r". 


State. 


Term. 


Alexander Hamilton 


New York 

Connecticut 

Massachusetts 

Pennsylvania 

Tennessee 

Pennsylvania 

Georgia 

Pennsylvania 


1789 1795 


Oliver Wolcott 

Samuel Dexter 


1795—1801 
1801 — 1801 


Albert Gallatin 


1801—1814 


George W. Campbell 


1814—1814 


Alexander James Dallas 

William H. Crawford 


1814—1816 
1816 1825 


Richard Rush 


1825—1829 


Samuel D. Ingham 


Pennsylvania .... 

Delaware 

Pennsylvania 

Maryland .... 

New Hampshire 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania 


1829 1831 


Louis McLane 


1831 1833 


William J. Duane 


1833—1833 


Roger B. Taney 

Levi Woodbury 

Thomas Ewing 

Walter Forward ... 


1833-1834 
1834—1841 
1841—1841 
1841—1843 


John C. Spencer 


New York 

Kentucky . . . 

Mississippi ,.. 

Pennsylvania , . . . . 

Ohio 


1843—1844 


George M. Bibb 


1844 —1845 


Robert J. Walker 

William M. Meredith 

Thomas Corwin 


1845-1849 
1849—1850 
1850—1853 


James Guthrie 


Kentucky . . 


1853—1857 


Howell Cobb 


Georgia 


1857—1860 


Philip F. Thomas 

John A. Dix 


Maryland 

New York .. 

Ohio 


1860—1861 
1861-1861 


Salmon P. Chase 


1861—186'! 


William Pitt Fessenden 


Maine . . .... 

Indiana , . 

Massachusetts 

Massachusetts 

Kentucky 


1864—1865 


Hugh McCulloch 

George S. Boutwell 

William A. Richardson 


1865-1869 
1869—1873 
1873—1874 


Benjamin H. Bristow 


1874—1876 


Lot M. Morrill 


Maine 

Ohio 


1876—1877 


John Sherman 


1877—1881 


William Windom 


Minnesota 


1881—1881 


Charles J. Folger 


New York 


1881—1884 


Walter Q. Gresham 

Hugh McCuiloch 


Indiana 


1884—1884 


Maryland 

New York 


1884- -1885 


Daniel Manning 


1885—1887 


Charles S. Fairchild 

AVilliam Windom 

Charles Foster 


New York 


1887—1889 


Maine 

Ohio 


1889—1891 
1891--.. . 







Treasury, Secretary of the. (/Sfee Treasury De- 
partment. ) 

Treaties of the United States.— For treaties re- 
lating to the Canadian fisheries see Fishery Treaties. 
For the other important treaties, which have distinctive 
jia.m.es see AsMu7^to7i Treaty; BurUngame Treaty ; Clay ton- 
Bulwer Treaty; Jay's Treaty; Tripartite Treaty; Treaty 
of Ghent; Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo; Treaty of Farisj 



51 6 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Treaty of Washington. See also Annexations; Bardar^ 
Pirates; Extradition; Northeast Boundary; Northwest 
Boundary. 

Treaty of Ghent. — In the summer of 1814 com- 
missioners from England and the United States met 
abroad for the purpose of negotiating a treaty to end the 
War of 1812. Our representatives were John Quincy 
Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Eus- 
sell and Albert Gallatin. The representatives of England 
were Lord Gambler, Henry Goulburn, and William 
Adams. These agents of both nations met at Ghent, 
Belgium, where, on the 24th of December, 1814, they 
signed a treaty of peace. It was unanimously ratified by 
the IJnited States Senate on February 17, 1815, and pro- 
claimed by the President the next day. The treaty took 
away from Great Britain the right to freely navigate the 
Mississippi River, it provided for commissions to settle 
the title to islands in Passamaquoddy Bay and to mark 
the northern boundary of the ITnited States as far west 
as the Lake of the Woods; it declared against the slave 
trade. It was also a treaty of peace and ended the war, 
but it is noteworthy that the most important dispute be- 
tween the two nations was left unmentioned. The rights 
in the fisheries, rights of neutral nations, the rights of 
expatriation (which see) and the impressment of Ameri- 
can seaman, which last was the immediate cause of the 
war, were thus left unsettled by the treaty. It is sup- 
posed, however, that some assurances were given aside 
from the treaty that impressment should no longer be 
continued, and, as a matter of fact, our seamen have 
never since that time been impressed. 

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo .—On February 2, 
1848, JSTicholas P. Trist, representing the United States, 
and three commissioners representing Mexico, signed a 
treaty of peace at Guadalupe Hidalgo, in Mexico.^ The 
treaty provided for the final cessation of the hostilities of 
the Mexican War, and the United States agreed to with- 
draw its troops from Mexico. The southwestern bound- 
ary of Texas was fixed at the Eio Grande, as our govern- 
ment had claimed. New Mexico and California were 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 51 7 

ceded to the United States, in return for which territory 
we were to pay 115,000,000 and assume the payment of 
claims of United States citizens against Mexico, amount- 
ing to $3,250,000. Both governments ratified the treaty, 
and on July 4, 1848, President Polk proclaimed peace. 
(^See Annexations IV.) 

Treaty of Paris (1783).— On November 30, 1782, a 
preliminary ireaty of peace was signed with Great Britain 
at Paris; Congress ratified it in the following April. The 
commissioners on the part of Great Britain were Oswald, 
Fitzherbert and Strachey, and on the part of the United 
States, Franklin, Jay, John Adams and Henry Laurens. 
On September 3, 1783, at Paris, a definitive treaty of peace 
was signed by commissioners from the nations that had 
been engaged in war, namely, Holland, Spain, France, 
Great Britain and the United States. So far as we are 
concerned, the chief importance of this treaty is that it 
acknowledged the complete independence of the United 
States. Great Britain ceded Florida to Spain and re- 
tained Canada and Nova Scotia, with exclusive control 
of the St. Lawrence; the rest of the territory east of the 
Mississippi was given up to the United States, with the 
right of free navigation of the great lakes and the Mis- 
sissippi, and with practically equal -rights on the New- 
foundland fishing grounds. 

Treaty of Washington. — Many treaties have been 
negotiated at Washington, but the history of the one 
commonly known as the Treaty of Washington is as 
follows: In January, 1871, Great Britain proposed to 
the United States that a joint commission should be 
appointed to draw up a treaty in settlement of various 
open questions existing between the two governments. 
At the instance of the United States the Alabama claims 
were included among the subjects for consideration, and 
on February 27, 1871, five high commissioners of each 
of these nations met at Washington. On May 8th, they 
concluded their deliberations, and signed the treaty 
which they had drawn up, and which is the one gener- 
ally known as the Treaty of Washington, though others 
have been negotiated in that city. It was at once rati- 



518 DICriONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

fied by the Senate and by Great Britain, and on July 4, 
1871, was proclaimed to be in force by President Grant. 
It provided that the disputed questions should be referred 
to arbitration as follows : 1. The Alabama Claims were to 
be settled by a tribunal of five persons appointed by the 
President of the United States, the Queen of Great 
Britain, the King of Italy, the President of Switzerland 
and the Emperor of Brazil. {^8ee Geneva Award.) 2. 
A commission was to be appointed and to sit at Washing- 
ton to decide on certain claims of Great Britaim against 
the United States, for injuries to the persons and prop- 
erty of British subjects by the forces of the United 
States during the Civil War. 3. It readmitted Ameri- 
can fishermen to certain rights in British waters, and 
the compensation to be paid for this privilege was 
referred to a joint commission which was to sit at 
Halifax, Nova Scotia. (See Fishery Treaties; Halifax 
Fishery Commission. ) 4. The dispute as to the North- 
western Boundary line between Vancouver's Island and 
the mainland was submitted to the Emperor of Ger- 
many. {8ee Northwestern Boundary.) The final 
settlement of these questions was in the main favorable 
to the United States, wholly so as to the Northwestern 
Boundary, and largely so in the matter of the Alabama 
Claims, but the Halifax Award to be paid to Great 
Britain was generally considered in this country as ex- 
cessive. The Treaty itself was favorably received, the 
Senate ratifying it by a vote of fifty to twelve; its 
reference of disputed points to arbitration was applauded 
by the peace-loving people of the United States, and was 
an important event in the history of international 
treaty-making. 

Trent Affair. — In the Autumn of 1861, on one of 
the blockade runners which succeeded in escaping from 
Charleston, sailed James M. Mason and John Slidell, 
who had been appointed by the Confederate Government 
as Commissioners to England and France, respectively. 
They reached Havana, and then sailed on the British 
mail-steamer Trent. On November 8, 1861, this vessel 
was stopped by the United States steamer San Jacinto^ 



jDlCTiONAR V OF AMERICAN- POLITICS. 519 

Captain Wilke?. Mason and Slidell were taken off and 
conveyed to Boston, where they were imprisoned in Fort 
Warren. This action of Wilkes met with hearty sup- 
port among the people of the North. England, how- 
ever, felt outraged, demanded reparation for the insult 
to her flag, and commenced preparations for hostilities. 
Secretary of State Seward saw the inconsistency of our 
maintaining the right of search which, when exercised 
hy G-reat Britain, had been a leading cause for the War 
of 1812. He therefore apologized for Wilkes^ un- 
authorized action, and Mason and Slidell were set at 
liberty and sailed for England early in January, 1862. 
Though Wilkes^ action was disavowed by the executive 
government for diplomatic and State reasons, Wilkes re- 
ceived a vote of thanks from the House of Eepresenta- 
tives, and in 1862 was made a Commodore and placed 
first on the list. Seward^s statesmanship had delivered 
the United States from what promised to be a serious 
difficulty. The immemorial doctrine of the United 
States as to neutral vessels was adhered to, G-reat Britain 
herself was now committed to the same position, a 
foreign war was prevented, and the hopes of the Con- 
federates for such an outcome of the dispute were dis- 
appointed. 

Tripartite Treaty. — In consequence of the filibus- 
tering expeditions of Lopez to Cuba in 1850 and 1851 
{see Filibuster 8), France and England believed, or pre- 
tended to believe, that the United States were meditat- 
ing the conquest of Cuba, though our government had 
disavowed any such intention and had acted in accord- 
ance with such disavowal. In 1852 France and Great 
Britain proposed that the United States should join them 
in a tripartite treaty, by which each government should 
pledge itself forever not to attempt the acquisition of 
Cuba and to discountenance any nation^s making such an 
attempt. Edward Everett, then Secretary of State, re- 
plied with an able paper in December, 1852. He dis- 
claimed any such intention on the part of the United 
States as was suspected, but asserted, in accordance 
with the Monroe doctrine, that the question was purely 



520 Die TIONA RY OF A M ERICA N P OLI TICS, 

an American one in which our government would not 
gee with inditference any foreign interference. 

Triple- Headed Monster. — A nickname applied to 
the Constitution while it was before the people for ratifi- 
cation, in allusion to its division of the government into 
executive, legislative and judicial branches. 

Tripoli, War With. — {See Barbary Pirates.) 

Trusts. — A corporation derives certain benefits from 
the State and is in turn subject to certain State control. 
To avoid this State control, and in order thus to enable 
the largest firms and corporations in any particular trade 
to combine, and by combined action to limit production 
and raise prices while killing off the cohipetition any 
outsider may dare to offer, what are known as trusts, 
have been devised. A trust is merely the combination 
for the above purposes of the large interests in any 
branch of trade. There is no incorporation. There is 
an agreement between the parties; the profits of all are 
divided in certain ascertained proportions, and tbe 
public can not from any sensible sign know w^hether or 
not such a combination exists. Secrecy and irresponsi- 
bility are its objects. 

Tub Conspiracy. — During John Adams'* administra- 
tion the Federalists were, or pretended to be, afraid of 
plots against the government, on the part of the French 
agents in America. In 1799 the department of State 
pretended to have information of the departure for the 
United States of secret agents of France, having in their 
possession documents dangerous to our peace. The 
vessel was boarded immediately on its arrival at Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, four men and a woman, passengers 
on board, were arrested as the spies, and two tubs, in a 
false bottom of which the papers were said to be hidden, 
were seized. The passengers turned out to be no spies 
and the papers were not compromising. {8ee Tailor's 
Flot.) 

Turner's, Nat, Rebellion. — {See Nat Turner's Re- 
helUoii.) 

Tweed Ring". — In 1857 an act wiiS passed by the 
Legislature of New York, allowing every voter in New 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 521 

York City lo put the names of but six supervisors on his 
ballot, although twelve were to be elected. The prac- 
tical result of this was the election of the six supervisors 
nominated by the Republicans and of the six nomi- 
nated by the Democrats. Nomination by the machine 
was made equivalent to an election. In the next year 
their terms were extended to six years. Of this board of 
supervisors William M. Tweed was the leading spirit; 
he was foui times its president. The board was the 
nucleus of a political ring that controlled legislation 
at Albany, concerning the city of New York, and the 
votes in the city itself. The Republican part of the ring 
busied themselves with the former object, the Demo- 
cratic with the latter. This combination, controlling all 
local offices, plundered the city at its will; in April, 1870, 
an act was passed, conferring on the mayor, the comp- 
troller, the commissioner of parks and the commissioner 
of public works, the practical control of city affairs. In 
the last named official were combined the duties of 
the former street commissioners and Croton water 
department officials; he was to be appointed by the 
mayor; the term of office was four years, and it was 
provided that the only method of removal was by im- 
peachment by the mayor and trial before all of the 
six judges of Common Pleas. As was anticipated, Tweed 
was at once appointed to the office. Of about $12,000,000 
of plunder, it is estimated that $3,800,000 was taken 
in 1869; $880,000 in 1870, before the passage of the 
above act; $6,250,000 in 1870, after the passage of the 
act, and $323,000 in 1871. The enormous sums of 
money controlled by the ring gave it for a time almost 
unlimited power. Tweed, as the head of Tammany and 
leader of the ring, was '*^boss^^ of the city— ;-absolute in 
power. The tax-payers seemed powerless, but the dis- 
closures of a clerk in the comptroller's office enabled the 
Times to make an expose showing the enormity of the 
frauds, and in September, 1871, a mass meeting was 
held, a committee of twenty, headed by H. G-. Stebbins 
as chairman, was appointed, and, with Charles O'Conor 
to represent the people, the ring was proceeded against. 



522 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

Connolly, the comptroller, resigned and was arrested; 
when released on 1500,000 bail he went to Europe. 
Sweeney, the Park Commissioner, resigned and fled. 
The prosecution of A. Oakey Hall, the Mayor, was 
abandoned after two mistrials. Tweed himself was 
tried and a disagreement resulted; on a second trial he 
was convicted and sentenced to a fine and twelve years 
imprisonment. His sentence being cumulative, was, on 
appeal, held to be illegal. He was discharged (1875), 
but immediately re-arrested on a criminal charge, and 
also in a civil suit for over 16,500,000. Soon after, he 
managed to escape from custody and reached Spain. 
He was delivered up in 1876 and placed on BlackwelFs 
Island. A verdict for the full amount was given in the 
civil suit, but only a small part was collected. He died 
April 12, 1878. 

Twenty-first Rule of the House of Representa- 
tives, between 1840 and 1844, was intended to prevent 
the introduction of petitions on the subject of slavery. 
{See Gag Lmos.) 

Twenty-four Hour Rule. {See Neutrality.) 

Twisting the British Lion's Tail. — There are in 
this country a great many Irishmen. Their sympathies 
are naturally with Ireland in the attempt of the latter 
to extort Home Rule from England, and any demonstra- 
tion on the part of this country that can in any way be 
deemed hostile to England, is welcomed by them. In 
order to curry favor with this vote, it is the practice of 
some Congressmen to abuse England at every opportu- 
nity in Congressional debates. England is usually typi- 
fied as a lion, and so the operation is popularly called as 
above. 

Tyler, John, was born in Charles County, Virginia. 
March 29, 1790, and died in Richmond, Virginia, Janu- 
ary 17, 1862. He was a lawyer and a graduate of Will^ 
iam and Mary College. From 1811 to 1816 he served in 
the State Legislature; from 1816 to 1821 in the House 
of Representatives; from 1823 to 1825 agair? in 
the State Legislature, and as G-overnor from 1825 to 
1827. From 1827 to 1836 he was United States Senator, 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 523 

He was originally a Eepublican (Democratic-Eepublican), 
but was elected Senator as a National Republican. Al- 
though a believer in the extreme State rights doctrine, he 
yet remainea with the "Whigs when Calhoun and his fol- 
lowers went back to the Democratic party, and resigned 
his seat in the Senate rather than obey the instructions 
of the Legislature of his State to vote for the motion 
expunging from the Journal the resolution censuring 
President Jackson. ( See Censures of the President hy Con- 
gress. ) In 1838 he was elected as a Whig to the Virginia 
Legislature, and the Whig national convention of 1840 
nominated him for Vice-President, to conciliate the 
Clay faction, which had been sorely disappointed at 
Harrison's nomination. On Harrison's death, a month 
after assuming office, Tyler became President. A quarrel 
between the President and the bulk of his party broke 
out almost immediately on the subject of Bank of the 
United States. His views differed widely from those of 
the Whigs, and his supporters in Congress were known 
as the Corporal's G-uard. The principal event of his 
administration was the annexation of Texas. {See A7i~ 
nexatio7is III.) At the expiration of his term Tyler 
retired to private life, but reappeared as the president of 
the Peace Conference in 1861. On the failure of its 
efforts he joined the Confederacy and became a member 
of the Confederate Congress. 

Uncle Abe was a familiar appellation of Abraham 
Lincoln. 

Uncle Sam is a familiar phrase used to designate the 
United States, just as John Bull is used to represent Eng- 
land. In cartoons Uncle Sam is drawn as a tall, spare 
man, with a thin, straggling beard, dressed in a swallow- 
tail coat of blue with white stars, and a pair of red and 
white stripped trousers with straps; he has long out- 
grown his clothing and the straps have stretched half- 
way up his leg; on his head is a white, cylindrical shaped 
hat, of the kind vulgarly known as stove-pipe. He is usu- 
ally represented as whittling a stick of wood. This latter 
is said to be a characteristic of New Englanders and the 
whole figure, in fact, is that of the typical New England 



524 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

countryman, as lie is popularly supposed to look, except- 
ing his costume. The name originated as follows: 
During the War of 1812 a man named Samuel Wilson 
was government inspector at Troy, of pork and beef 
purchased by the government. The cases containing the 
provisions shipped to the government by a contractor 
named Elbert Anderson were marked with his initials, 
E. A., and below U. S., standing for United States. 
One of the government workmen, new at the task, 
asked the meaning of U. S. and was jocularly informed . 
that it meant Uncle Sam Wilson. This pleasantry was 
repeated in various forms, and Wilson was congratulated 
on the extent of his property as many cases passing there 
were so marked. The story spread and took firm root, 
and to-day the allusion is everywhere understood. 

Unconditional Surrender. — In February, 1862, 
Grant, assisted by a fleet of gunboats under Admiral 
Foot, was endeavoring to effect the capture of Fort 
Donelson, situated on the Cumberland Eiver, in Ten- 
nessee. He was so successful that the Confederate Gen- 
erals, Floyd and Pillow, had fled, leaving General Buck- 
ner in command. That officer saw the hopelessness of 
his situation and wrote to Grant asking w^hat terms of 
surrender would be allowed. General Grant replied: 
'^No terms other than an unconditional and immediate 
surrender can be accepted. I propose to move immedi- 
ately upon your works. ^' Buckner yielded on February 
16th. This was a valuable victory from the number of 
prisoners and arms and the quantity of stores which it 
secured, and it was the first striking success of the Civil 
War for the federal army. The phrase ^'^ unconditional 
^ irrender " passed at once into popular use. The Ee- 
publican platform of 1864, on which Lincoln stood for 
reelection, approved "the determination of the govern- 
ment of the United States not ... to offer any 
terms of peace except such as may be based upon an 
unconditional surrender. ^^ 

Underground Railroad. — During the slavery days 
in this country there was in the Northern States a more 
or less organized system of aiding fugitive slaves to free- 



Dictionary of American politics. 525 

dom. Once in Canada, the slaves were safe, and tlie 
efforts of those engaged in aiding them consisted princi- 
pally in secreting and caring for the fugitives. This 
system was popularly known as the Underground Eail- 
road, the houses of those engaged in the work being 
called ^''stations." Negroes would be secreted in these 
stations during the day, and at night hurried on to the 
next station, until at length Canada was reached. The 
risk run by those engaged in the work was considerable, 
as the slave power had agents in the Northern States 
watching over its interests, and prosecutions and im- 
prisoments were by no means rare. Most prominent in 
the work was Levi Coffin, often called the president of 
the road, who, it is estimated, aided in the escape of 
over 2,500 slaves. 

Under-measurement is a means of defrauding the 
government of part of its duties on imports paying 
specific duties. The invoices are made to state meas- 
urements under the actual ones, and the importer is 
thus enabled to escape the payment of the full duties, 
unless, indeed, the officials become aware of the fraud. 

Under-valuation is a means, frequently employed, of 
defrauding the government of part of its duties on im- 
ports paying ad valorem duties. The goods are invoiced 
at an amount less than the actual value, and unless the 
fraud is detected by the customs officers the importer 
thus avoids paying the full amount of duty. 

Unionist Party. {^See Constittitiondl IJnion Party.) 

Union Labor Party. — This party was organized at 
a convention held in Cincinnati, February 23, 1887. 
It has a national organization,, whose principal strength 
is in the West. It must not be confused with the United 
Labor party, a New York State organization. In New 
York the Union Labor party has no branch. Its plat- 
form declares in favor of a graduated land and income 
tax; the opening of Indian lands to settlement; govern- 
ment telegraphs and railroads; abolition of national 
banks; the fiee coinage of silver; payment of national 
debt at maturity; a direct vote for Senators; exclusion 
of the Chinese; woman suffrage; arbitration of labor 



526 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

disputes: and against contract labor in prisons; the 
further issue of interest-bearing government bonds, and 
the employment of armed men by private corporations. 
(8ee United Labor Party.) 

Union Must be Preserved. — During the nullifica- 
tion troubles a dinner was given in Washington, April 
13, 1830, to celebrate Jefferson^s birthday. To this all 
the prominent Democrats were asked. The toasts had 
been so arranged as to give to the dinner the appearance 
of indorsing the nullifiers. At the conclusion of the 
regular toasts President Andrew Jackson responded to 
the call for a sentiment with, " Our federal union: it 
must be preserved.'"' 

Union Party. — This name was adopted during the 
Civil War to denote the elements sanctioning the war as 
a means of preserving the Union. Under it were in- 
cluded Eepublicans and war Democrats. 

United Labor Party. — This party originated in 
the city of New York in 1886, being founded on the 
land principles of Henry George (see Ms name). George 
was prominently identified with it, and was its candi- 
date for mayor in that year, receiving 68,110 votes, 
against 90,552 received by the Democratic and 60,435 
by the Eepublican nominee. In the following year the 
organization was spread throughout the State, and was 
perfected at a convention held in Syracuse, August 19th. 
A platform was adopted and George was nominated for 
Secretary of State of New York. The refusal of the 
convention to adopt a platform satisfactory to a certain 
faction led to the withdrawal of that faction, and its 
separate organization as a political party under the name 
of Progressive Labor Party [ivMch see). In the elec- 
tion George received 70,055 votes, against 469,888 for 
the Democratic, 452,811 for the Republican, and 7,622 
for the Progressive Labor candidate. The platform of 
the United Labor Party declared that it does " not aim 
at securing any forced equality in the distribution cf 
wealth, . . . nor . . . propose that the State 
shall take possession of land and either work it or rent 
it out,^^ but that it desires to abolish all taxes on 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 52? 

industry and to increase the tax on land, exclusive of 
improvements. It desires a postal telegraph and State 
railroads; the prohibition of the employment of chil- 
dren, and of competition with convict labor; reduction of 
the hours of labor; prevention of the abuse of con- 
spiracy laws; simplification of legal procedure; and a 
system of elections relieving *^the candidates for public 
office from the heavy expenses now imposed upon them/' 
thus preventing bribery and intimidation. This 
organization must not be confused with the Union Labor 
Party (which see). 

United States Bank. {See Bank of the United 
States. ) 

United States Debt. {See DeU of United States.) 

United States Flag. {See Flag of the United 
States. ) 

United States Military Academy at West 
Point, is an academy established for the purpose of 
training officers for the army. Every Representative 
and every Territorial Delegate is entitled to appoint a 
cadet, provided the appointment made by his predeces- 
sors has expired. Beside this, there are ten appoint- 
ments at large and one for the District of Columbia, 
these latter being made by the President. Congressmen 
frequently offer the appointments as the reward of a 
competitive examination. The course continues for 
four years, and on graduation the cadets are commis- 
sioned second lieutenants in the army. The academy 
was established by Act of Congress of March 16, 1802. 
Subsequent laws have made it subject to the articles of 
war. The discipline is very strict. The superintendent 
and the instructors are all officers of the regular army. 
The present superintendent is Colonel John G-. Parke. 

United States Naval Academy was established 
in 1845 by act of Congress, for the purpose of educating 
young men as naval officers. One cadet is appointed 
by each member of the House of Eepresentatives and • 
by each Territorial Delegate, provided previous appoint- 
ments for the district have expired; in addition, there is 
one cadet for the District of Columbia and ten at large. 



528 DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

These eleven are named by the President. Many Con- 
gressmen now adopt the plan of offering the cadetship 
to the successful candidate in a competitive examination. 
Candidates must be between fourteen and eighteen years 
of age, in good physical condition and actual residents 
of the district from which they are named. The course 
lasts six years, the last two being spent at sea. The 
advisibility of reducing the course to four years is being 
agitated at present, as, it is asserted, the cadets learn 
nothing new of any importance on the cruises. Vacan- 
cies in the marine corps, the line and the engineer ser- 
vice of the navy are filled by selecting the best grad- 
uates of the academy. The pay of a cadet is five 
hundred dollars a year. Cadets not assigned to service 
receive one year's sea pay and an honorable discharge. 
The outbreak of the Civil War caused the removal of 
the academy to Newport, Ehode Island, but in 1865 it 
was moved back to Annapolis. The academy is under 
the charge of an officer of the navy. Commander W. 
T. Sampson is the present superintendent. 

United States Notes. — Same as Legal Tender 
Notes. {^8ee Currency.^ 

United We Stand, Divided We Fall.— The 
motto of the State of Kentucky. 

Unit Rule, is the practice followed in Democratic 
National Conventions, of allowing the majority of a 
State delegation to determine the vote of the State as a 
Unit. An attempt was made to introduce it into the 
Republican National Convention of 1880, in the interest 
of Greneral Grant's nomination. He had previously 
served two terms. The State Conventions of New York, 
Pennsylvania, and Illinois had instructed their delega- 
tions (being the first, second and fourth in point of size), 
to vote for Grant. The attempt was unsuccessful. In 
the Democratic National Convention of 1884, a large 
minority of the New York delegation was opposed to 
the nomination of Cleveland, the choice of the majority, 
and an attempt was made to break the unit rule, for the 
purpose of defeating him. But this attempt was un- 
successful. 



DICTION-AR V OF AMERICA!^ POLITIC^ 529 

Unpleasantness, The Late, or Recent. — {See 
Late Unpleasantness, The.) 

Unreconstructed, is an adjective applied to those 
Southerners that have not yet reconciled themselves to 
the results of the Civil War. The re-admission into the 
Union of the seceded States was called Reconstruction. 

Utah, originally a part of the region acquired by the 
Mexican Session {see Annexations IV.), wdi:^ organized 
as a Territory of the United States by Act of September 
9, 1850. It included land which has since been cut off 
and added to Nevada, Wyoming and Colorado. The 
capital is Salt Lake City. The population in 1880 was 
143,963, and in the last census (1890) 207,905. -Itis often 
called Deseret, ^^the land of the honey-bee.^' It would 
probably have been admitted as a State before this but 
for the preponderance of Mormons in its population. 
{See Mormons; Governors; Legislature.) 

Ute War. {See Lndian Wars.) 

Valuation. {See Foreign Valuation; Home Valua- 
tion. ) 

Van Buren, Martin, was born at Kinderhook, Xew 
York, December 5, 1782, and died at the same place 
July 24, 1862. By profession he was a lawyer; he was 
State Senator from 1813 to 1820, and United States 
Senator from 1821 to 1828; in 1829 he was Governor of 
the State, and 1829 to 1831 Secretary of State of the 
United States, and Minister to England 1831 to 1832; 
the Senate rejected this last nomination and he returned 
home; from 1833 to 1837 he was Vice-President, and 
from 1837 to 1841, President. Although nominated for 
a second term he was defeated. In 1844 he was a candi- 
date for nomination, but his party (the Democratic), 
named Polk. In 1848 he was nominated for President 
by the Free Soil Party, and his candidacy drew sufficient 
votes from Cass, the Democratic nominee, to defeat him. 
As a politician Van Buren was one of the shrewdest of 
his time, and an excellent party manager. He and his 
followers were the first to bring to Washington the 
crafty methods of New York politics, of which the 
present party machines are the outgrowth. He was 



530 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN- POLITICS. 

Jackson's choice as the latter's successor, and belonged 
to the Barnburner faction of his party. The most 
important events of his administration were the panic of 
1837 and the Canadian Eebellion. 

Vermont was originally part of the colony of New 
York, though also claimed by New Hampshire. ^ A con- 
vention declared it independent of both of these in 1777. 
Its separate existence was not formally admitted by New 
York till 1790. By act of Congress of February 18, 1791, 
to take effect on the following 4th of March, Vermont 
was admitted to the Union — the first State after the 
original thirteen. The capital is Montpelier. The pop- 
ulation in 1880 was 832,286, and in the last, 1890, census 
332,422. Vermont has two representatives in Congress 
and four electoral votes, and is heavily Eepublican in 
politics. Its name is of French origin, and means 
'^ green mountain;" popularly it is known as the Green 
Mountain State. (See Governors; Legislatures.) 

Veto. — A veto is the act by which the executive re- 
fuses his concurrence in a measure of the legislative body 
with which he is associated and thus prevents its becom- 
ing a law. The power of veto is generally given to 
mayors of cities and to Governors of States, the latter 
sometimes acting in conjunction with other officials. The 
veto may be overriden by a vote of the legislative body, 
in most of the States a two-thirds vote being necessary for 
that purpose, while in the others a three-fif chs or even a 
simple majority vote is sufficient. Only four of the States, 
namely, Ehode Island, Delaware, North Carolina, and 
Ohio, have refused to give the executive the power to 
veto. The right to veto acts of Congress is vested by Article 
1, section 7, of the Constitution, in the President alone. He 
is required to pign every bill or return it to the house of 
Congress in which it originated, with his objections. The 
latter act constitutes a veto, and if two-thirds of each 
house pass tho bill again it becomes a law notwithstand- 
ing the veto. If the President fails to return the bill 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) it becomes a law, as 
if he had signed it, unless " Congress by their adjourn- 
ment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a 



DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POIlTlCS. 531 

law." If^ therefore^ Congress adjourn within ten days 
after the passage of a bill and the President has refrained 
from acting on the bill, it does not become a law; the 
disposal of a bill in this way, when the President does 
not choose to veto it formally, is termed a '"^ pocket veto," 
a term which seems first to have been applied by the 
Whigs to the disposition in this way of two internal im- 
provement bills by Jackson. The earlier Presidents of 
the United States seldom exercised the veto power. Up 
to Jackson^s administration it had been used but nine 
times — twice by Washington, six times by Madison and 
once by Monroe. Jackson vetoed nine bills, and after 
him the exercise of the right became more frequent. Up 
to Johnson's administration no bill had been passed over 
a veto, but now a large majority in each house was opposed 
to the President's policy; Johnson constantly vetoed bills 
which were usually re-passed by the necessary two-thirds 
vote and became laws in spite of him. Ha3^es' adminis- 
tration shows a large number of vetoes, including those 
of a bill to restrict Chinese immigration and several ap- 
propriation bills with riders attached; but since 1869 
Cleveland has vetoed the largest number of bills, more 
than all the previous Presidents collectively, but the 
greater number of these were private pension bills. 

Vigilance Committee. — Among those who hastened 
to California after the discovery of gold in 1849 were 
many lawless characters, who soon caused a reign of 
terror. The Territory became a State in 1850, but the 
laws seemed powerless to restrain the commission of 
crime. To alter this condition of affairs large numbers 
of the best citizens, irrespective of party, banded to- 
gether in San Francisco and other places in 1851, under 
the name of vigilance committees, took the law into 
their own hands, and by their vigorous actions gradually 
restored the country to a safe and peaceable state. In • 
1856 they were again forced to administer the law. 
They held trials and administered justice as seemed 
to them right. In other parts of the United States 
vigilance committees have been organized at differ- 
ent times as temporary measures of necessity, or to 
punish particular crimes, but their actions have often 



532 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

been more entitled to the name of lyncli law tlian those 
of the California vigilance committee. 

Vice-President of the United States, is the officer 
that succeeds the President in case of the latter^s removal, 
*^ death, resignation or inability/' His salary is 18,000. 
The Vice-President is president of the Senate, but has a 
vote only in case of a tie. Originally each presidential 
elector voted for two persons, and the person receiving 
the highest vote was elected President, he receiving the 
next highest, vice-president. (Constitution, Article 2, 
section 1.) The Twelfth Amendment changed the 
method of election, separate votes now being cast for 
President and Vice-President. When the Vice-President 
is absent or performing the duties of the President, a 
president fro tem.pore of the Senate is chosen. Under 
the former law, in case of inability to serve of both 
President and Vice-President, the duties of the office 
devolved upon this officer; accordingly to prepare for all 
emergencies it was customary toward the end of a session 
of Congress for the Vice-President to withdraw and a. 
president j^ro tempore to be elected. For the present law 
on that subject see Presidential Succession. Below is 
a list of the Vice-Presidents of the United States: 



Name. 


State. 


Term. 


John Adams 


Massachusetts 

Virginia 

New York 

New York 


1789—1797 


Thomas Jefferson 

Aaron Burr 


1797—1801 
1801—1805 


Georg'e Clinton* 


1805—1812 


Eibridge Gerrv*. 


Massachusetts 


1813—1814 


Daniel D. Tompkins 

John C. Calhount 


New York 


1817—1825 


South Carolina 

New York 


1825—1832 


Martin Van Buren 


1833—1837 


Richard M. Johnson 


Kentucky 


1837—1841 


John Tyler* 


Virginia 


1841—1841 


George M. Dallas 


Pennsylvania 


1845—1849 


Millard Fillraorei 


New York 

Alabama 

Kentucky 


1849—1850 


William R. King* 

John C Breckinridge 


1853—1853 
1857—1861 


Hannibal Hamlin 


Maine 


1861—1865 


Andrew Johnson$ 


Tennessee 

Indiana 


1865—1865 


Schuyler Colfax 


1869—1873 


Henry Wilson 


Massachusetts 


1873—1875 


William A Wheeler 


New York 


1877—1881 


Chester A. Arthurt 


New York 

Indiana , 

New York 


1881—1881 


Thomas A. Hendricks* 


1885—1885 


Levi P. Morton 


1889—.... 



*Died in office. 



:j:Became President by death of the incumbent. 



tResigned. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 533 
PRESIDENTS PRO TEMPORE OP THE UNITED STATES SENATE-. 



Congress. 



Tears. 



1—2 


1789—1792 


2 


. 1792—1792 


2—3 


1792—1794 


3 


1794—1795 


3 4 


1795—1796 


4 


1796—1797 


4-5 


1797—1797 


5 


1797—1797 


5 


1797—1798 


5 


1798—1798 


5 


1798—1799 


5 


1799—1799 


6 


1799—1800 


6 


1800—1800 


6 


1800—1801 


6 


1801—1801 


7 


1801—1802 


7 


1802—1803 


8 


1803—1804 


8 


1804—1805 


8 


1805—1805 


9—10 


1805—1808 


10 


1808-1809 


10—11 


1809—1809 


11 


1809—1810 


11 


1810—1811 


11—12 


1811—1812 


12—13 


1812—1813 


13 


1813—1814 


13—15 


1814—1818 


15—16 


1818—1819 


10—19 


1820-1826 


19—20 


1826—1828 


20—22 


1828-1832 


23 


1832—1832 


22—23 


1832—1834 


23 


1834—1835 


24 


1835-1836 


24—26 


1836—1841 


26-27 


1841— 1S42 


27—29 


1842—1846 


29—30 


1846—1849 


31—32 


1850—1852 


32—33 


1852—1854 


33—34 


1854—1857 


34 


1857—1857 


35—36 


1857—1861 


36—38 


1861—1864 


38 


1864—1865 


39 


1865-1867 


40 


1867—1869 


41—42 


1869—1873 


43 


1873-1875 


i4-45 


1875—1879 


46 


1879—1881 


47 


1881—1881 


47 


1881—1883 


48 


1883—1885 


49 


1885-1887 


49—50 


1887—1889 


51 


1889—1891 


58 


1891— 



Name. 



John Langdon . . 

Richard H. Lee 

John Langdon 

Ralph Izard 

Henry Tazewell 

Samuel Livermore 

William Bingham 

William Bradford 

Jacob Read 

Theodore Sedgwick. . . 

John Laurence 

James Ross 

Samuel Livermore 

Uriah Tiacy 

John E. Howard 

James Hillhouse 

Abraham Baldwin 

Stephen R. Bradley. . . 

John Brown 

Jesse Franklin 

Joseph Anderson 

Samuel Smith 

Stephen R. Bradley. . . 

John Milledge 

Andrew Gregg 

John Gaillard 

John Pope 

William H. Crawford. 

Joseph B. Varnum 

John Gaillard 

James Barbour 

John Gaillard 

Nathaniel Macon 

Samuel Smith 

L. W.Tazewell 

Hugh L. White 

George Poindexter. . . 

John Tyler 

William R. King 

bamuel L. Southard. . . 

W. P. Mangum 

D. R. Atchison. 

William R. King 

D. R. Atchison 

Jesse D. Bright 

James M. Mason 

Benjamin Fitzpatrick. 

Solomon Foot 

Daniel Clark 

Lafayette S. Foster... 

Benjamin F. Wade 

Henry B. Anthony 

M. H. Carpenter 

Thomas W. Ferry 

A. G. Thurman 

Thomas F. Bayard — 

David Davis 

George F. Edmunds. . . 

John Sherman 

John J. Ingalls 

John J. Tnaalls 

Charles F. Manderson. 



State. 



New Hampshire. 

Virginia. 

New Hampshire. 

South Carolina. 

Virginia. 

New Hampshire. 

Pennsylvania. 

Rhode Island. 

South Carolina. 

Massachusetts. 

New York. 

Pennsylvania. 

New Hampshire. 

Connecticut. 

Maryland. 

Connecticut. 

Georgia. 

Vermont. 

Kentucky. 

North Carolina. 

Tennessee. 

I&aryland. 

Vermont. 

Georgia. 

Pennsylvania. 

South Carolina. 

Kentucky. 

Georgia. 

Massachusetts. 

South Carolina. 

Virginia. 

South Carolina. 

North Carolina. 

Maryland. 

Virginia. 

Tennessee. 

Mississippi. 

Virginia. 

Alabama. 

New Jersey. 

North Carolina. 

Missouri. 

Alabama. 

Missouri. 

Indiana. 

Virginia. 

Alabama. 

Vermont. 

New Hampshire 

Connecticut. 

Ohio. 

Rhode Island. 

Wisconsin. 

Michigan. 

Ohio. 

Delaware. 

Illinois. 

Vermont. 

Ohio. 

Kansas. 

Kansas. 

Nebraska 



534 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Vilas, William F., was born at Chelsea, Vermont, 
July 9, 1840. Ee graduated at the Wisconsin State 
University, to which State his family had moved, and 
also at the Albany Law School, Albany, New York. He 
raised a company in 1862, going to the war in command 
of it; reached the grade of lieutenant-colonel. In 1863 
he resumed the practice of law in Wisconsin. He was 
law lecturer in the State University. In March,. 1885, 
President Cleveland appointed him Postmaster-General. 
In December, 1887, he was made Secretary of the In- 
terior. 

Virginia was one of the original States of the Union. 
On April 17, 1861, a State convention passed an ordi- 
nance of secession which was ratified by a popular yote 
in May. By Act of January 26, 1870, the State was re- 
admitted to the Union. The capital is Eichmond. The 
population in 1880 was 1,512,565, and in the last census 
(1890) 1,655,980. Virginia is entitled to ten seats in 
the House of Eepresentatives and twelve electoral Yotes. 
It is considered a Democratic State in national politics. 
It was named for Queen Elizabeth, the ''^Virgin Queen." 
Popularly it is called the Old Dominion, sometimes the 
Mother of Presidents, and occasionally the Mother of 
States. i^See Governors; Legislatures; West Virginia.) 

Virginia Dynasty is a name given to the group of 
Virginians that, at the beginning of this century, wielded 
an almost controlling influence in the affairs of the na- 
tion. (See Virginia Influence.) 

Virginia Influence. — By this name is known the 
influence wielded by the State of Virginia, headed by 
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Taylor, Tazewell, the Kan- 
dolphs and others, from the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion until about 1824. It arose largely from the unam- 
inity of its people on national subjects, owing to a cer- 
tain clannish feeling among them The lead taken by 
the State in opposition to Hamilton's view of the Con- 
stitution caused it to be regarded as the head of that 
opposition, and therefore of the Republican party. 
This Virginia Influence was a distinct factor in national 
politics. After John Adams, all the Presidents until 
John Quincy Adams, in 1825, were from Virginia, 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 535 

Virginia Resolutions of 1798 were resolutions 
adopted in that year by Virginia. They were drawn up 
by Madison and were similar in import to the Kentucky 
Eesolutions of 1798 {which see). 

Virginius Case. — On October 31, 1873, the steamer 
Virginius was captured on • the high seas, near Jamaica, 
by a Spanish vessel. The Virginius was sailing under 
the American flag, but was supposed to be carrying men 
and arms to aid insurgents in Cuba. Executions fol- 
lowed of the captain and several others. The United 
States demanded the surrender of the vessel and the 
survivors, and reparation for the insult to our flag. 
The vessel was surrendered in December, but sank 
on the voyage to New York. The prisoners were 
also liberated. Spain disclaimed any intention to in- 
sult us, and it was proven that the Virginius was not 
entitled to sail under our flag. 

Vote, Presidential. {See Presidential and Vice- 
Presidential Electoral Vote; Presidential Popular 
Vote.) 

Voters, Qualifications of. {See Qualifications of 
Voters. ) 

Voting in the Air. — This phrase was invented by 
William M. Evarts, of New York, during the presiden- 
tial campaign of 1884, to characterize the action of those 
who intended to vote for St. John, the Prohibitionist 
candidate. St. John had no chance of election, and 
votes for him were considered, from the Republican 
standpoint, as thrown away. 

Wade-Davis, Manifesto. ' {See Davis- Wade Mani- 
festo.) 

Wagon Boy. — Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, was so 
called because he had driven an army- wagon during the 
War of 1812. 

Walker, General William (sometimes called '^the 
gray-eyed man of destiny"^), was born in Nashville, 
Tennessee in 1824, followed journalism in New Orleans 
and San Francisco, practiced law in California and then 
engaged in the expeditions an account of which will b§ 
found under the title Filibusters, 



536 DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Walking Delegate. — In the trades-unions of to- 
diiy there is employed an official known as Walking 
Delegate. He is a species of inspector, carrying to the 
different branches of an organization the decrees of the 
central bureau and supervising their execution. One of 
his principal duties consists in discovering and reporting 
any instance of the employment of non-union men in 
institutions where union men are at work, the latter be- 
ing forbidden to work with the former. 

War, the, a Failure. — The Democratic party at its 
national convention in 1864 declared the Civil War a 
failure. (^See Anti-War Democrat.^ Previous to that 
time the Legislature of Illinois, that met January, 1863, 
had carried in the house resolutions condemning the 
war, and recommending the adoption by the federal 
government of measures leading to a peaceful settle- 
ment. These resolutions failed in the State Senate. 
Those that favored this solution of the national difficul- 
ties were known as "'^ Peace with Dishonor" men. 

War Democrats. — Those individuals that. Demo- 
crats before the Civil War, yet favored the prosecution of 
that contest and supported the Eepublican party during 
its continuance, were so called. 

War Department. — One of the executive depart- 
ments of the government; it was established by the Act 
of August 7, 1789, and with the departments of State 
and of the Treasury constituted the original depart- 
ments. At its head is the Secretary of War ; he is a 
member of the Cabinet; his salary is 18,000 per annum. 
The department has charge of all matters relating to 
war or to the army, including purchase and distribution 
of supplies and army transportation; it also has charge 
of the signal service and meteorological records and of 
the disbursement of river and harbor appropriations. 
The principal subordinates of the department are: 

Adjutant-General. Paymaster-General. 

Inspector-General. Chief of Engineers. 

8uartermaster-General. Chief of Ordnance. 

ommissary-General. Judge- Advocate-General. 

Surgeon-General. Chief Signal Officer. 

The above are officers of the regular army, and receive 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 



55? 



the pay and allowances of a brigadier-general. The Sec- 
retaries of War, from 1789 to date, are as follows: 




Henry Knox 

Timothy Pickering- 

James McH enry 

Samuel Dexter 

Roger Griswold 

Henry Dearborn 

William Eustis 

John Armstrong : . . 

James Monroe 

William H. Crawford. . . 

Isaac Shelby 

George Graham 

John C Calhoun 

James Barbour 

Peter B. Porter 

John H. Eaton 

Lewis Cass 

Joel R. Poinsett — 

John Bell 

John McLean 

John C. Spencer 

James M. Porter 

William Wilkins 

William L. Marcey 

George W. Crawford — 

Edward Bates 

Winfleld Scott 

Charles M. Conrad 

Jefferson Davis 

John B. Floyd 

Joseph Holt 

Simon Cameron 

* Edwin M. Stanton 

U. S.Grant 

Lorenzo Thomas 

John M. Schofleld 

John A. Rawlins 

William T. Sherman 

William W. Belknap. . . . 

Alphonso Taft 

James Donald Cameron. 

George W. McCrary 

. Alexander Ramsey — 

" Robert T. Lincoln 

William C. Endicott. ... 

Redfleld Proctor 

Stephen B. Elkins 



Massachusetts. . 
Massachusetts., 

Maryland 

Massachusetts. . 

Connecticut 

Massachusetts. , 
Massachusetts. . 

New York 

Virginia 

Georgia 

Kentucky 

Virginia , 

South CoroUna 

Virginia 

New York , 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

South Carolina 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

New York 

Pennsylvania , 
Pennsylvania. . 

New York 

Georgia 

Missouri 

Virginia 

Louisiana 

Missouri. 

Virginia 

Kentucky 

Pennsylvania. . 
Pennsylvania . 

Illinois 

Delaware 

Illinois 

Illinois 

Ohio 

Iowa 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania. . 

Iowa 

Minnesota. ... 

Illinois 

Massachusetts. 

Vermont 

West Virginia. 



1789—1795 
1795—1796 
1796—1800 
1800—1801 
1801—1801 
1801—1809 
1809—1813 
1813—1814 
1814—1815 
1815—1817 
1817—1817 
1817—1817 
1817—1825 
1825—1828 
1828—1829 
1829—1831 
1831—1837 
1837—1841 
1841—1841 
1841—1841 
1841—1843 
1843—1844 
1844—1845 
1845—1849 
1849—1850 
1850—1850 
1850—1850 
1850—1853 
1853—1857 
1857—1861 
1861—1861 
1861—1862 
1862—1867 
1867—1868 
1868—1868 
1868—1869 
1869—1869 
1869—1869 
1869—1876 
1876—1876 
1876—1877 
1877—1879 
1879—1881 
1881—1885 
1885—1889 
1889—1891 
1891—.... 



* Suspended, August 12, 1867 ; reinstated, January 14, 1868. 

War of l8l2, sometimes called the second war for 
independence. In the early part of this century Euro- 



538 DICTIONARY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. 

pean nations did not admit the right of expatriation. 
Great Britain held that '^ once an Englishman always an 
Englishman/^ and maintained the rights of search and 
impressment. Many of onr vessels were stopped on the 
high seas and searched; seamen claimed to be British 
subjects were taken from them and forced to serve in the 
British navy or imprisoned for refusing to serve. Sev- 
eral of our men-of-war were fired upon and compelled 
to give up seamen in their crews. The arrogance of 
G-reat Britain was further shown by her interference with 
our commerce under her paper blockades. She inter- 
fered with rights which our government claimed for our 
vessels as neutral ships. i^See Emlargo Act.) The 
Henry affair (see He^iry Documents) also increased the 
bitter feeling of our people. Eor several years previous 
to the war England^s action had been intolerable. The 
failure of the Non-Importation, ISTon-Intercourse and 
Embargo acts [luMch see) necessitated more vigorous 
measures. The Federalists were opposed to a war: the 
Eepublicans favored it. Madison, the Republican Presi- 
dent, was personally not disposed to warlike measures, 
and it was asserted that he ^^ could not be kicked into a 
war.^"* ■ Finally, however, the pressure from public and 
party became too strong for him. The Congress which 
assembled in December, 1811, was heartily disposed to 
resort to arms. It passed acts to increase the army, and 
appropriated large sums for the army and navy. 
Finally, on June 18, 1812, the President declared war 
against Great Britain. The Eepublican scheme of in- 
vading Canada was hardly a success, but brilliant victo- 
ries were gained on the ocean, and by Jackson at JSTew 
Orleans. During the war the Federalists continued to 
oppose the government's measures. [See Hartford Con- 
vention.) The war was ended by the Treaty of Ghent. 
{which see). Its result practically was the end of the 
old Federalist party and renewed strength to the Re- 
publicans. The objects of the war, so far as English 
arrogance was concerned, were practically accomplished, 
though the terms of the treaty did not expressly nega- 
tive the British claims. 



DiCTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 539 

War Power of the President is a term applied to 
the power of the President as Commander-in-chief of 
the army and navy (Constitution, Article 2, section 2). 
This power is great or small according to the emergency 
it is called upon to face. In serious emergencies it is 
almost despotic, heing limited only by the power of 
Congress to withhold supplies. In time of peace it is 
entirely suspended. The Emancipation Proclamation 
was issued ^^as a fit and necessary measure of war^" by 
the President as Commander-in-chief of the army and 
navy. 

War, Secretary of. {^See War Department.) 

Wars of the United States. — The chief wars in 
which the United States have been engaged since the 
formation of the government, in 1789, are four in num- 
ber, and are treated under the headings, Barhary Pirates 
(the Algerine War), Civil War, Mexican War and War 
of 1812. The most important conflicts with Indian 
tribes are discussed under Indian Wars. The Aroostook 
boundary disturbance is mentioned in the article North- 
west Boundary, and the title Canadian Rshellmi covers 
another slight difficulty on our northern frontier, [See 
also Fenians.) The irregular hostilities with France at 
the close of the last century are treated under X. Y. Z. 
Mission. For domestic difficulties, sometimes called 
" wars, ^'' see under appropriate headings, di^ Border War, 
Bucksliot War, Hot Water War, etc. 

War to the Knife and the Knife to the Hilt. — 
This sentiment was attributed to the Eepablicans by 
the Anti-War Democrats during the Civil War. 

War Wich Tripoli. [See Barlary Pirates.) 

Washington, City of {See Capital of the United 
States; District of Columbia.) 

Washington, George, the first President of the 
United States, was born in Westmoreland County, Vir- 
ginia, February 22, 1832. He died at Mount Vernon, 
Virginia, December -14, 1799. He was of English 
descent. His education was obtained in the local 
schools. In his early days he was a land surveyor. He 
inherited considerable property from his father and from 



540 DiCTlONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

his older brother. He distinguished himself during 
the French and Indian War, where he rose to the 
rank of Colonel and commander of the Virginian forces. 
After that war he lived quietly, managing his property 
and serving in the Virginia House of Burgesses, until 
sent to the Continental Congress in 1774. In 1759 he 
had married Martha Danbridge Custis, widow of John 
Parke Custis. On June 15, 1775, he was appointed by 
the Congress, Commander-in-Chief of the American forces 
engaged in the Revolution; this position he retained to 
the end of the war. Immediately after the war he re- 
signed his commission and retired to Mount Vernon, 
whence he emerged as delegate to the Convention of 
1787 (icMcli see) : of this he became the presiding officer. 
On the adoption of the Constitution framed by that Con- 
vention he was elected President of the United States, 
receiving the compliment, unparalleled in our history, of 
a unanimous vote. He was similarly elected for a 
second term. During his administration tne govern- 
ment's finances were put in order and the Bank of the 
United States was established; Indian troubles on the 
frontiers were suppressed after two unsuccessful at- 
tempts; Jay's Treaty was concluded with England in 
the settlement of various matters in dispute, and the 
Whisky Insurrection in Pennsylvania was crushed. In 
1797 he was once again called from Mount Vernon, 
whither he had withdrawn at the expiration of his term 
as President, to act as Commander-in-Chief of the 
Army, in a war then threatening with Prance. When the 
danger of a war had passed by he again retired to his 
home, where he died in 1799. With his countrymen 
his influence, drawn partly from his military fame and 
partly from his lofty character, was enormous, and it 
was always exerted for good. The adoption of the Con- 
stitution was in many quarters owing to his approval of 
it. As Commander-in-Chief of th.e Revolutionary Army 
he had refused to accept pay. As President, he pro- 
fessed adherence to no party or faction, although his 
leanings were toward the centralizing tendencies of 
Hamilton. Personally he was cold, dignified and 
aristocratic. 



DICTIONAR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 541 

Washington Territory was admitted to the Union 
as a State by Act of Congress, November 11, 1889. It 
was part of the Louisiana purchase {see Annexations I.) 
and was for a time a part of Oregon. It was organized 
as a separate territory by Act of March 2, 1853. The 
northern boundary of this region was for a long time in 
dispute with G-reat Britain, but was settled in 1846. 
{See Northwest Boundary.) "Washington has one seat 
in the House of Eepresentatives and four electoral votes. 
The population according to the last census (1890) was 
349,390. It was named in honor of George Washington. 
The Capital is Olympia. 

Waterloo. — ''A Waterloo ^V has come to be the 
synonym of a complete and irretrievable defeat. At 
Waterloo, a village of Belgium, on June 18, 1815, the 
English and Prussians, under the Duke of Wellington, 
completely routed Napoleon Bonaparte, who, with the 
Trench Army, had for years been maintaining a gigantic 
and successful struggle against many of the nations of 
Europe. By this defeat his power and prestige were 
hopelessly shattered. 

Ways and Means, Committee of, is the most 
important of the standing committees of the House of 
Eepresentatives. Its function is the ways and means of 
raising and collecting revenue; or, in other words, the 
general subject of government revenues; this includes 
the tariff and internal revenue, as well as the public 
debt and financial measures. Prior to 1865 the expend- 
iture of the government was also within its scope. This 
is now in the hands of the Appropriations Committee. 
{See Appropriations.) 

Webster, Daniel, was born at Salisbury, New 
Hampshire, January 18, 1782, and died at Marshfield, 
Massachusetts, October 24, 1852. He was a lawyer, and 
a graduate of Dartmouth. From 1813 to 1817 he repre- 
sented New Hampshire in Congress as a Federalist, then 
removed to Boston, serving in Congress from Massachu- 
setts from 1823 to 1827, in the Senate from 1827 to 
1841, as Secretary of State from 1841 to 1843, again in 
the Senate from 1845 to 1850, and once more, from 



542 DICTIQNAR Y OF AMERICAN FOLITICS. 

1850 until his death, as Secretary of State. It is con- 
ceded that he was the foremost orator this country has 
ever possessed. His name is best known in connection 
with the Dartmouth College case {which see), and his 
debate with Senator Hayne on Foot's Kesolution {which 
see). Although frequently mentioned as a candidate for 
the presidency he never attained even the formal nomi- 
nation of his party, although in 1836 the Massachusetts 
electors cast their votes for him. In 1850 he made his 
famous Seventh of March speech, regarded by many as 
a final bid for the presidency. However that may be, he 
was not nominated, and died soon after. 

We Have Been Unfortunate, but Not Dis- 
graced. — On the 28th of March, 1814, during the Wai 
of 1812, Captain David Porter lay in the harbor of Val- 
paraiso, Chili, in the United States frigate Essex. Not- 
withstanding the fact that he was in neutral waters he 
was attacked by two British vessels, the frigate Phoebe 
and the sloop-of-war Cherub. His vessel had been 
crippled by a storm, but he fought bravely, till nearly 
all his men were disabled, and then struck his colors. 
He reported to the government, ^^ We have been unfort- 
unate, but not disgraced."' 

We Have Lived Long, but This is the Noblest 
Work of Our Whole Lives. — This remark was made 
by Eobert R. Livingston after the Louisiana purchase in 
1803. {See Annexations I.) 

We Have Met the Enemy and They Are Ours.— 
During tne War of 1812 the control of Lake Erie be- 
came necessary to the Americans for an aggressive move- 
ment on Canada. To oppose the British squadron, under 
Commodore Barclay, of six vessels carrying sixty-three 
guns in all. Commodore Oliver H. Perry gathered nine 
vessels mounting in all fifty-four guns. On the 10th of 
September, 1813, he attacked the British, fought a des- 
perate battle, in the course of which he performed the 
daring feat of transferring his flag from the Lawrence, 
which was badly injured, to the JSTiagara, and defeated 
the enemy. To General Harrison, who was anxiously 
awaiting on shore the event of the battle, he sent th^ 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 543 

following dispatch: ^^ We have met the enemy and they 
are ours; two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one 
sloop/^ This victory was celebrated in a rude song of 
the day, as follows: 

" The tenth of September 

Let us all remember, 
As long" as the world on its axis goes round ; 

Our tars and marines 

On Lake Erie were seen 
To make the proud flag- of Great Britain come down." 

Weil- Born, The. — A term of contempt applied to 
the Federalists. The term was used by John Adams 
during the discussion preceding the adoption of the 
Constitution. '^The rich, the well-born and the able 
will,^^ wrote he, ^^ acquire an influence among the people 
that will soon be too much for simple honesty and plain 
sense in a House of Eepresentatives. ^^ 

We Love Him for the Enemies that He Has 
Made. — This sentence was uttered by Edward S. Bragg, 
of Wisconsin, in the Democratic N'ational Convention of 
1884, in a speech urging the nomination of Grover 
Cleveland for President. The reference "vzas to the 
minority of the New York delegation, which was op- 
posed to Cleveland's nomination, and which had at- 
tempted to abolish the Unit Kule for the purpose of 
compassing his defeat. Cleveland was nominated. 
Western Reserve. {^See Territories.') 
West Florida. {See Annexations II.) 
West Point and Military Academy. {8ee United 
States Military Academy at West Point.) 

West Virginia was once a part of Virginia, but its 
people did not sympathize with the pro-slavery and 
secession sentiments of the eastern portion of the State, 
and on the ratification of the ordinance of secession [see 
Virginia), a convention at Wheeling declared it null 
and void. A government was formed, claiming to be 
the government of Virginia, which gave its consent to 
the erection of a new State, and West Virginia was thus 
admitted to the Union by Act of December 31, 1862, 
which took effect June 19, 1863. The capital is 
Charleston. The population in 1880 was 6 18; 45 7 and in 



544 DICTION A R Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

the last census (1890) 762, 704. West Virginia is entitled 
to four seats in the House of Eepresentatives and six 
electoral votes. It is considered a Democratic State. 
The name first proposed for the State was Kanawha. 
Popularly it is called the Pan-Handle State. (^8ee Oov- 
vernors; Legislatures. ) 

Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its 
Way. — The following lines are from a poem entitled 
^*^ On the Prospect of Planting Arts and Learning in 
America/'' written in the first half of the last century 
by Bishop Berkeley, an English philosopher: 

•' Westward the course of empire takes its way; 
The four first acts already past, 
A fifth shall close the drama with the day; 
Time's noblest offspring is the last." 

The epigraph to Bancroft's '' History of the United 
States'' made the first line of the above read as follows: 

" Westward the star of empire takes its way." 

Wets.- -A term used chiefly, if not exclusively, in 
Georgia and applied to the Anti-Prohibitionists. Op- 
posed to " Drys." 

Wheeler, William A., was born at Malone, New 
York, June 30, 1819, where he died June 4, 1887. He 
was admitted to the bar and served in the State Legisla- 
ture. He was in Congress from 1861 to 1877 as a Re- 
publican. He was elected Vice-President under Hayes. 

Whig Party. — The opposition to Andrew Jackson 
took the form of the National Republican party on the 
part of those differing from him on economic principles; 
to these were added those that had upheld Nullification, 
and factious Democrats in some of the Southern States, 
notably in Georgia, Alabama and Tennessee, in the 
two latter States, headed by Hugh L. White. James 
Watson Webb, of the New York Courier and Enquirer, 
suggested the name of Whig for this combination, as in- 
dicating opposition to ^^ executive usurpation," a mean- 
ing it was asserted to have had in England, and during the 
Revolution in America. Under this name were ulti- 



DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 545 

mately included the National Eepublicans and the 
Southern factions; the Nullifiers were never a portion of 
them; they formed a separate pro-slavery faction in 
the Democratic party. Harrison was the first nominee 
of the party and he was indorsed by numerous anti- 
Masonic and other conventions. Three other candidates 
were placed in nomination beside the Democratic nomi- 
nee. Van Buren, who was elected. In 1840 Harrison, 
a military and anti-Masonic man, was nominated; as 
Vice-President, Tyler, , one of the Southern wing, was . 
named. This combination received an overwhelmingly 
large electoral vote; the campaign had been a vigorous 
one, based on Harrison^s military services, to the cry of 
'^Tippecanoe and Tjder, too.'^ The Whigs had a small 
majority, also, in both Houses. One month after his in- 
i^uguration Harrison died. Soon after his accession Tyler 
broke with his party, the occasion being the veto by him 
of a National Bank Bill. The first platform of the party 
adopted in 1844 meant anything or nothing. Clay was 
nominated, and his defeat, to a great extent, was owing to 
the action of the Liberty party. The question of the an- 
nexation of Texas foreshadowed the importance that 
slavery was soon to assume. This topic it was the con- 
stant effort of the Northern Whigs to keep out of poli- 
tics. Opposition to slavery meant rupture with the 
Southern Whigs,- who were first pro-slavery and only 
then Whigs; advocacy of it meant the displeasure of 
Northern constituents. The Wilmot Proviso was accord- 
ingly supported by Northern Whigs, and opposed by the 
Southerners. Taylor was the nominee in 1848; no plat- 
form was adopted. He was elected largely on his mili- 
tary reputation. The Compromise of 1850 and all other 
measures affecting slavery found the Southern Whigs 
acting with the Democrats and against their Northern 
brothers in the party. These latter made every effort to 
keep the subject down, and every new piece of legisla- 
tion on the subject was declared by them to be a ^' final- 
ity. ^^ In 1852 the platform contained a plank to that 
effect, and General Winfield Scott was named for Presi- 
dent. Scott was completely defeated. The Southern 



546 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Whigs were now practically apart from the party, and 
many of them soon became so in name also. The Whig 
party was broken np. A part of it joined the ranks of 
the American party, but ultimately its Northern elements 
were swallowed up in the Eepublican party; the South- 
ern elements joined the Democratic party, while the old 
Whig desire of keeping slavery out of politics was visible 
in the Constitutional Union party, composed of Whig 
remnants in the border States. 

Whisky Insurrection. — This was a revolt in West- 
ern Pennsylvania, occasioned by the passage of the ex- 
cise law of March 3, 1791. Laws of this kind had 
always been odious, and they were especially so to this 
community, the greater part of whose grain was con- 
verted into whisky. The tax was suggested by Hamil- 
ton for the purpose of exerting the federal power of 
direct taxation, and also, as some authorities assert, for 
the purpose of raising an insurrection of small propor- 
tions and of having the federal power exerted in crush- 
ing it. Hamilton saw that the Union could not be a 
success unless the authority of the federal government 
was recognized, and he thought that a small disturbance 
speedily suppressed might check a tendency to disunion 
and separation, which, once fairly intrenched, would 
prove the end of the government. His f orecas fc was correct. 
The suppression was practically bloodless; but two per- 
sons were killed, and these in brawls with the soldiers. 
Moreover, the prompt exercise of federal authority 
showed the inherent strength and vitality of the federal 
government. Hamilton's purpose was not, of course, 
avowed — not even known. The best known leader in 
this insurrection was a man named Bradford, but Will- 
iam Findley, a member of Congress, and Albert Gal- 
latin were also concerned in it. The first meeting to 
oppose the measure was held July 27th. This meet- 
ing was peaceful, but disorders followed. Any per- 
son taking office under the law was declared a public 
enemy, and in one case a revenue officer was tarred and 
feathered. The opposition continued to increase, and 
in May, 1792, Congress empowered the President to use 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 547 

militia in suppressing disorders within a State. About 
this time the tax was also reduced. September 15th a 
proclamation was issued warning the people to abandon 
their unlawful combinations. The disturbances had not 
as yet come to a head. The agitation continued through- 
out 1793 and 1794. Secret societies were organized to 
oppose the tax. Under the law only federal courts had 
jurisdiction of offenses against it^ and this necessitated 
the transportation of the accused to Philadelphia^ a long 
journey in those days. In June, 1794, this just cause 
of complaint was removed by giving the State courts 
concurrent jurisdiction in excise offenses. The issue. 
May 31st, in Philadelphia, of fifty writs against various 
western people charged with connection with the disturb- 
ances, brought the insurrection to a head. The marshal 
serving the warrants was seized and made to swear that 
he would serve no more of them. A meeting of 7,000 
armed men was held. Those opposed to these proceed- 
ings were intimidated, and preparations for armed de- 
fence against the United States were made. The federal 
government acted promptly. A proclamation ordered 
the insurgents to disperse. A requisition for 15,000 
militia was made on the Grovernors of New Jersey, Vir- 
ginia and Maryland. Meanwhile commissioners were 
sent ahead to offer amnesty to those that would submit. 
Their mission was a failure, and on September 25th 
another proclamation was issued by the President, in 
which he gave notice of the advance of the troops. 
President Washington accompanied them a part of the 
way; Hamilton remained with them throughout. Several 
meetings were now held declaring submission, but they 
were not regarded as representative, and the troops 
continued to advance. On their arrival at the scene of 
the disorders, time was given for submission under the 
President's proclamation, and all those not submitting 
were arrested. The violent leaders, including Bradford, 
had fled; Gallatin was among those that had all along 
counseled submission. The insurrection was sup- 
pressed; all but about 2,500 of the troops returned 
home; these remained encamped in the region through- 
out the winter. 



548 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

Whisky Ring is a name given to a vast conspiracy, 
originating in about the year 1873, for the pui'pose of 
defrauding the government in the collection of its tax 
on distilled spirits. The conspiracy included distillers, 
dealers, United States collectors, gangers and many 
other persons. It extended from St. Louis, its head- 
quarters, to Chicago, Milwaukee, Peoria, Cincinnati and 
New Orleans. It had an agent in Washington. The 
method of defrauding was by the secret shipment of 
whisky which was reported as stored. Suspicion was 
first aroused in 1874 by a discrepancy discovered between 
the returns of shipments of the Merchants' Exchange, 
of St. Louis, and those of the revenue officers. To 
Benjamin H. Bristow, Secretary of the Treasury, is due 
the credit of unearthing this gigantic fraud. The in- 
fluence of the ring made itself felt in the highest 
places, and every effort against it was for a time thwarted. 
Finally, after careful secret examinations, a general 
seizure in three cities was made May 10, 1875. Property 
aggregating 13,500,000 in value was seized, and 238 per- 
sons were indicted. When the papers in these cases were 
laid before President Grant, he indorsed one of them 
with the injunction, ^^Let no guilty man escape. ■'^ 0. 
E. Babcock, President Grant's private secretary was 
implicated, but though acquitted, his guilt was gener- 
ally conceded. No charge was ever made implicating 
Grant, but his tenacity in supporting his friends, even 
when their guilt was evident to others, made it easy for 
the ring to put many obstacles in Bristow's way. In 
one case, even, documents were tampered with. Many 
convictions were obtained, among others that of the 
chief clerk of the Treasury, Avery. In 1876 Bristow 
turned his attention to a whisky ring on the Pacific 
coast. As a consequence the Senator from that State 
demanded the removal of several special Treasury agents 
employed in San Francisco. The Secretary refused. 
An appeal to the President caused him to take a stand 
against Bristow, and the latter resigned. The ring, 
however, was dead. 

White House. — The residence of the President in 



DICTJONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 54.9 

Washington is built of freestone and painted white, and 
for this reason is called the ^^ White House/^ 

White League. — A name sometimes applied to the 
Ku-Klux Klan. 

Whitewash. — When a corrupt public servant desires 
to obtain an official statement exonerating him from acts 
charged against him, it is a common method for his 
friends to secure the appointment of a legislative com- 
mittee of investigation, taking care to have the com- 
mittee so constituted as to insure a report clearing him 
from blame. This proceeding is known as white- 
washing. 

Whitney, William C, was born at Conway, Massa- 
chusetts, July 15, 1841. He studied at Yale and Har- 
vard, and was admitted to the bar in New York City, 
where he began the practice of law. In 1872, he was 
defeated for the office of District Attorney; he was in 
1875 appointed Corporation Counsel; in 1882 he re-^ 
signed. In March, 1885, President Cleveland appointed 
him Secretary of the Navy. 

Wigwam. {See Tammany.) 

Wilmot Proviso. — In 1846 a bill was introduced 
into Congress placing about $2,000,000 at the disposal 
of the President for the purpose of enabling him to 
make a treaty with Mexico ( with which we were then at 
war), paying her that sum, and in return acquiring a 
considerable tract of territory. To this measure David 
Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, moved a proviso prohibiting 
slavery in any territory that we might acquire from 
Mexico. Thus amended, the bill was passed by the 
House and sent to the Senate during the last hours of 
the session. In the Senate the debate on a motion to 
strike out the proviso lasted to the hour of adjournment, 
and so the bill died. In 1848 the proviso was moved in 
the House as an independent resolution, but a motion 
that it lie on the table prevailed (105 to 93). When 
first introduced the proviso seemed to have a good 
chance of passing, but during the election of 1846 the 
Southern Democrats were forced by public opinion to 
determined opposition to it; the Northern Democrats 



550 DICTION AR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

favored the proviso, and at the same time annexa- 
tion. In this dilemma the doctrine of ^'^ popular'^ or 
*^ squatter'^ sovereignty was devised; it was, in effect, to 
let the people of a territory determine the question of 
slavery for themselves, and it came as a relief to 
Northern Democrats by enabling them consistently to 
oppose the Wilmot Proviso. 

Wilson, Henry, was born at Framingham, New 
Hampshire, February 16, 1812, and died in Washington, 
November 22, 1875. In 1830 his name was changed 
from Jeremiah Jones Colbath to Henry Wilson, by Act 
of Legislature. In politics he was an Anti-slavery Whig, 
serving in the Legislature in that capacity; he then 
joined the Free-soil, the American, and ultimately the 
Republican Party. He was Vice-president from 1873 
until his death. 

Wire Pulling" is a political phra'se. It is applied to 
the activity of politicians in securing votes and making 
other preparations necessary to the success of a candi- 
date or measure. 

Wisconsin was once a part of the Northwest Terri- 
tory, and afterwards was successively a part of Indiana, 
Illinois and Michigan territories. In 1836 the territory 
of Wisconsin was formed, which, two years later, was re- 
duced to the size of the present State of the same name, 
and was thus admitted to the Union May 29, 1848. The 
capital is Madison. The population in 1880 was 1,315,- 
497, and in the last census (1890) 1,616,880. Wisconsin 
sends nine members to the House of Representatives, 
and has eleven electoral votes. It is a Republican State 
in national politics. The State is named after its prin- 
cipal river, which in the Indian tongue is said to mean, 
^^wild rushing river. •'^ Popularly it is known as the 
Badger State. {See Governors; Legislatures.) 

With Malice Toward None, with Charity for 
All. — These phrases occurred in Lincoln's address at his 
second inauguration. {See Lincoln^ Ahrahara.) 

Wizard of Kinderhook. — Martin Van Buren, who 
was born at Kinderhook, New York, was often called by 
his contemporaries the Wizard of Kinderhook because 
of his ability and astuteness in politics. 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 55X 

Woman's Rights. {^See Woman Suffrage.) 
Woman Suffrage. — The gradual removal of 
restrictions on the suffrage in ths States has nat- 
urally brought forward the question why women 
should be deprived of this privilege. As early as 1790 
the question had been asked in France. Under New 
Jersey^s constitution of 1776 an act had indeed been 
passed by that State in 1793 imposing certain restrictions 
on voters, but imposing them equally on both sexes. 
The act was, however, repealed in 1807. The subject 
was brought into prominence in 1848 by the first woman's 
rights convention held in this country. The convention 
met at Seneca Falls, New York, July 19, 1848. The 
agitation of the subject of slavery and the incidental 
discussion of the natural rights of man had as their 
logical consequence the demand^ on the part of some 
women, of a privilege exercised in many cases by persons 
far below them in intelligence and education. They 
assert that many of their number pay taxes, that all are 
interested in good government, and that it is unjust for 
women of intelligence to be deprived of a vote while 
ignorant men have a voice in the government. They 
assert that their influence will have a purifying effect on 
politics. They demand that any restrictions on the 
suffrage may apply equally to both sexes. It is but just 
to add that many women of education are opposed to the 
extension of the suffrage to women. On the other hand, 
it is objected that suffrage cannot be demanded as a 
right, but it is a privilege granted by the State as expe- 
diency may direct; that the community is best served 
by a division of labor which relegates women to the 
family exclusively; that her interests are sufficiently pro- 
tected by representation as at present constituted, and 
that her presence would have no influence for good. In 
October, 1850, the first national woman's rights conven- 
tion was held at Worcester, Massachusetts. Since then 
the subject has been constantly agitated, and large strides 
in advance have been made. In 1866 a petition on this 
subject was laid before Congress by the American Equal 
Bights Association. It was the first of its kind pre- 



552 DICTIONAR Y OF A M ERIC AN POLITICS. 

sented to that body. In 1870 the Eepublican State Con- 
vention of Massachusetts admitted Lucy Stone and 
Mary A. Livermore as delegates. The Eepublican Na- 
lional Conventions of 1872 and 1876 resolved that *' the 
honest demands " of this '* class of citizens for additional 
rights . . . should be treated with respectful con- 
sideration." Since 1872 the Prohibition party has em- 
bodied a demand for woman suffrage in every platform. 
The Greenback national platform of 1884 favored the 
submission to the people of a woman suifrage amend- 
ment to the Constitution. The Equal Eights party in 
1884 nominated Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood for the presi- 
dency. The votes received by the ticket are among 
those classed as *^ scattering,*' and amounted to about 
2,500. Women have voted on the same terms with men 
in Wyoming since 1870, and when the territory was ad- 
mitted to the Union a provision was inserted in the con- 
stitution securing them suffrage. In Kansas full munic- 
ipal suffrage has been granted to women, and in the 
following States they vote at school elections under cer- 
tain conditions as to property, marriage, etc. Colorado, 
Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan, 
Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, 
New York, Oregon, Vermont, Wisconsin, Delaware, 
Idaho, Illinois, North Dakota, South Dakota, Texas, 
Washington and Montana, and in the territories of Ari- 
zona and Oklahoma. In Arkansas and Missouri women 
vote (by petition) on the sale of liquor. Full suffrage 
was granted to women in Utah and in Washington, 
while a territory. In the former they were excluded by 
the Edmunds law and in the latter, through a technical 
informality in the construction of the act. Thus Wy- 
oming remains as the only instance in this country of a 
complete equality of the sexes in the matter of suffrage. 
(See Suffrage.) 

Wooden Gods of Sedition. — A name of derision 
in 1798 for the Liberty Poles. 
Woolly Heads. {See Conscience Whigs.) 
^A/'orkers, Political. {See Boys, The.) 
Wyoming. — The larger part of Wyoming was ac- 



DICTION AR Y OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 553 

quired by the Louisiana purchase (see Annexations!,), 
but the southwestern portion was included in the Mexi- 
can cession {see Annexations /F.) of 1848. It was or- 
ganized as a separate territory of the United States by 
Act of July 25, 1868, and was admitted to the Union 
as a State by Act of July 11, 1890. Wyoming has one 
seat in the House of Representatives, and three electoral 
votes. The population according to the census of 1890 
was 60,705. The capital is Cheyenne. 

X. Y. Z. Mission. — During the Revolution the 
United States secured the valuable aid of France by 
treaties in 1778. In 1789 monarchy was overthrown in 
France, and that nation soon found herself at war with 
England and other European nations. She desired the 
United States as an ally, and Genet {see Genet, Citizen,) 
was sent to accomplish her purpose. His mission failed, 
Wasliington persisted firmly in preserving our neutrality, 
and Jay^s Treaty [wJiich see) was concluded with England. 
The course of our government angered France. In 1797 
the directory, which then governed that country, gave 
permission to the French navy to assail our vessels. 
Following a policy of conciliation, in spite of French 
insults to our minister and the threat to our commerce. 
President Adams called a special session of Congress in 
May, 1797, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John 
Marshall and Elbridge Gerry were sent » France to 
arrange matters. In the spring of the next year the 
President submitted to Congress dispatches that had 
been received from these commissioners. They had 
been kept waiting by Talleyrand, the minister of foreign 
affairs, and had been approached by three unofficial 
persons with what was in effect a demand for a bribe 
and a loan to the directory before any arrangement 
could be concluded with the United States. In the 
dispatches the names of these three persons were indi- 
cated merely by the letters X., Y. and Z., and hence 
the whole affair came to be termed the X. Y. Z. Mis- 
sion. To these demands our representatives returned a 
decided refusal. It is said that Pinckney made use of 
the phrase, ^^ Millions for defense, but not one cent for 



554 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 

tribute." The answer as recorded^ however, was, '"'"No, 
no, no; not a sixpence.'" About the time when these 
dispatches were submitted to Congress, Pinckney and 
Marshall were ordered to leave France, and G-erry was 
afterward recalled by our government. A warlike feel- 
ing instantly sprung up in the United States. The 
Federalists, with Adams as leader, desired to defend by 
force, if necessary, their policy of keeping this country 
from entangling foreign alliances, and desired to resent 
French insults. The De-mocrats (then called Eepubli- 
cans) had always favored an alliance with France and 
had opposed the creation of a navy for the United 
States. Now, however, the popular pressure could not 
be withstood. Bills were passed for increasing the navy 
and separating it from the War Department (April i30, 
1798). Provision was made for a national loan and the 
imposition of a direct tax. The President was author- 
ized to increase the army in case of a foreign war within 
three years, and soon Washington was called to be com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and Alexander Hamilton 
was selected as the active commander. On July 9, 
1798, Congress declared the treaties with France no 
longer binding, and authorized our war vessels and pri- 
vateers to capture armed French vessels. A few naval 
engagements occurred, but no event of great importance. 
The effect of our warlike feeling and preparations on 
France was excellent. American prisoners were released 
and the embargo which had been declared was raised on 
American ships. Talleyrand now hinted to our Minister 
to Holland, William Vans Murray, that he was willing 
to receive another American Minister. Adams accord- 
ingly appointed Murray in February, 1799, and soon 
joined with him Oliver Ellsworth and William E. Davis. 
The President's action created much stir politically, as 
he was considered to have become subservient to France 
and to have changed the former attitude of himself and 
the Federal party. It was some months after their 
appointment that our envoys arrived in Paris. Napo- 
leon was then at the head of the government as First 
Consul, and was favorably inclined toward the United 



DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLITICS 555 

States. French commissioners were appointed, and on 
September 30, 1800, a friendly convention was signed. 
Both countries ratified it, and it was declared in force 
December 21, 1801. For a while the safety of our com- 
merce was thus secured. i^See Embargo Act.) 

Yankee. — There are several conflicting theories con- 
cerning the derivation of the w^ord Yankee. The most 
probable is that it came from a corrupt pronunciation 
by the Indians of the word English, or its French form. 
Anglais. The term Yankee was originally applied only 
to natives of the New England States, but foreigners 
have extended it to all natives of the United States, and 
during the Civil War the Southerners used it as a term 
of reproach for all inhabitants of the North. 

Yazoo Fraud. — About the time of the formation of 
the United States, G-eorgia owned or claimed the greater 
part of the territory between her present limits and the 
Mississippi Eiver. In 1789 she sold for about $200,000 
some ten or fifteen million acres of this land to the South 
Carolina Yazoo Company, the Virginia Yazoo Company, 
and the Tennessee Company. Difficulties arose, how- 
ever, which prevented the sales from being consummated. 
In 1795 what was distinctly known as the '^ Yazoo fraud " 
occurred. The purchasers, generally known as the 
Yazoo Companies, from their operations in the Yazoo 
district, having been reorganized, Georgia in that year 
sold to them for 1500,000 the larger part of her western 
territory, comprising about 35,000,000 acres, which 
now forms the States of Alabama and Mississippi. Such 
a transaction was of national interest, and Washington 
sent a message to Congress concerning it. Charges 
were made that the necessary legislation had been 
secured by extensive bribery, and James Jackson, then 
Georgians representative in the Senate, resigned from 
that body, stood for a seat in the State Legislature, was 
elected, and, as the exponent of the demand of the 
people, was enabled to repeal the objectionable act and 
expunge it from the records. In 1802 Georgia ceded all 
the territory west of her present boundary to the Federal 
Government. The purchasers now demanded their 



656 DICTIONAR V OF AMERICAN POLITICS, 

rights from the United States, and Jefferson^s Cabinet ex- 
pressed the opinion that it would be '^ expedient " to make 
a reasonable compromise with them, while not recogniz- 
ing their claims as a matter of right. The opponents of 
the administration raised a great clamor and did not 
hesitate to charge that improper influences had moved 
Jefferson and his advisers. The question came before 
Congress, some of whose members were personally in- 
terested in the matter, but, largely because of the vehe- 
ment opposition made by John Randolph of Virginia, 
the relief measure was defeated by a large majority. 
The purchasers afterward obtained a favorable verdict 
from the Supreme Court, and Congress in 1814 appro- 
priated 18,000,000 in scrip, payable from the proceeds 
of Mississippi lands, to satisfy the claimants. Much of 
this money, however, went to speculators, to whom dis- 
couraged claimants had transferred their interests. 

Young Hickory. — Andrew Jackson was called Old 
Hickory. {8ee that title.) James K. Polk was born in 
the same State as Jackson, North Carolina, and settled 
in the same State, Tennessee; moreover, a certain resem- 
blance in their political feelings led to his being called 
Young Hickory. 



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lisher. A., i. BTTJtT, 66 Jteade Street/, New York, 



*^i 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




012 051 347 3 O 




mmm. 



ImMk 



4;m 



■Mm 
'■''ii 






mm 



